Summary

– Editorial – Entretien avec Koen Vervaeke, Coordinateur Principal de l'UE pour la Région des Grands Lacs – L'auteur franco-ivoirien Flé Doumbia nous présente son ouvrage "L'Union Européenne et l'Afrique (le G80) – La Photographie du Commerce, Exportateurs et Importateurs les Locomotives" – Delegations in Africa – African Union – Where are they now? Thoughts from retirement by Jeremy Lester – EU Delegations in Africa: investing in Africa-Europe relations – Article by Damien Helly, ECDPM – Nos interlocuteurs: – Gilles de Kerchove, Coordinateur de la lutte contre le terrorisme au niveau de l'Union européenne – Interview with Dr Adekeye Adebajo, Executive Director of the Centre for Conflict Resolution – Farewell interview with Nick Westcott – Africa Department on the move – Departing colleagues – Glossary

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 1 Editorial

Our number 3 of AFRICA YEEAS! comes out during a period of transition in the Department. Our first Managing Director, Nick Westcott, moved to the Middle East and North Africa Department and the process of selecting his successor is ongoing. Meanwhile, our acting MD is Koen Vervaeke and both he and Nick are present in our pages, Koen in his role of EU Coordinator for the Great Lakes and Nick in a farewell interview he gave us in the summer. We start a new section called "Where are they now?" that intends to show the activities of colleagues who previously worked in the Africa Department and moved out either to retire or pursue their careers somewhere else. Jeremy Lester, one of our former Heads of Division, starts the ball rolling and you can see how busy he is in retirement. One of our objectives from the beginning was to provide a space to academics and researchers studying Africa to share their projects and ideas with our readership. We are happy to welcome Damien Helly from ECDPM as the first scholar to write specifically for our newsletter and about a very interesting subject: our EU delegations. Another objective we are targeting is to have more voices from the African (and ACP) side. Scrolling down you will find two interviews, one with author and researcher Flé Doumbia, about his book on trade statistics, and another with renowned scholar Adekeye Adebajo who pulls no punches in his views of European presence in Africa. As before, we are interested in your feedback, what you like or what you dislike, or any comments you might have about our contributors' opinions. Therefore don't hesitate to contact us with ideas and proposals. Finally, a word of warm welcome to a group of new colleagues that just started working in the Department. Some of them are posing for posterity in a photo below. The Editor

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 2 Entretien avec Koen Vervaeke, Coordinateur Principal de l'UE pour la Région des Grands Lacs

Koen Vervaeke a été nommé Coordinateur Principal de l'UE pour la région des Grands Lacs en novembre 2011. Il occupe également la fonction de Directeur en charge de la Corne de l'Afrique, de l'Afrique Orientale et Australe, et de l'Océan Indien au Service européen pour l'Action extérieure. Nous avons rencontré Koen pour l'interroger sur les racines des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs et sur la contribution de la communauté Internationale, et de l'UE en particulier, à la recherche de solutions, en coopération avec les partenaires africains.

Q – Quelles sont selon toi les principales au Rwanda. La reconstruction de la racines des conflits dans la région des légitimité de l'Etat aux yeux de sa propre Grands Lacs? population dans chacun de ces pays est KV – Permettez-moi d'évoquer tout donc un travail de longue haleine. d'abord l'importance de la région des Qu'attendent les populations? La sécurité, Grands Lacs pour l'avenir du continent un meilleur avenir et un système politique africain dans son ensemble. Quand on voit qui garantisse leurs droits. Chaque pays s'y attèle à sa manière en cherchant un une carte de l'Afrique, on remarque en son centre un espace extrêmement étendu modèle de réconciliation et de auquel la communauté internationale ne développement national, même s'il est prête sans doute pas suffisamment clair que ce travail n'est pas durablement d'attention, parce qu'elle est aujourd'hui achevé à ce jour. On le voit maintenant au très concentrée sur le Sahel et sur la Corne Burundi suite aux dernières élections de l'Afrique, son voisinage plus immédiat. présidentielles et législatives dont le Même si des progrès résultat est contesté ont été accomplis ces "La coopération sincère entre les Etats de la dans la rue. C'est région des Grands Lacs est un prérequis dernières années, les aussi le cas en RDC essentiel pour lutter contre les réseaux mafieux dans le contexte facteurs de fragilité et qui sévissent dans la région" de conflit dans la pré-électoral ou région des Grands encore au Rwanda Lacs persistent. Ces facteurs ont été hérités en dépit des progrès économiques de l'époque coloniale et postcoloniale. indéniables. C'est pourquoi un réel travail Tant le régime du Président Mobutu en des acteurs locaux s'avère nécessaire afin RDC que les différents régimes au Burundi de consolider les progrès et prévenir de et Rwanda après l'indépendance ont porté nouveaux conflits, avec l'appui actif de la communauté internationale et de la en germe des éléments endogènes de conflit de nature sociale, ethnique et mission des Nations unies en RDC. L'Union politique. Un Etat aussi étendu que la RDC européenne, l'Union africaine, ainsi que a eu les plus grandes difficultés à établir d'autres partenaires tels que les Etats Unis son autorité sur l'ensemble du territoire. ont un rôle essentiel à jouer. Toute la région a aussi été profondément Q – Si on prend le cas de la RDC, on voit un affectée par l'impact terrible du génocide pays très riche en ressources naturelles qui

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 3 est entouré de voisins qui le sont moins KV – Il va de soi mais qui sont en général mieux organisés qu'un d'un point de vue politique. Est-ce que cela engagement et crée des tensions spécifiques? une vision KV – Il est clair que le potentiel africaine sont économique et surtout les richesses indispensables énormes de la RDC sont convoités par pour résoudre d'autres acteurs dans la région. Ceci est les conflits dans essentiellement la conséquence de la la région des faiblesse de l'Etat congolais, parce que Grands Lacs. On c'est seulement avec un Etat plus fort et sous-estime à Diplomate belge, Koen Vervaeke a servi son pays dans mieux gouverné qu'il serait possible de ce jour les risques de la Délégation à Genève et tirer le meilleur parti de ces richesses, en dans les Ambassades à particulier en faveur des congolais les plus contagion si Bujumbura et Tunis avant d’être nommé Envoyé Spécial pauvres. La coopération sincère entre les cette région retombait dans de la Belgique pour la région Etats de la région des Grands Lacs est un des Grand Lacs. Il fut aussi le prérequis essentiel pour lutter contre les l'instabilité Chef de la Cellule Afrique à l'Unité Politique de le Haut réseaux mafieux qui sévissent dans la chronique. Presque tout le Représentant de l'UE pour la région et pour améliorer le sort des PESD Javier Solana et à partir populations. continent de 2007 et jusqu'à 2011 le africain en Représentant Spécial de l’UE Cette question est importante car les serait affecté, pour l'Union africaine et en événements négatifs qui se produisent parallèle le Chef de Délégation ceci alors qu'un de la Commission Européenne dans un pays ont nécessairement un arc de crises auprès de la même impact sur ses voisins. L'un des grands s'est constitué organisation. Depuis 2011 il enjeux de l'Accord-cadre de paix, de occupe son poste actuel de aux marges Directeur pour la Corne sécurité et coopération pour la RDC et la septentrionales d'Afrique, l'Afrique Orientale région qui a été conclu sous l'égide des de l'Afrique et l'Océan Indien qu'il Nations unies en février 2013 était accumule avec ses tâches de centrale où des Coordinateur pour les Grands précisément de mettre en œuvre des Etats tels que la Lacs. engagements nationaux, régionaux et République internationaux pour le bien de tous les centrafricaine et le Sud Soudan sont pays de la région. La cohérence entre ces quasiment faillis. Au Cameroun, Boko trois niveaux est essentielle. Haram est une menace tangible. Al Malheureusement, la dynamique régionale Shaabab continue d'opérer en Somalie. autour de cet accord s'est essoufflée Même des pays plus riches et stables tels quelque peu. En tant que partie prenante que l'Angola ou l'Afrique du Sud payeraient de cet Accord-cadre, l'UE appuie les efforts les conséquences d'une déstabilisation de de l'Union africaine et des Nations unies en l'Afrique centrale. Un engagement fort de vue de le raviver. Sans une bonne entente l'Afrique, fondé sur les principes et une vision commune entre les leaders d'alternance, d'approfondissement de la de la région, il sera très difficile de démocratie, mais aussi en faveur de la stabiliser la région des Grands Lacs. stabilité, est donc essentiel. La charte sur la démocratie et les élections de l'Union Q – Doit-on plutôt privilégier les efforts des africaine constitue un excellent point de partenaires africains et/ou de la référence. Si un président africain venait communauté internationale en vue de parler avec ses pairs de la région des résoudre les conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs pour leur demander d'appuyer Grands Lacs?

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 4 un processus démocratique et inclusif l'Europe y portait et le besoin de la voir respectueux des dispositions pacifiée, compte tenu de la dimension constitutionnelles, ce serait vraiment continentale de la crise. Après 1996 et avec formidable. le concours des différents RSUE qui se sont Q – Est-ce que les organisations sous succédé, l'UE a déployé tous ses régionales ont la capacité d'aider à établir instruments pour contribuer à stabiliser la paix dans la région? cette région. Ce fut notamment le cas avec le déploiement de militaires européens en KV – Il faut bien reconnaître que des Ituri en 2003, puis à Kinshasa en 2006 afin organisations telles que la Communauté d'assurer des élections pacifiques. Economique pour les Pays des Grands Lacs (CEPGL) ou la Conférence Internationale pour les Grands Lacs (CIRGL) sont assez faibles, mais elles ont le mérite d'exister. Si on prend le cas de la CIRGL, celle-ci organise régulièrement des rencontres ministérielles et des Sommets des Chefs d'Etat. Il y a donc une conscience de la nécessité de travailler ensemble et de coopérer, notamment avec l'UE. L'Union africaine a aussi un rôle essentiel à jouer. L'important est d'assurer la cohérence des efforts et que l'UE puisse accompagner et appuyer les efforts de paix et de Envoyés spéciaux pour la région des Grands Lacs stabilité dans la région. Avec l'opération EUFOR Kinshasa, c'était la Q – Passons au rôle de l'UE dans la région toute première fois que l'Allemagne des Grands Lacs. Pendant longtemps, l'UE participait à une mission PESD au cœur de était dotée d'un Représentant Spécial. Tu l'Afrique. Notre niveau d'engagement était occupes depuis 2011 la fonction de donc assez révolutionnaire. Espérons que Coordinateur Principal de l'UE pour la l'Europe ne sera pas appelée à renouveler Région des Grands Lacs. Est-ce qu'il y a une cette opération à l'avenir dans des différence notable entre les deux fonctions circonstances dramatiques. Par ailleurs, ou s'agit-il de titres différents en vue de l'UE a poursuivi son action à travers un remplir la même mission? engagement fort et à long terme dans la réforme du secteur de sécurité en RDC à KV – Sur le papier, le titre de Coordinateur travers des missions de conseil et de Principal pour la région des Grands Lacs formation de la police et de l'armée semble plus long et plus compliqué que (EUPOL et EUSEC). celui de Représentant Spécial… Mais parlons d'abord de l'UE qui a joué un rôle Même si dans la région, on ne fait guère de crucial dans la région au cours des différence et on continue de parler d' « dernières années. Il convient de rappeler Envoyé de l'Union européenne », le rôle de que le tout premier Représentant Spécial Coordinateur Principal pour la région des de l'Union européenne (RSUE) avait été Grands Lacs n'est pas exactement le même nommé en 1996 pour couvrir la région des que celui de RSUE. Il ne s'agit pas d'une Grands Lacs. Cela illustre tout l'intérêt que fonction à temps plein et je ne dispose pas

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 5 des mêmes moyens et des mêmes par le mouvement rebelle du M23, les ressources financières qu'un RSUE. Malgré Envoyés ont joué un rôle actif en vue de ces handicaps, au cours des dernières gérer la crise dans l'intérêt du bien années, j'ai personnellement essayé de commun. Nous avons eu des contacts avec maintenir autant que possible le même les partenaires congolais et certains pays niveau d'ambition et d'engagement de la région, en particulier le Rwanda et politique que par le l'Ouganda pour faire en passé avec des résultats "Le grand défi pour les deux ans à venir sorte que le M23 soit tangibles. La visibilité sera de réussir les cycles électoraux" défait militairement et de l'action de l'UE a politiquement. persisté avec l'appui actif du Service Q – En dépit des difficultés et blocages européen pour l'Action extérieure. C'est persistants, restes-tu quand même donc aussi une illustration des progrès optimiste sur l'avenir de la région des dans la diplomatie européenne depuis le Grands Lacs? Traité de Lisbonne. La collaboration avec les services de la Commission (DEVCO, KV – Nous n'avons pas d'autre choix. Le ECHO, TRADE) et l'Instrument de Politique grand défi pour les deux ans à venir sera de étrangère, et les délégations de l'UE dans réussir les cycles électoraux, non la région a été un facteur essentiel afin seulement dans la région des Grands Lacs, d'assurer la cohérence de l'action de l'UE. Burundi, RDC et Rwanda, mais aussi dans les autres pays qui composent l'Afrique centrale. Dans ces pays, les élections doivent servir à consolider la démocratie tout en garantissant la stabilité. Ceci n'est évidemment pas facile. On l'a vu récemment au Burundi où l'obstination d'un Président a fait retomber le pays dans les travers du passé. En ce qui concerne la RDC, des décisions fondamentales doivent encore être prises par la classe politique congolaise afin d'organiser les élections A view of the Ruzizi River in Burundi présidentielles et législatives de 2016 dans Vers l'extérieur, la clé du succès est la un climat apaisé et consensuel. Nous nous coopération entre les Envoyés Spéciaux qui efforçons de dialoguer étroitement avec travaillent dans la région. Composée de les responsables politiques congolais représentants des Nations unies, de l'Union (gouvernement, opposition, Commission africaine, des États-Unis et de l'UE, cette électorale) pour que le pays aille dans la équipe d'Envoyés travaille de façon meilleure direction possible en vue des exemplaire. Elle échange quotidiennement élections. Ceci passe par un soutien des informations et des analyses. Des politique de l'UE et par un éventuel soutien missions communes ont été organisées financier si les conditions sont réunies. Les dans la région, ce qui est un signal très fort dirigeants de la région sont vraiment de l'unité de vues de la communauté conscients des enjeux. C'est aussi le cas de internationale dans la région des Grands nombreux responsables politiques et de Lacs en soutien à des changements positifs. leaders de la société civile qui aspirent au Alors que Goma a été brièvement occupé changement pacifique.

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 6 Interview avec Flé Doumbia

L'auteur franco-ivoirien Flé Doumbia vient de publier la deuxième édition du livre "L'Union Européenne et l'Afrique (le G80) – La Photographie du Commerce, Exportateurs et Importateurs les Locomotives"(1) en versions anglaise et française, préfacé par l'ancien Ministre du Commerce et Développement irlandais Joe Costello. C'est un ouvrage de référence très fouillé, un outil de travail pour les opérateurs économiques et institutions de coopération, ainsi que tous ceux qui s'intéressent au commerce entre les deux continents et à l'importance de celui-ci dans le développement de l'Afrique. Depuis quelques années l'auteur plaide pour le renforcement des relations économiques entre l'ensemble des pays de l'Union européenne et l'Afrique. Avec la perspective des APE (Accords de partenariat économiques, récemment signés), il défend dans ses travaux le commerce UE- Afrique, accompagné par un partenariat industriel, comme un outil de développement pour l'Afrique, bénéfique aussi pour la croissance en Europe. Nous avons eu l'occasion d'évoquer avec lui son ouvrage, le rapport entre développement et commerce et l'impact des APE.

Q – La deuxième édition de votre ouvrage de Lisbonne en 2007. Je propose un vient de paraître. Il s'agit d'une collection nouveau concept dans ce cadre, celui des de données statistiques et une analyse sur locomotives européennes et africaines du le secteur du commerce entre l'Europe et commerce. l'Afrique. Qu'est-ce qui vous a poussé à Les critères de sélection des locomotives faire vos recherches dans ce domaine sont précis. Parmi ceux-ci: spécifique? L'absence de statistiques régulières et fiables sur ce commerce? Une locomotive européenne, importe au moins un milliard de dollars de produits FD – L'objectif principal, c'est la recherche africains, d'une grande diversité. d'une solution durable pour financer le développement de l'Afrique et aussi mettre "Je pense que le commerce est la voie la mieux à la disposition des décideurs et milieux indiquée pour mobiliser des ressources d'affaires européens et africains financières en faveur du développement de (Institutions, Administrations, Grandes l'Afrique, car source de croissance, et de entreprises, PME PMI,…), un ouvrage de création d'emplois" référence pour augmenter leur volume d'affaire. Il servira aussi au suivi du Une locomotive africaine, exporte au Commerce UE-Afrique, de l'après APE. moins un milliard de dollars de produits africains, et au mieux d'une grande Je pense que le commerce est la voie la diversité. mieux indiquée pour mobiliser des ressources financières en faveur du Un indicateur annuel permet de mesurer la développement de l'Afrique, car source de diversité des produits importés ou croissance, et de création d'emplois. Les exportés. Le seuil minimal pour les pays comme la Chine ou l'Allemagne locomotives européennes est de 10%. peuvent être cités en exemple. D'autre Ces locomotives contribuent à une part, le commerce s'inscrit aussi dans la dynamique de croissance pour les stratégie conjointe UE-Afrique, du Sommet économies européennes et africaines.

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 7 Mes travaux ont permis ainsi d'identifier Q – Vous dites dans votre livre que vous 39% de locomotives européennes sur les voyez le commerce comme le moteur des 28 pays et 37% de locomotives africaines relations économiques entre l'Europe et sur les 54 pays. Avec cette édition, les l'Afrique, plutôt que l'aide au locomotives européennes et africaines développement. Alors, pensez-vous qu'à représentent respectivement 94% et 92% l'avenir le premier peut remplacer la du volume d'affaire de l'UE et l'Afrique. J'ai deuxième? analysé FD – Les deux restent encore un "Le commerce est le levier dont dispose complémentaires, car l'aide au volume l'Europe pour contribuer efficacement au développement de l'Afrique" développement doit servir à la d'affaire mise en place des infrastructures de près de de base nécessaires pour 359 milliards de dollars, et un groupe de l'économie, même si elle a montré ses référence de 120 familles ou groupes de limites. Le commerce est le levier dont produits sur l'année 2013. Ce volume est dispose l'Europe pour contribuer reparti en près de 58% pour les efficacement au développement de exportations africaines vers l'Europe, et l'Afrique. Il touche de nombreux secteurs 42% pour les exportations européennes de l'économie, une grande partie des vers l'Afrique, et une balance commerciale populations et contribue aux recettes des de l'ordre de +58 milliards de dollars en Etats. Il sera aussi bénéfique pour l'Europe, faveur de l'Afrique. La moyenne de la en termes de croissance, et d'emplois. balance de l'Afrique avec les locomotives C'est du gagnant-gagnant. En effet, européennes est de l'ordre de +6 milliards l'Afrique dispose d'un marché potentiel USD. La moyenne de la balance intérieur important. L'UE est un pôle du commerciale des locomotives africaines est commerce mondial, qui alimente la de l'ordre de +3,5 milliard USD en leur croissance faveur. L'activité des principales zones d'autres zones économiques africaines (Afrique du Nord, (Asie, Amériques, CEDEAO, CEMAC, COMESA, SADC, …). UEMOA)(2) est aussi analysée. J'ai constaté par L'Europe et l'Afrique devraient travailler exemple que les ensemble pour évoluer vers un seuil de locomotives 100% de locomotives européennes et européennes ne africaines. Cela contribuera à la lutte réalisent leur contre la pauvreté et la réduction des flux volume d'affaire, migratoires. qu'avec en Flé Doumbia est mathématicien, ingénieur, Je qualifie ces locomotives comme les moyenne 36% économiste et consultant en équipes nationales de l'UE, et de l'Afrique des pays business intelligence et à face à la mondialisation. africains. Ils ont l'accompagnement au développement à donc une marge Q – Mais vous êtes d'accord qu'il nous l'international. Il a travaillé importante, pour dans sa carrière manque des statistiques crédibles? accroître leur professionnelle pour de grandes entreprises FD – Tout à fait. Cela vient en complément, part de marché. françaises et autres le livre apporte aussi de sérieux éléments De même, les institutions, avec une d'évaluation et d'appréciation aux locomotives expérience à l'international. Il a aussi enseigné les décideurs européens et africains pour une africaines ne Mathématiques à Grenoble. bonne conduite de leurs activités. réalisent leur

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 8 volume d'affaire, qu'avec en moyenne 38% importe des produits manufacturés. Qu'est- des pays européens. ce qu'on peut faire pour changer cette donne? FD – Il faudra favoriser la mise en place d'un partenariat industriel, comme je le développe dans mon livre. Si j'avais une proposition à faire, je dirais, par exemple, qu'il faudrait orienter le principal outil européen de l'aide au développement, le FED, dans le sens de servir de garantie pour les investissements industriels destinés à améliorer la transformation des produits africains. Cette garantie serait destinée aux industriels, investissant dans la transformation locale afin de couvrir une partie des risques d'investissements. Un système de co-entreprise, qui semble-t-il, est favorisé avec les pays d'Afrique du Nord: Maroc, Tunisie, Algérie, Egypte, peut aussi être appliqué. Ces schémas peuvent être utilisés pour toute implantation d'usine, qui prendra en compte les intérêts réciproques, européens et africains. D'ailleurs, un des résultats importants de Un travail d'information et de mes travaux a été, par exemple, d'élaborer sensibilisation devra aussi être fait auprès un indicateur (un indice d'une valeur entre des industriels européens et africains, sur 0 et 100), une sorte de boussole annuelle la question. Tout cela pouvant conduire à attribuée à chacun des 82 pays (UE (28), la création d'emplois, et l'émergence d'une Afrique (54)), pour un meilleur suivi du classe moyenne de consommateurs en commerce entre l'UE et l'Afrique. Il permet Afrique. de sélectionner les locomotives, et devrait être complémentaire à la règle adoptée L'Europe y gagnera aussi pour la croissance pour les pays occidentaux, qui consiste à de son économie, en consolidant ses transférer un pourcentage (0,7%) de leur positions face à ses concurrents chinois, PIB pour financer le développement. Il va américains, indiens, ou autres; elle permettre de financer le commerce avec bénéficiera du potentiel que lui offre le l'Afrique en complément de l'aide au marché intérieur africain pour ses produits. développement. Enfin, l'Afrique doit pouvoir compter sur Q – En lisant votre livre, on remarque, elle-même, en engageant une réflexion, sur néanmoins, la continuité d'un vieux cliché: la mutualisation des pôles de compétences l'Afrique exporte toujours des matières qui existent déjà dans ses différentes zones premières à faible valeur ajouté et elle (Afrique du Nord, SADC, CEDEAO, COMESA,

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 9 CEMAC, UEMOA), pour la mise en place ou grande diversité de produits vers l'Europe). le développement de son industrie de Ils exportent aussi des produits industriels transformation. vers l'Europe, même si en moyenne, la Q – Voyez-vous un rôle pour les transferts balance commerciale est en faveur de l'UE. de technologie dans ce partenariat On peut en déduire que cela va engendrer industriel que vous proposez? un volume d'affaire important. FD – Oui, bien sûr. Mais dans un premier Pour les APE, même si l'on considère que temps, il faut envisager un apport de les pays signataires ont leur spécificité, je technologie, pour donner une plus grande pense que cela apportera certainement valeur ajoutée aux matières premières une évolution dans leur volume d'affaire africaines. Le transfert de technologie avec l'UE. Toutefois, la capacité des pays pourra être fait dans la suite. Par exemple, africains à exporter des produits finis reste le secteur de l'agro- un point à améliorer, industrie, est celui "Le taux du commerce intra-Afrique est de pour faire des APE un où l'on pourrait l'ordre de 11% du commerce global de outil véritable de mettre en œuvre l'Afrique avec le reste du monde" développement pour les ce partenariat, avec pays africains. Une pour objectif initial de satisfaire à la attention sera portée dans mes travaux sur demande du marché intérieur. J'ai constaté le suivi et l'évolution du commerce de dans mes travaux que l'Afrique importe l'après APE. une part importante de ses besoins pour Q – Et cela pourra avoir un effet bénéfique certaines branches identifiées. Le volume sur le commerce intra-africain qui ne d'affaire global de cette activité se répartit marche pas aussi bien qu'on le en 17% d'exportations africaines, et 83% souhaiterait, à votre avis? d'importations. Ces branches sont portées par l'Afrique du Sud, le Maroc, et la Côte FD – Tout à fait, c'est justement un des d'Ivoire. points de mes travaux. Le taux du commerce intra-Afrique est de l'ordre de Q – Pensez-vous que les Accords de 11% du commerce global de l'Afrique avec Partenariat Économique (APE) récemment le reste du monde. Ce taux est faible, signés pourront jouer un rôle important lorsque l'on le compare aux taux d'autres dans ce passage de l'aide au commerce zones qui sont de l'ordre de 80% ou plus. comme moteur de l'activité économique en Afrique? Mon ouvrage présente les produits que chacun des pays africains exporte vers FD – En effet, ces accords vont l'Europe et ceux qu'il importe. Ces produits certainement jouer un rôle, car ils africains peuvent aussi être exportés vers présentent d'énormes possibilités de d'autres pays africains qui en ont besoin. débouchés pour les produits africains. Par exemple, dans le secteur préparations Lorsque l'on regarde l'exemple des pays de poissons, viandes, …, les importations africains qui ont signé des accords avec africaines de l'UE ne représentent que 19% l'UE, comme l'Afrique du Sud (Accord de la capacité d'exportation de l'Afrique commerce et développement), ou ceux de vers l'UE. L'Afrique peut donc satisfaire ses l'Afrique du Nord (Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, besoins par le commerce intra-Afrique. Le Egypte) – Accords d'association, ils COMESA et l'Afrique du Nord peuvent représentent ensemble 53% du volume fournir tout le reste de l'Afrique. d'affaire global de l'Afrique avec l'UE. Ils ont en moyenne, un indice d'exportation Les importateurs et exportateurs africains de 52% (cela signifie qu'ils exportent une qui auront lu l'ouvrage prendront

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 10 connaissance de leurs possibilités de l'Afrique et de croissance pour l'Europe. Il coopération commerciales avec les autres s'inscrit d'ailleurs dans la stratégie de régions africaines. Cela augmentera le l'Europe. Cet ouvrage servira autant un commerce intra-Afrique. On peut prévoir décideur d'une institution, qu'une grande que l'évolution du commerce liée à entreprise, une PME ou PMI. En effet, l'avènement des APE, aura un impact sur le l'Europe et l'Afrique sont deux continents commerce intra-Afrique. voisins, liés par l'histoire, les langues. Ils ont besoin l'un de l'autre pour l'avenir, l'UE avec son pouvoir d'achat, son poids dans l'économie mondiale, son élargissement; et l'Afrique avec son potentiel économique et son économie en croissance. Avec l'évolution de l'économie mondiale, leur coopération a besoin d'un nouveau souffle, et d'une adaptation. Le commerce me semble être un élément essentiel de cette adaptation, qui aura un bénéfice Q – Après une première édition en 2012, réciproque pour l'un et pour l'autre. Mes vous publiez maintenant la deuxième travaux et le concept que je propose sont édition. Vous travaillez déjà à la prochaine une contribution à cela, au service des édition? Quand est-ce qu'elle verra le jour? stratégies des deux partenaires. (1) Editions Sides, 300 pages, Prix: 120€, en librairie FD – Effectivement les travaux de la (2) Afrique du Nord (Algérie, Egypte, Libye, Maroc, Tunisie), prochaine édition sont en cours. D'une 5 pays CEDEAO (Communauté Economique des Etats de l'Afrique de édition à l'autre, il faut affiner les travaux l'Ouest), 15 pays et prendre en compte les observations CEMAC (Communauté Economique et Monétaire de l'Afrique éventuelles. On peut s'attendre à une Centrale), 6 pays COMESA (Marché Commun de l'Afrique Orientale et Australe), publication au début de l'année prochaine. 19 pays Encore une fois cela servira à faire un suivi SADC (Communauté de Développement de l'Afrique Australe), du commerce et son amélioration, en tant 15 pays UEMOA (Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest-Africaine), qu'instrument du développement pour 8 pays

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 11 Delegations in Africa – African Union

We stop now in Addis on the tour of EU delegations in Africa, which we started in our number 1 issue, to look at our only multilateral delegation in the continent, the Delegation to the Africa Union. Gary Quince, the Head of Delegation, explains what is our multi-layered relationship with the organisation striving for Africa integration.

The EU Delegation to the African Union: what do we do? The EU and Africa established their Partnership and the Joint Africa-EU Strategy at the EU- Africa Summit held in Lisbon in December 2007. The EU Delegation to the African Union opened its doors in Addis Ababa just a few months later. Even though this was before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the Delegation was set up from day one as an EU Delegation. This was achieved by giving the Head of Delegation the double hat of EU Special Representative to the AU, with staffing drawn from European Commission officials, EU Council and member state diplomats on secondment as well as staff on contract with the EUSR. This arrangement continued until mid-2014 when the EUSR mandate was terminated. Since then, the Delegation functions like all other EU Delegations with a mixture of EEAS, Commission and EU Member State diplomats as temporary agents, all working as a single team under the authority of the Head of Delegation, who is accredited to the Africa Union Commission and the UN Economic Commission for Africa, both based in Addis Ababa. There is, however, one important difference in the organisational structure of this Delegation: in addition to the usual sections that one will find in other delegations (political, press and information; operations; finance and contracts; administration) we also have a section dedicated to Peace and Security issues, including seconded military and police experts, reflecting the important work of the Delegation in helping Africa to anticipate and overcome crises and conflicts. Another distinctive feature is that there are two EU Delegations in Addis Ababa: in addition to the Delegation to the AU there is also an important EU Delegation to Ethiopia. The EU is not alone in this: the USA and China both have Gary Quince meeting AU Commissioner for Peace and Security, Smail Chergui, for the signature of the Peace and missions to the AU in addition to their Security Assistance Agreement bilateral missions. Since 2007, Africa has established new partnerships with a number of countries and regions. The EU very much welcomes this trend which confirms what we already knew: that Africa's political, economic and social importance in the world is growing fast. When looking at the range of Africa's partnerships, the question for us as Europe is not so much how does our partnership with Africa compare to what others have to offer. Instead the key question is: how can we best work with Africa to maximise the value added from our Partnership?

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 12 So what is Europe's value added? A first obvious factor is that we are each other's closest neighbour and, however much the world will continue to change, this fact will stay the same. What happens in Africa has a direct impact on Europe and vice versa. And this proximity has contributed in turn to the long and close history of relations between our two continents. We share a common history, cultures and languages. Our shared experiences, both good and bad, continue to shape our current relations. Many of Africa's political institutions and constitutional arrangements are shaped by European models. And at the political level we have wide ranging and intensive political dialogues at national, regional and continental levels. The AU Peace and Security Council and the EU Political and Security Committee have developed a particularly close working relationship and last February undertook a first joint mission to Mali to improve mutual understanding on approaches to crises and post conflict situations. The EU Head of Delegation is systematically invited to open sessions of the AU PSC and has the opportunity to deliver statements setting out the EU's views on the issues being discussed. Second, in the economic sphere, Europe is Africa's biggest trading partner, with our trade increasing by over 40% since 2007, and with a continuing trade surplus in favour of Africa. And the make-up of our trade is already quite diversified, with many processed products with high value added being exported from Africa to Europe. Furthermore, European businesses have major investments in Africa: European investment stock in Africa totals more than USD 250 billion and is growing by around USD 10 billion every year. European businesses and African subsidiaries employ many thousands of people across the continent and make a major contribution to Africa's economic growth. A strong framework for our future economic relations is laid down by the Economic Partnership Agreements with West, East Our Head of Delegation speaking to the participants in the High-Level Meeting and Southern African regions, while Africa's Least for the Africa-EU Energy Partnership Developed Countries continue to enjoy trade preferences under the Everything But Arms initiative, and North African countries are negotiating Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Europe. Thirdly, the EU and its Member States remains the major development partner for official development aid, providing more than half of global ODA. Africa has been a privileged partner of Europe for many years with bilateral programmes with every African country and important regional programmes in support of regional integration across Africa. More recently, with the launch of the Africa-EU Partnership, Europe has stepped up its support to continental integration, particularly with the launch in 2014 of the Pan African Programme which enables the EU to support continent wide programmes and treat "Africa as One". But when looking at the particular value added of our Partnership, I would argue that our main asset is the experience we have gained in building the European continental project over more than 50 years. We can offer this unique experience to the African Union in achieving its objective of an integrated continent as established in the AU's Agenda 2063, which sets out Africa's vision for where it wants to be in 50 years' time. At the institutional level we have already developed strong links between the AU Commission and the European Commission, as evidenced by the very productive 7th College to College meeting that took place last April. We are also building partnerships between the Pan African Parliament and the European Parliament, between the African Court of Human and People's Rights and the

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 13 European Court of Justice as well as the joint AU PSC-EU PSC work already mentioned. And our experience in building a united Europe enables us to provide practical advice and material support to the AU on many of the major African flagship programmes: Agenda 2063, African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), African Governance Architecture (AGA), Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA), Comprehensive African Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA), single air transport market, migration and mobility including the freedom of movement of people and the list goes on. All these factors are reflected in the decisions reached by Africa and Europe's leaders at the 4th EU-Africa Summit in April 2014. The Joint Roadmap 2014-2017 identifies five priority areas for our work over the current three years: Peace and Security; Democracy, Good Governance and Human Rights, Human Development; Sustainable and Inclusive Development, Continental Integration and Growth; and Cooperation in Global and Emerging Issues. We are now taking all these issues forward in close cooperation with our African partners. The past 18 months since that last Summit has been one of the busiest and most productive periods under the Partnership to date and this momentum is expected to carry on building up with major global decisions on Financing for Development, Gary and the Head of the Peace and Security section, Jean-François Hasperue, post 2015 Agenda and debriefing visitors from British Columbia University about EU-Africa relations Climate Change alongside key continental decisions which will shape Africa's future: launch of the implementation of Agenda 2063, CFTA negotiations, Migration, and our joint work to address the major African peace and security crises, improve governance and human rights and face up to new challenges such as terrorism and organised crime. One highly topical joint challenge is migration. Africa continues to face demographic pressures, extreme poverty, conflict and environmental stress which have spilled over in population displacement to neighbouring countries and beyond. At the same time it is important to remember that 80% of African migrants stay within Africa, working and contributing to Africa's growth and development and sending back money to their families. Indeed, remittances from the African diaspora amount to USD 65 billion each year, exceeding Official Development Aid or Foreign Direct Investment. The challenge facing Africa and Europe is how to work together to maximise the benefits of migration, while tackling the root causes that push people to take the extreme risks of crossing deserts and seas, often at the mercy of unscrupulous human traffickers. These issues will be discussed at the Valletta Summit on Migration in November when it is hoped that a joint action plan will be agreed. Despite Africa's impressive economic and social progress in recent years, it is clear that the continent cannot achieve all of its ambitious objectives alone. It needs its partners to help provide the resources and expertise it lacks. All of Africa's partnerships have a role to play. And Europe, for all the reasons I have given, can perhaps play the biggest role of all. The EU Delegation to the African Union will continue to be an active player in this process. Gary Quince

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 14 Where are they now?

We all received those farewell mails from colleagues that have either decided to retire, return to previous occupations or look for new horizons. Sometimes we stay in touch, sometimes they become gradually just a feeble souvenir. Therefore, we thought it would be interesting to our readership to know what become of some of our previous workmates and start a new series dedicated to that purpose. Our first guest is former Head of Division for Eastern Africa, Jeremy Lester, who retired last year. The images below show African artefacts offered by Jeremy to the EEAS colleagues upon his departure from the Service.

Thoughts from retirement by Jeremy Lester In March 2014, I left the EU institutions which I had joined back in 1976. I did not return to the country of my childhood, and nor did I stay in Brussels. I chose to go to Copenhagen, and to spend time too in Penne, Abruzzo in Italy. The two locations are very different. Denmark is orderly, and places high value on openness and on equality. It is comfortably off in a middle of the road, bicycling sort of way. Abruzzo is poor, and Penne has experienced two millennia of decline and depopulation. It is also beautifully located between the mountains and the sea, and has a population which has welcomed me to a degree I have not experienced in my previous abodes. I commend all to get to know both Copenhagen and Penne, for each can inform one's sense of community. Write to me at [email protected] for suggestions! Both appeal to me. I am putting effort into overcoming my language frailties – neither Danish nor Italian can be learned by osmosis alone. Copenhagen appeals because it is a relief from the incessant, noisy freeloading of London, and Penne because one is confronted with living with loss, a bit like admitting one's mortality instead of forever pretending that tomorrow will bring more prosperity, more consumption, more… When I was a civil servant, my objectives, albeit always seen through the lens of my own values, were those of the organisation. To promote the standing of the European Union, in the eyes of its own citizens as well as in Africa, and to promote the well-being of the African continent. I feel a gnawing in my guts that neither objective has flourished in the decades I worked in the institutions. To some extent the gnawing becomes anger, particularly because the European Union's objectives of peace and social progress seem eclipsed by the desire to make the EU a favoured capitalist haunt. What a travesty too that the European construction is seen as undemocratic while some populist politicians flaunt their simplistic nationalist messages as if they were the defenders of democracy. The European Commission and Parliament must do much more to promote Europe despite (or because of) the backsliding of so many Member States.

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 15 While still a civil servant, I was for many years an activist. I never let there be a shred of conflict of interest in working for what I valued, be it through or outside the institutions. I was treasurer of Oxfam Solidarity (Belgium). I used to work with Agenor, a red-green publication pioneered by John Lambert who was a leading inspiration for the European Parliament's 1989-1994 Rainbow Group. I worked with Pierre Galand, later a Belgian senator, in buying and running a safe house for the African National Congress, a house now used by the General Delegation of Palestine to Belgium and the EU. I became a Quaker, and that is perhaps the thread which has guided me through both in my time as a civil servant and in my free-floating today. Before I retired (and in so doing became invisible!) I made a point of joining the boards of three organisations. Refugee Action in the UK is forthright in arguing that all asylum seekers, whether accepted as refugees or not, must be treated with dignity. Pauperization of migrants is not a legitimate substitute for intelligent (European) policy towards refugees and migrants. Conciliation Resources champions the inclusion of ordinary people in peace processes. Peace is not made at the negotiating table alone, but also in bringing people to discard their differences and build on their communalities. I am pleased the EU is a major supporter of their work – in

Africa, in the Caucasus, in Asia. Jeremy Lester has a degree in Saferworld is the third organisation I guide through my role philosophy and economics from the University of Cambridge as trustee. Saferworld espouses values which I hold dear. A and another in development safer world comes through sound community policing, economics and administration through disarmament, through justice and gender equality. from Norwich University. He joined the EU institutions in Take a look at their strategic plan – on line – for a better 1976 where he worked mainly idea. with African countries (with a slight detour around the former I hope to continue to do work with organisations such as Soviet Union). He was Head of these three for many years to come. Delegation in Rwanda and then Niger and started his work at Ceasing to be a civil servant is not easy. It is identity the EEAS as head of the division bending. One's mask is torn off. I do recommend to all to responsible for the Horn of Africa, East Africa and the prepare for retirement. It would be so much better for both Indian Ocean. He was adviser staff and for the institutions were this to be better provided on Conflict Prevention to the for in career planning. My personal decision to work half Africa Department when he retired in 2014. Interested in time in my last couple of years should be a normal path for peace-building, restorative older employees. Mentoring, not bossing, should be the justice and refugee issues as principal activity of those approaching career end. well as in societal change, he is a member of the Society of In some ways I am sorry that I do not have a 'heimat' to Friends (Quakers), and is on the boards of trustees of Refugee which to return and in which to snuggle. I am happy though Action, Saferworld, and that Europe continues to be my home, and hope that one Conciliation Resources in the day it will again be one of which I am very proud. UK.

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 16 EU Delegations in Africa: investing in Africa- Europe relations – By Damien Helly, ECDPM

AFRICA YEEAS! was conceived from the beginning not only as a newsletter portraying the work and initiatives of the Africa Department of the EEAS but also as a space for debating ideas open to scholars and experts from outside the EU institutions. Therefore, we are very happy to publish an article by Damien Helly from ECDPM who has been working lately in the analysis of the role of the EU Delegations. You can read his views below and both him and us would welcome any comments from our staff in Delegations or from any other interested readers. We will endeavour to have in future numbers other academic contributions from the think-tank community both in Europe and Africa.

The image of the EU is largely made in-country, and at the elite level is largely influenced by the extent to which the EU Delegation (EUD) manages to earn credibility vis-à-vis the country authorities and civil society. The ultimate success of the EUDs depends on leadership and the willingness of all European actors (in Brussels and on the African continent) to develop effective internal and external relationships. In Africa, EUDs play an essential political and development role, especially in countries where not all Member States are represented. EU Delegations in a post-Lisbon era: representing the whole of the EU EUDs are hybrid administrative constructs that combine diplomatic tasks (in virtue of their belonging to the EEAS) and operational tasks such as development cooperation and trade (a role inherited from EC Delegations). The EUDs perform new function since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. They act as chair of the EU presidency and are responsible for coordinating with the diplomatic missions of Member States and ensure the external representation of EU foreign policy with third countries and multilateral organisations (the African Union, the RECs and some international organisations based in Africa). They are in charge of representing EU's foreign policy, defending EU's values and interests. They are also responsible for presenting and implementing EU common policies such as trade, development, fisheries, health, common agricultural policy, etc. EUDs are also responsible of EU multi-annual development cooperation programmes, playing a key role in the programming of aid, and in the implementation of all development actions supported by the EU.

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 17 A key role for the Heads of Delegations With the Treaty of Lisbon, the role of Head of Delegations (HoDs) has significantly expanded. They regularly chair Head of Missions (HoMs) meetings; lead on EU political dialogue processes; and invest in demarches. They also hold the overall responsibility for clearly communicating the role of EUDs, EU policies and positions. In addition to these diplomatic coordination roles, HoDs are also ultimately responsible for signing off all the EUDs' financial transactions. Our research(1) has shown that a HoD with an EC/DEVCO background appear to be more at ease with EC programme management procedures than national seconded diplomats, who in some cases may even feel alienated by technical and administrative tasks, or show a limited interest in development cooperation altogether. Over the longer term having a “development cooperation management bias” may not always be an asset, especially in those countries where the EU is phasing out development aid. Yet even in countries where development cooperation is phasing out (such as South Africa), having an Damien Helly, who holds a understanding of development cooperation is still important at all PhD in Political Science levels of the EUD in the medium term. (Sciences Po) has published extensively on the EU's A question to be explored is whether EU Member States national external action. He is seconded diplomats will prove to be more skilful diplomats than currently Deputy Head of the Strengthening those HoDs with an EC background, as a priori the latter were not European External Action specifically recruited to be whole-of-EU diplomats, but primarily in Programme at ECDPM, that the past as EC representatives and administrators of funds. he joined in 2013, where he deals with EU's regional In any case, what appears key to the success of a HoD is her or his strategies in Africa, and EU- Africa relations more ability to exert leadership and gain the trust and respect of generally. He was formerly Member States' ambassadors to enhance EU's foreign policy while a Senior Research Fellow at respecting Member States’ competencies and interests. Having the EU Institute for Security Studies and he remains knowledge of the context in which Member States' ambassadors visiting professor at the operate can be of help for this task. A lack of leadership not only International Relations and undermines their role but the credibility of the EEAS altogether. Diplomacy Department of the College of Europe in EU Delegations as a melting-pot Bruges where he teaches a Masters level course on the A number of interviews conducted last year also reveal that EUD EU's Common Security and staff in Africa actually value the “biodiversity” of their new working Defence Policy (CSDP). environment, and appreciate the expertise brought by their fellow national seconded diplomats (NSD) – while the NSD also are generally impressed by the qualities, network contacts and “Brussels knowledge” of their Commission counterparts. One of the challenges for EUDs will thus be to spread a common EU diplomatic practice, from analysis and reporting down to compliance and security rules. Local staff also contributes to this diversity and are a key resource, particularly with regards keeping an “institutional memory” and also have their own in country networks which are very useful to the EUD. Bringing together EC staff, NSDs and local staff is enriching and favours the creation of a common EU foreign affairs culture. Our research on EUDs has also identified a number of assumptions on which our Centre is planning to work more in depth, in particular:

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 18 Relations between EEAS and COM staff working in EUDs are generally constructive. But unresolved sources of tension may lead to a progressive disconnect between operational and political sections, and a gradual de-motivation of staff, which in its turn negatively affects EUDs performance in the long-run. The need for beefed-up political sections in EUDs is another conclusion we drew from our research on their peace and security role. Commission's Directorate Generals with a strong external relations component will continue to rely on EUDs for logistical support, and retain the technical expertise and the “diplomatic leadership” in relations with the country authorities. Over time and provided that EUDs dispose of the sufficient human resources, the EU agenda in third country will increasingly be defined by EUDs, with input from HoM meetings. However, ECDPM has already found out that, for a variety of reasons, thematic expertise for instance in governance, decentralisation, security sector reform, climate change, energy or diplomacy (which is an expertise in itself) is not always available in EUDs or even in headquarters in Brussels to guide project planning and implementation. While Member States and EU institutions are increasingly engaged in joint programming of aid in third countries (a process whereby they adopt joint cooperation strategies try to synchronise their programming cycles) the question of the availability and sharing of thematic expertise among Europeans (and not only with EU institutions) in specific sectors will become also highly A somehow more formal Damien, this time in the European Parliament, attending a relevant. meeting of the DEVE Committee about the Joint Africa-EU Strategy (1) The European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM) has published 2 papers on the EU Delegations and the ECDPM Multimedia Guide to EU decisions on Africa: Helly, D., Herrero, A., Knoll, A., Galeazzi, G., Sherriff, A. 2014. A closer look into EU's external action frontline: Framing the challenges ahead for EU Delegations (ECDPM Briefing Note 62). Maastricht: ECDPM. Helly, D., Galeazzi, G. 2014. Planting seeds and breaking eggs: EU Delegations dealing with peace and security - the Sahel case and beyond. (Briefing Note 70). Maastricht: ECDPM. They are available at www.ecdpm.org. For more information, contact Damien Helly, [email protected].

AFRICA DEPARTMENT 19

Nos interlocuteurs Gilles de Kerchove, Coordinateur de la lutte contre le terrorisme au niveau de l'Union européenne

Nous sommes allés voir Gilles de Kerchove, le coordinateur de la lutte contre le terrorisme au sein de l'UE depuis 2007. Il nous explique la portée de son mandat ainsi que les raisons du développement de la menace terroriste en Afrique, comme d'habitude sans barrières ni tabous.

Q – Gilles, tu es le coordinateur de la lutte d'autres domaines (marché intérieur, contre le terrorisme au niveau de l'Union agriculture, environnement, énergie, européenne, mais il y a des observateurs transports, etc.). En matière de sécurité qui considèrent que cette lutte relève avant aujourd'hui, mais cela peut évoluer, la tout des administrations nationales. Ils se relation est 90% Etats-membres, 10% UE. demandent comment un individu repris sur En matière de terrorisme, c'est encore plus une liste de suspects en France puisse venir fort – 95% Etats-membres, 5% UE – en Belgique pour acheter des armes, notamment parce que le Traité a prévu une retourner en France puis attaquer un train, réserve de compétence pour les Etats- par exemple. Alors on peut se demander si membres en matière de renseignements. la coordination fonctionne réellement. Que En l'état actuel, l'UE a un rôle d'appui de peux-tu nous dire à ce sujet qui touche ton l'action des Etats-membres. Cela ne veut mandat, ses limites et ses ambitions? pas dire que l'action de l'Union soit sans importance: définir le cadre législatif, GdK – C'est effectivement une fonction mobiliser des moyens financiers, créer des atypique, il n'y a pas d'autre matière qui agences, établir des mécanismes de fait l'objet d'un coordinateur directement coopération, aider les pays tiers à prévenir nommé par le Conseil Européen. Après et lutter contre le terrorisme dans le l'attentat de Madrid, les chefs d'Etat et de respect de l'Etat de droit et des droits Gouvernement ont souhaité faire travailler fondamentaux et mobiliser les politiques davantage ensemble plusieurs interne et externe sont autant de façon communautés – services de renseignement, pour l'UE de renforcer l'effectivité de policiers, magistrats, ministères des l'action des Etats-membres. L'exemple des finances et diplomates. Le centre de gravité combattants étrangers, plus de 5.000 reste national malgré l'entrée en vigueur du européens partis se battre en Syrie, en est Traité de Lisbonne qui a fait de la sécurité une bonne illustration. intérieure une Né en Belgique, juriste de formation avec une compétence licence à Louvain-la-Neuve et une maîtrise à Yale, partagée Gilles de Kerchove d'Ousselghem a été Chef de cabinet du Président du Gouvernement wallon et entre du vice-premier ministre du Gouvernement fédéral. l'Union Il a travaillé à la Commission européenne (DG européenne concurrence) et depuis 1995 au Secrétariat Général du Conseil de l'UE comme Directeur pour les et les Etats- questions de Justice et d'Affaires Intérieures avant membres, de devenir en 2007 le Coordinateur européen de la comme lutte contre le terrorisme. Il trouve aussi le temps c'est le cas d'être maître de Conférences dans des Universités belges et siège au Conseil d'administration de dans diverses entités culturelles dans son pays. beaucoup

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Ma responsabilité est multiple. Il s'agit tout explications ont sans doute contribué à d'abord de faire périodiquement rapport au mieux faire comprendre la nature de la Conseil européen et au Conseil sur l'état de menace et le rôle de l'UE. mise en œuvre de la stratégie européenne de lutte contre le terrorisme adoptée par le "L'UE a anticipé et définit une politique que l'ensemble de la communauté internationale a Conseil européen en 2005. Et d'identifier là repris plus d'un an après" où des progrès sont souhaitables. Je fais des "policy papers" que je soumets aux Mon rôle consiste aussi, comme le titre de Ministres avec des propositions précises. Si ma fonction le suggère, à promouvoir la je prends la question des combattants coordination entre tous les acteurs. C'est étrangers, j'ai dès janvier 2013 attiré assurément un défi. Coopération entre les l'attention du Conseil sur ce phénomène institutions de l'UE. Coopération entre l'UE qui a pris ensuite une ampleur inédite. À et les Etats-membres. Et enfin coopération l'époque certains de nos Etats-membres étroite entre toutes les communautés que n'avaient pas encore pris toute la mesure j'évoquais plus haut, communautés qui du phénomène. Deux mois plus tard, j'ai connaissent des logiques de soumis au Conseil une note d'analyse et en fonctionnement différentes. Je voyage juin 22 propositions d'action. Ces beaucoup, dans l'UE et dans les pays tiers propositions ont été reprises à 95% dans la et j'essaye de créer des liens et des ponts Résolution du Conseil de Sécurité des entre des services que ne travaillent pas NU 2178 adoptée sur la base du toujours spontanément ensemble. Chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations Unies Mon objectif principal c'est d'identifier les en septembre 2014. Donc, l'UE a anticipé et sujets sur lesquels l'UE peut apporter une défini une politique que l'ensemble de la valeur ajoutée à l'action des Etats- communauté internationale a repris plus membres. Ce qui contribuera à crédibiliser d'un an après. l'UE et, qui sait, à faire croître les 5% que j'évoquais ci-dessus. Non que cela soit un objectif en soi, mais il nous faut travailler plus étroite- ment ensemble. Il y a une dimension de confiance, qui doit s'intensifier entre les différentes commu- nautés. Par exemple aux Etats-Unis le rapport de la Commission du 11 Septembre a démontré qu'il n'y avait pas assez Une partie essentielle du travail de Gilles implique des contacts réguliers avec les medias de confiance et donc de Mon rôle est ensuite de personnifier l'UE partage d'informations en la matière. Après les attentats de Charlie entre la CIA, le FBI et autres agences. Hebdo, j'ai été beaucoup sollicité par les J'espère que mon action contribue à medias français et internationaux. Plusieurs construire la crédibilité de l'Union et la hommes politiques français m'ont exprimé confiance entre les acteurs. leur satisfaction de voir que l'Union était Q – Cela devrait aboutir alors à la création incarnée. L'Europe avait un visage. d'une Agence Européenne de L'émotion en France était très vive et mes Renseignements?

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GdK – C'est 'juridiquement parlant' identifier. Travailler avec les pays de transit, totalement exclu aujourd'hui. Je ne dis pas la Turquie notamment, travailler avec les que dans vingt ans cela ne sera pas le cas. pays des Balkans et essayer d'assurer la Mais la révision des traités n'étant pas à sécurité du transport ferroviaire. Tous l'ordre du jour, il est peu vraisemblable que sujets sur lesquels l'UE travaille activement l'UE se voit dotée d'une compétence depuis deux ans et sur lesquels je me suis matérielle en matière de renseignements à personnellement beaucoup investi. bref délai. Ce qu'il faut en revanche Q – Passons à l'Afrique où encourager c'est une coopération plus malheureusement le fléau du terrorisme est étroite entre les services de renseignement aussi une réalité. On a Boko Haram au et les services de police. Sur la question que Nigéria, Al-Qaida Maghreb au Sahel, al- tu as posée du Marocain qui s'apprêtait à Shabaab en Somalie. Pourquoi ce commettre un attentat terroriste dans le phénomène en Afrique, quelles sont les Thalys - qu'est-ce qu'on a découvert? Il a raisons et les motivations qui nous obligent beaucoup voyagé en Europe avant sa à nous pencher sur ce problème? tentative. Il a quitté Berlin pour aller en Turquie, vraisemblablement pour se rendre GdK – Je pense qu'il y a plusieurs facteurs. Il y a certainement un problème de gouvernance; là où l'Etat est faible, voire absent, le terrorisme se développe. Non seulement le terrorisme mais aussi d'autres formes de criminalité: trafic de drogues, ou trafic d'êtres humains, par exemple. Je pense qu'il y a aussi une transformation de l'Islam en Afrique. Alors qu'historiquement la plupart des pays africains Gilles encore une fois donnant une interview en face du bâtiment Justus Lipsius connaissait un Islam ensuite en Syrie. Il est revenu par les malekite/sufi, le salafisme gagne du terrain. Balkans (Albanie). Il a payé son billet en Parce que l'Etat était défaillant, l'éducation cash et juste avant d'agir, il est allé était faible, des écoles coraniques ont été consulter sur son portable un site de construites avec des financements prédicateurs prêchant la haine. Sur tous ces externes. Parce que l'Etat était faible, des sujets les collègues de la Commission et du organisations caritatives ont pris le relais. service européen d'action La radicalisation extérieure sont mobilisés: sur le "La radicalisation se nourrit aussi de la se nourrit aussi rôle d'internet dans la pauvreté, de l'absence d'éducation, de de la pauvreté, l'absence de perspectives et d'emplois" radicalisation, sur le contrôle de l'absence aux frontières extérieures et d'éducation, de l'utilisation du SIS (la base de donnés l'absence de perspectives et d'emplois. Schengen) ce qui suppose de convaincre les Quelles sont les perspectives pour un jeune services de renseignement, lorsqu'ils ont qui vit à Kidal, sinon de travailler pour un identifié un candidat au jihad, d'insérer réseau de trafic de cocaïne ou d'êtres cette information dans le SIS, de sorte que humains ou pour les katibah d'AQMI ou de lorsque l'on procède à des contrôles al-Morabitoun. Il y a ensuite des facteurs d'identité au sein de l'espace Schengen ou circonstanciels, certainement au Sahel, aux frontières extérieures on puisse les comme l'implosion de la Libye, la

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prolifération des armes, le retour des Comité de Paix et Sécurité de l'Union touarègs qui étaient employés par Kadhafi. africaine (au niveau chefs d'Etat) l'année Il y a des effets de contagion régionale. Le dernière. Le document produit par l'Union chaos somalien, qui a permis le africaine et les interventions étaient développement des Shabaab, s'est propagé vraiment intéressants. Il n'y a pas de au Kenya voire à la Tanzanie. différences entre les approches conceptuelles de l'UE et de l'UA sur le "L'Europe a beaucoup à partager parce qu'elle a terrorisme. Sur le papier ce n'était pas que malheureusement et douloureusement été confrontée au terrorisme depuis quarante ans" les réponses militaires ou kinétiques qui étaient privilégiées, c'était aussi Un autre problème qui me préoccupe est la l'importance de la prévention de la proximité de plus en plus forte entre le radicalisation, de la dimension judiciaire, du terrorisme et le crime organisé. renseignement, etc. Toute la difficulté est évidemment de concrétiser ces intentions Je dois évoquer encore un point important: politiques. Dans tous ces domaines, il y a en la faiblesse de l'appareil sécuritaire de effet beaucoup à faire en Afrique. L'Europe beaucoup de ces pays, une police a beaucoup à partager parce qu'elle a insuffisamment formée, une justice malheureusement et douloureusement été défaillante. C'est une de mes grandes confrontée au terrorisme depuis quarante préoccupations: peu de pays africains ans et que donc, elle a beaucoup travaillé confrontés au terrorisme sont capables de sur les questions de la prévention, du rôle condamner, au terme d'un procès de la justice, de la transformation du équitable, une personne suspectée de renseignement en preuve judiciaire, des terrorisme. L'impunité envoie en effet un frontières notamment. Avec Schengen l'UE très mauvais signal. Alors que des a développé une réelle expertise en condamnations au terme d'un procès matière de gestion intégrée des frontières équitable contribuent à rappeler que le qui, à mon avis, est pertinente et utile pour terrorisme est un crime et non une forme les pays du Sahel où il est illusoire d'espérer d'action politique ou idéologique et à avoir des systèmes étanches aux frontières "déglamouriser" le jihad. L'UE a là un – la géographie rend cet objectif illusoire. Il formidable chantier, le chantier de la faut à la fois améliorer le contrôle à la gouvernance et du développement, le frontière et développer ce que nous avons chantier du renforcement du secteur de la appelé les mesures compensatoires: avoir sécurité dont la bonne illustration est notre des bases de données policières stratégie sur le Sahel qui essaye de communes, des politiques harmonisées conjuguer développement, sécurité, d'asile, des systèmes de coopération gouvernance, lutte contre la corruption, judiciaire plus étroits. L'UE cherche à prévention de la radicalisation et réforme promouvoir des plateformes de du secteur de la sécurité. coopération (je crois au potentiel de la Q – C'est à dire que la réponse plutôt plateforme du G5 au Sahel, par exemple), militaire jusqu'à maintenant des Africains d'initiatives comme le processus de n'est pas suffisante? Nouakchott en matière de renseignement GdK – Au niveau conceptuel, j'ai été ou des coopérations en matière de la lutte impressionné par la qualité des débats qui contre le financement du terrorisme dans la ont eu lieu à Nairobi pendant la Réunion du Corne de l'Afrique.

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Dr Adekeye Adebajo, Executive Director of the Centre for Conflict Resolution

We had the chance of speaking with well-known scholar and researcher Dr Adekeye Adebajo, Executive Director of the Centre for Conflict Resolution, while he was in Brussels to attend several conferences. Never afraid to strongly express his opinions, our guest gave us his views about causes of conflict in Africa, the role of the European Union in addressing those conflicts and what his organisation is currently doing. Not everybody will agree with his positions but his thoughts are at least clear-cut and thought-provoking.

Q - Africa is in better shape now than in the and the lack of planning for the post- past. Notwithstanding some conflicts conflict phase basically meant that remain especially in the arc that goes from instability Mauritania to Somalia and in the Great blew over Lakes. Why some areas of Africa are into the rest growing exponentially while others are of the Sahel, mired in conflict, what are the root causes into Mali. for this situation? The AA – I think it is true to say that some of the intervention conflicts that resulted from the proxy wars in northern of the Cold War days, for example, are still Mali that with us. When you see instability in places had to be like Somalia, places like the Horn of Africa, done by the this is directly linked with the conflicts of UN and that time. Of course, there are also issues French of autocracy, the fact that only one ruling troops was party in Africa lost power between 1960 a direct Dr Adekeye Adebajo studied in his result of native Nigeria and in the USA and 1991. So, you had both internal and before concluding, through a external reasons. The fact that minorities people who were been Rhodes scholarship, a doctorate in were often not accorded political power philosophy at Oxford University. A and autonomy, because there was this fighting with published author and a prolific collaborator to several media sense that states had to be converted into Khadafy moving over outlets, he worked for prestigious nations, was part of the problem as well. Of entities like Brookings, Stanford course the states were not often strong to Sahel. University, Columbia University enough to deliver on social services to their Therefore, and the International Peace Institute, amongst others. Since population. You had multiple issues that again, we can see 2003, he is the Executive Director created this situation but we also need to of the Centre for Conflict look at the positive side. The conflicts in both Resolution in Cape Town and is Liberia and Sierra Leone that were running internal and also now teaching at the external University of Johannesburg as a from the 1990's have been calmed as was visiting Professor. the case in Angola and Mozambique. roots. Q - You did not mention neither the One of the things one has to look at in economy nor climate change. To which terms of the more recent conflicts is that extent traditional quarrels between herders one cannot rule out that NATO intervention and agricultures fighting for the same piece in Libya created a lot of instability in the of land, all the time more scarce due to the region because the removal of Khadafy, as drought in the Sahel region, actually played much of a dictator as he might have been, a role in exacerbating conflicts? AFRICA DEPARTMENT 24

AA - I agree with you. It is a big problem but keeping some in power. You can't delink I guess we would see them as micro-level what's happening in countries like CAR or conflicts though these are some of the DRC from that past support. France is most serious conflicts in the Karamojong intervening in areas where it has promoted area, for example. IGAD has been trying to bad governance in the past. deal with them for a long time. In Sudan, in Abyei, you tend to have problems between "The EU has supported, to a large extent, security the Messiria and the Dinka and also in within the AU and, of course, deployed four other parts of the Sahel. I guess the missions, twice in DRC and in Chad and CAR" desertification that has been happening in More positively, the EU has supported, to a the Sahel, in particular the drought, does large extent, security within the AU and, of contribute to that because obviously it course, deployed four missions, twice in leads to conflicts between the groups, so DRC and in Chad and CAR. However, my that is certainly an important issue as well. argument is that it should not do this at the Q - What can be done to solve these cost of undermining the UN which is conflicts and what role can the EU play on primarily responsible for peace and helping solve them? security. It must strengthen rather than AA – First of all it is important for the EU to weakening the UN, indeed. be more consistent in governance because Q – Aren't those interventions the that's part of the Joint Africa-EU Strategy, consequence of the fact that there is usually which I don't think it is always consistently no agreement in the UN for peace-enforcing applied. You saw the military coup in Egypt operations but only for peace-keeping? in 2013 and AA – To some extent, yes, but the reaction if we look at what has from EU was happened in the DRC over the silence. At past decade it is actually least the AU, peace-enforcement and in though Egypt some of the missions like in was providing Sierra Leone or Liberia, even if 15% of its it was ECOWAS that took the operating lead and the UN followed, you funds, have had peace-enforcement. suspended What is happening in the the country Eastern DRC now is that SADC from the is basically doing the organisation. intervention. So there are Some of the innovative ways of doing that support for Adekeye Adebajo during a roundtable on Africa at the intervention, but I am not sure autocrats in German Marshall Fund during his visit to Brussels that the EU forces were

Northern Africa and elsewhere has been a necessarily providing intervention in these major contributor to conflict. I am also very cases. I mean they went in before a UN critical about the role of France, which a lot mission could be deployed in Bunya and I of people in Africa see as negative security- guess they acted as a deterrent to the wise. Some people like to see it as positive militias there, so that was important. But in as France plays a military role no one else other Congo missions it was more keeping wants to play, but I think that the fact that security before elections and then in Chad France, as former colonial power, and CAR they were kind of, to some extent, supported dictators in countries like Chad also bolstering regimes because France and DRC makes me see it like a pyromaniac intervened in 2006 and 2008 even as the fireman. Removing regimes they didn't like, EU was deploying to save Déby's regime.

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Q – Don't you think that in the last few years the trend has been for the EU to "What you have sometimes is that African support more African forces in order that military that have the least logistical equipment they maintain stability rather than doing and financing are the ones being sent to the dangerous areas" interventions, more focusing in providing expertise than boots in the ground? by the UN where he called for the AA – Well, that is happening to some international community to support African extent. I think you have to complicate that troops for the first six months of more by noting that there are also Asians, deployment because they are near the Bangladeshis, Pakistanis, Indians doing the theatre of operations and can deploy peace-keeping in the nine African missions, quicker and then to be taken over. That's so 86% of the UN peace-keepers are what I would propose, meaning that even if deployed in Africa. The Asians and the you have a core of African troops that can Africans are doing a lot of the peace- get there quicker and stop massacres then keeping even under the UN. 12 of the 20 it comes under the UN umbrella that takes top contributors in the UN (in troops) are care of the logistics, the funding, and African countries. I think there is a feeling provides legitimacy because neighbours that Africans are being sent, to some intervening in each other's problems can extent, as cannon-fodder. In northern Mali, also raise political problems. that is certainly the case. Six Burkinabe Q – How do you see that in the context of peace-keepers were killed there recently. AU promoting a scheme like ACIRC that is But the better-equipped troops do not not based in regional organisations, rather want to go to the most dangerous parts, so appears more like a coalition of the willing, what you have sometimes is that African putting together national armies? military that have the least logistical equipment and AA – I think the African financing are "If you have a core of African troops that can get Stand-by Force (ASF) the ones being there quicker and stop massacres then it comes would have made sense under the UN umbrella that takes care of the where you have five sub- sent to the logistics, the funding, and provides legitimacy" dangerous regional brigades and a areas. I think 75.000 force that you this is a dangerous pattern because it is could deploy. ACIRC is a kind of reaction to burden-shedding rather than burden- the French intervention in Mali that leaders sharing. like Jacob Zuma found embarrassing. As long as ACIRC, which is meant to have Q – This creates a dilemma in the sense that 5.000 troops, including a 1.500 rapid- if the African troops are not prepared and reaction force, actually becomes a reality are basically cannon-fodder the only way to (ASF should have been there in 2010 and solve the conflicts is by having foreign then postponed to 2015 and it still not troops, the ones you would not like to come operational) and it is used when a in first place. How do you solve this deployment happens, it is not a bad idea contradiction? (when deployment happens a SADC brigade AA – I think Africans have to be pragmatic. I is an ad-hoc coalition rather than troops am from the generation of the Rwandan that have been specifically trained, a little genocide and I did my PhD research on the bit like the SHIRBRIG in the 1990's. They will ECOMOG intervention in Liberia. Therefore, be trained and then when a conflict I am a strong believer in strengthening happens they would basically refuse to go). regional bodies, not just the AU but sub- If ACIRC did not exist, something like it regional organisations like ECOWAS or would need to be created. That does not SADC, but not as an alternative to the UN. mean you cannot have sub-regional forces Romano Prodi wrote a very good report in which are trained and ready to be deployed 2008 on UN peace-keeping commissioned and you can have something like inter-

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regional co-operation because, say, it is too Unit of the UN, when Ibrahim Gambari was difficult to deploy troops from West Africa head of Political Affairs, asked us to in a West African case, so you bring them organise a meeting of 30 high-level, mostly from East Africa, for example. In any case, African, mediators to help generate some ACIRC is an important initiative if countries ideas on how such a unit might work. We can develop a political will to actually make also worked with ECOWAS, AU and SADC at it a reality. the highest levels to help them kind of Q – Let's move to the Centre for Conflict generate ideas how to strengthen their Resolution. Can you explain what you do, security mechanisms. what are your objectives, how successful We produce books and research too you have been in fulfilling those objectives? because African voices have been stifled in AA – The Centre is based in Cape Town. We were created in 1968, so we are quite well-established. Currently, we have two pillars. The first one is capacity-building and training where we train military from places like Burundi, DRC or Uganda, some of whom will be deployed in peace-keeping missions, in conflict- resolution, gender, The EEAS also took the opportunity to gather a few colleagues to discuss with HIV/AIDS and similar Adekeye relations between Europe and Africa. issues. We also have a gender and peace- international debate. So, you need to building project where we train institutions, produce books that are not just published NGOs, media, military, and police, on how in Africa, because universities are starved they can mainstream gender into their of strong African voices on important institutions and into their work in order issues. We publish with western editors like that they can implement Security Council Ohio, Oxford University Press and Lynne Resolution 1325. We also work on human Rienner, so that it can be part of the rights where we train national human rights mainstream debate in both academia and institutions which tend to be quite weak in policy-making in the West. Africa as well as NGOs which are working in I think some of the work has been human rights issues. We focus on the nexus successful, some more than others. I between conflict-resolution and human mentioned the work with SADC which has rights which isn't always looked at. We been very important while one of the most have more long-term interventions in relevant things that we did was working Swaziland, Lesotho and South Sudan where with the Namibian Ministry of Defence we work with governments and civil society between 2004 and 2006 when they were groups in conflict-managing training. chairing the SADC Security Organ and they The other pillar is policy development and asked us to help develop a policy on research. Here we convene meetings with HIV/AIDS and the military. We brought policy-makers, academics, civil society. For military and experts together from instance, SADC Security Organ asked us to Southern Africa, wrote a policy which we convene a meeting on DRC to help them gave them and saw them push it through think through how they might intervene in the SADC structures. That's a concrete the DRC at the time they had set-up an examples of the kind of results that we office there in 2010. The Mediation Support had.

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Farewell interview with Nick Westcott

Nick Westcott ran the Africa Department of the EEAS practically since the Service started. Before his mandate was over and he moved to the Middle East and North Africa Department as the new MD, we went to see him and talked about his experience, his achievements and regrets and his legacy. We also tried to uncover the man beneath the professional; we were only mildly successful. The interview is below.

Q – How hard was it for you to move from the national diplomacy to work within a European one that the EEAS is supposed to epitomize? NW – Actually, it was quite easy for two reasons: I had been in Brussels before and knew the way the EU works and secondly we were starting an all-new organisation with a team which had not previously worked together as a group - and an organisation that hadn't previously existed – which enabled us to define what we wanted to do and how we wanted to do it with rather more freedom than you would normally have. So, that enabled the staff and me to learn at the same time how to do our jobs and led to a very good "esprit de corps" amongst the Africa Department. It also enabled me to find how the EEAS should operate at the same time as the rest of it was doing so under the sure guidance of Pierre Vimont and David O'Sullivan and the leadership of Cathy Ashton. In fact, it particularly the Commission, but also the was an interesting voyage of discovery for Parliament and then the EEAS with the all of us together. Member States and trying to get everybody to agree. I have enjoyed that aspect of Q – Still, there are differences, no? work. NW – Yes. What is interesting about Q – And were you successful? Which means working here is the multi-faceted ways you what do you consider to be your best need to co-ordinate your work with others: achievements during these four years? the EEAS with other EU institutions, NW – I think we have been successful in three things. One was defining what our "The EU-Africa Summit which I think in itself sets role should be. Secondly, making a the seal on a good relationship, pointed the way difference in some specific areas where forward and established an atmosphere which would not have been easy to establish before, a without the EEAS and the Africa genuinely collaborative partnership" Department the European effort would not have been as clearly defined and as

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effective, particularly in the Horn of Africa Delegation in those countries I have not and Somalia and in Sahel and Mali; managed to visit but it was largely because probably, also in relation with Central they were successful in keeping them African Republic and the Great Lakes. These peaceful. are all areas where I feel we have Q – The high-level political dialogue with successfully given greater direction, Africa was seen by African partners as purpose and therefore greater impact to below their expectations. How much did what the EU as whole has been doing and this situation affect our relationship with the MD Africa has been central to achieving the Continent? that. The third achievement is the EU-Africa Summit which I think in itself sets the seal NW – I think there is a perception problem on a good relationship, pointed the way here, a gap between aspirations and forward and established an atmosphere capabilities. From our side I think we are which would not have been easy to willing to engage at high level but it is establish before, a genuinely collaborative physically difficult to organise meetings. For partnership. example, our annual Strategic Partnership Summits with South Africa were very hard Q – Any regrets? Things you were unable to to schedule due to their agenda as much as do? our agenda. It is not that we are not NW – My biggest regret is not having been committed to our partnership, it is that it is able to reform the way we work, to hard to get key people together. The same streamline it. A lot of people spend a lot of applies to some extent to the ministerial- time doing a lot of work, which we could level dialogue and therefore there is a risk probably have reduced in volume if we had that we commit to a regularity of processes a better information management and had that we can't actually deliver because been able to change our internal working people simply are unavailable to do it. But habits and procedures. We didn't reform that's not to say we don't need to the way we work as drastically as we could. demonstrate our commitment (and they Q – Why it did not happen? also their commitment) to the partnership by making NW – It didn't happen time because the EEAS was available. It busy building itself as an is easier to organisation. Now that it is do where firmly established it is time there is an to look at its working issue that processes. I think we got needs to be by with the procedures we tackled. I adopted but we had, to be would say honest, adapted a lot of that those that we have although inherited from the Commission which were maybe the regular political dialogue has not of a longer term nature and not necessarily happened at the level and the frequency compatible with the immediate dynamic of people would like, when it comes to interactional foreign policy. In another specific issues, whether it is the words we had to get a lot quicker in our Conferences we had on Somalia and Mali, work. the Round table on Guinea-Bissau, or the Another regret I would like to mention is Bêkou Trust Fund Conference on CAR, that I did not get around to every single when there is an issue, we are there at the African country. I apologise to the Heads of top level, we arrange a specific meeting, AFRICA DEPARTMENT 29

and we move the agenda forward. I think say that you micro-manage too much and that probably has more impact than just you don't delegate enough. Is this a fair regular meetings with carefully prepared assessment? agendas and senior officials meetings preparing it all. And even where we do "My approach to management is to delegate as meet regularly, the annual PSC to PSC talks, much as I can but where there are issues that the joint visit we undertook to Mali, all are require top level of attention or precise formulations, I do tend to get stuck in" big steps forward, enabling European and African sides to work together on common problems. It doesn't always work. See NW – My approach to management is to South Sudan - very frustrating. We haven't delegate as much as I can but where there been able to have the kind of impact there are issues that require top level of that we have in Somalia or Mali, but we attention or precise formulations I do tend keep trying, we keep working with regional to get stuck in. Anyway I'm interested in organisations. So, there are frustrations but everything; this is a drawback. So, I do I would not underestimate the extent of selectively pay a lot of attention to which we now have a presumption that we particular issues but there are a range of can work together on big issues. situations where I only get involved very occasionally. Fortunately, we have excellent people working at high level as well as all the excellent people working at desk level. For example on the Great Lakes, the fact that Koen [Director, Deputy Managing Director Koen Vervaeke] has been around following the file has made a tremendous difference, personally as well as through the team supporting him. On the Horn of Africa, EUSR Alex Rondos has done an outstanding job and has been able to get around and make contacts that I couldn't have done myself, with support from our political team here. Events like the Somalia Conference were a very good example of the two working effectively Q – So, in your view Africa still sees Europe together along with DEVCO that in many as its closest partner? cases is an integral part of the Africa team NW – Yes, I think that's true. Most regular, to deliver this kind of solutions without most reliable and physically closest partner forgetting our delegations on the spot. A in many ways. Not to deny that very much collective effort. partnerships with the USA have a greater A critical thing about the job is spending as military content in some cases, much time as possible in the field in Africa, partnerships with China have big meeting Africans and working with our commercial elements but the partnership delegations. Delegations are the people on with the EU covers everything. the frontline. They are the ones who do a Q – Let's move from Africa to you. Starting huge amount of delivering of what we are from your management style, some people trying to achieve. I have appreciated every

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opportunity to go out and meet delegations, the Heads and the rest of the "All delegations were well plugged in, organised teams out there. It has always been very brilliant programmes and allowed me to interact directly with the governments, and see the rewarding. All delegations were well impact of what we were able to do" plugged in, organised brilliant programmes and allowed me to interact directly with the Even that doesn't clear the immense inflow governments, and see the impact of what of emails as those waiting from replies from we were able to do. This is a very important me probably know. Notwithstanding, I very part of the job to getting out onto the much enjoy living here because I ground in Africa. I would like to pay a warm particularly like the multinational character tribute to everything that our delegations of the city. I really enjoy that, I find very have been able to achieve. stimulating to see people from all across Q – Now, the man beneath the professional. Europe, and in our case from all across We know very little about you, don't know Africa, coming by and working with us on a your hobbies, about what you read, if you daily basis. I find that variety very go to the cinema… What makes you tick enjoyable. But I do watch movies… on (apart from Africa of course)? aeroplanes! NW – Well, you weren't there the first day I Q – What was the last one? arrived to the EEAS when I explained where NW – I saw two very good films. One I came from, or what was my personal (actually watched here in Brussels) is called engagement to Africa. There are relatively Timbuktu which I recommend for few people left from that first day, a cold, everybody to see, a very good portrait of freezing January day back in 2011 when I what life is like living under Islamic first met the Africa team at the old building fundamentalists. The other was a film in Rue de la Science. I suffered something called Boyhood which I saw on an of a dilemma because my family is still aeroplane - very engaging. Everybody who living in London, so a lot of my social and has a family will find echoes in this film. family life takes place there, meaning when Q – Any message for your successor? I am in Brussels I tend to focus on work. Very unhealthy! Fortunately some friends NW – It is a fantastic team the Africa team, do their best to distract me, but even so I and given a chance they will do a fantastic probably spend too much time in the office. job for you.

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Africa Department on the move

Taking advantage of the presence of our Heads of Delegation in Brussels for their usual September meeting, the Africa Department organised an informal gathering of those serving in Africa with their African counterparts in the Belgian capital for some good-spirited exchanges. We have images of the Africa plenary session, a regional sub-session (Southern Africa) and of course of the party the day before. Plus, we also bring you some images of the Senior Officials Meeting preparing the incoming Valletta Summit on Migration which has been very much in the limelight within the Department.

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Logo of the Delegation in Mauritania Due to some technical mishap we did not include in our previous issue, together with the contribution of our Delegation in Nouakchott, the logo of the Delegation, whose author is our colleague José Javier Legarra. Since we like it a lot, we thought it would be good if we shared it with you.

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Departing colleagues

Mobility, end of contracts, new opportunities, return to original services, posting in Delegations, all are reasons why some of our colleagues leave the Africa Department. Before they left, we thought it would be interesting to capture the gist of their experience amongst us. Therefore, we asked four of them to share their thoughts about how they saw their working life here, what they have liked and what did not meet their expectations. The result in this page and in the next ones.

Claudia Fischer After five years in EEAS Headquarters (UN and South Africa) I started in September a new professional adventure as Head of the Political, Press and Information Section at the EU Delegation to Namibia. I return to a country which I first visited in 1983. In the framework of a 3 months programme organised by the South Africa Foundation I worked 2 months at the University of the then Kwa Zulu homeland and afterwards toured Namibia with friends. My professor at the University of Kwa Zulu sent me to small villages in the deep Zulu country to make research on the family situation of women: very interesting as it showed me, the young European, a completely different culture concerning marriage and the start of a family. I stayed in a bush hospital and got in touch with the local population which was not so usual and easy during those apartheid times. We were invited to Chief Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party1 youth congress. Apart from discussions this also involved fantastic dancing and singing at any possible moment while waiting for speakers or after lunch and dinner. I have since returned to both countries as a tourist and on mission. It is naturally a completely different experience to actually live for some years in a country. The daily life and work makes you understand so much better how diverse and multifaceted most countries are when seen from insight. It puts in question some of our behaviour and thinking and makes you grateful for things which are usually taken for granted in Europe. In the best case it opens the mind and the heart and is extremely rewarding which helps to overcome some of the 'challenges' that will without doubt come up from time to time. I am very excited about the professional Claudia Fischer works since 1988 for the European Union: dimension of the posting. In a small first for the Court of Justice, then the Council, the Delegation without a Deputy I will Commission and now the EEAS. Before joining the EEAS she hopefully have the chance to cover the served in the operational sections of the EU Delegations in Egypt and Ukraine. In the EEAS she worked three years on whole range of issues such a Delegation UN issues and then 2 years on South Africa before leaving deals with. My past experience in the EU as Head of the Political, Press and Information section to Delegations in Egypt and Ukraine will the EU Delegation in Namibia. certainly be helpful in this respect. But contrary to my previous Delegation experience, which

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was related to project work, I will this time cover the political aspects of our relationship with the host country – a new angle of the foreign policy work in third countries. Personally I find the professional life in Delegations more rewarding than work in Headquarters with its huge hierarchies and absence of mission budgets. Nevertheless, I had five extremely interesting years in HQ. I learned a lot on the United Nations, especially on big UN negotiations such as the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and its follow up, the Post-2015 intergovernmental negotiations, which will replace the Millennium Development Goals by Sustainable Development Goals. Together with the colleagues in New York we worked on the establishment of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development and the upgrading of the UN Environment Programme (UNEP), inter alia by establishing universal membership in UNEP's Governing Council. And - even more important for my new posting - I gained a good insight into the EU's relations with South Africa, our only Strategic Partner on the African continent, a very important player in Southern Africa and last but not least Namibia's powerful neighbour that ruled the country for 75 years. On a private note I am looking forward to being back in a country with a desert and with a wonderful neighbourhood that I can explore more in depth: from the wineries around Cape Town to the game parks of Botswana, from the Victoria Falls to the splendid waters of the Mozambican islands. 1 The Inkatha Freedom Party is the fourth largest party in the National Assembly of South Africa (10 seats, 2.4%), having lost almost half its seats and votes in the 2014 general election. Per Brixen After more than three years in the EEAS West Africa Division it is time to say farewell for Per Brixen, current Desk Officer for Ghana and Togo, who will leave to take up his new post as deputy at the Danish Embassy in Prague. He looks back at three interesting years with lots of different challenges, success stories, and some frustrations. Overall he returns to the Danish Foreign Service with a valuable European experience. After 6 years in Brussels and more than 3 in the EEAS West Africa Division the next post is calling: The Danish Embassy in Prague. It is a good time to make status over my experience in the EEAS Africa Department where I have been responsible for EU's relations with Ghana as well as, at different times, relations with Nigeria, Benin, Sierra Leone and Togo. When I joined the EEAS in July 2012 it was still a service under construction. The EEAS had just moved into its new building at the Schuman roundabout in the heart of the European district in Brussels. The new building marked an important step in integrating the many Commission and Council Secretariat departments that had been merged into the newly created EEAS, but had up to this point been spread all over Brussels. I think it is fair to say that this was a key moment in the history of the EEAS. But the building alone wouldn't do. The next challenge was to make sure that the staff originating from the Commission, the Council Secretariat and the Member State Diplomatic Services would integrate and work together as one. Suspicion between the different groups was there. Would members of the other staff groups be taking the best posts? Would they be promoted faster? Were the other groups being given preferential treatment? It is a latent conflict inherent in the structure of the EEAS. In the end, the daily tasks of the desk officers were the same irrespective of institutional background. It helped. At least to avoid grudges being directed at individuals.

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Being a good colleague after all didn't depend on your institutional background but on your ability to deliver and help colleagues. The cultural diversity is part of what makes working in the EEAS an enriching experience. It gives you insight and ideas about different ways of doing things. And although we as Europeans have much in common we do organise ourselves differently. What is a short lunch break for instance? For a Dane a normal lunch break is around 30 minutes, so a short lunch break can surely not be more than 20 minutes. Not necessarily so. Don't be surprised if you are still at lunch after 40 minutes when going for a short lunch with a Spanish colleague. And when is it usual to leave the office? For a After finishing a Masters in Dane it would also be perfectly normal to leave the office at Political Science in the University of Aarhus, Per around 5 p.m. Taking this praxis to the West Africa Division would, entered the Danish Ministry however, make you the first to leave every day and would make of Foreign Affairs, you absent from several meetings. Maybe not the best way to Department for Humani- tarian Assistance in 2002. integrate. In the end you have to be flexible and adjust. The good After a 4 years spell with news is that the EEAS has a tool that allows you to combine your UNDP in Kenya he came preferences with the 40 hours working week: flexitime. It cannot back to the Ministry, this time serving at the always prevent long working days and sometimes there is no Departments for Develop- choice but to work late hours, but at least you have the chance to ment Policy and European leave early or meet late other days. Affairs. He was posted in Brussels in the Danish Apart from the first-hand experience with the cultural diversity, a Permanent Representation post in the EEAS is an excellent opportunity for a Member State from 2009 to 2012 before joining the West Africa Diplomat to get an inside insight into the workings of the EU Division of the EEAS in institutions, including the coordination between different charge of the countries he Commission Services. The processes and acronyms are many – mentioned in his text. Inter-Service Consultations (CIS), Common Foreign Security Policy (CFSP), the Political and Security Committee (PSC), Country Team Meetings (CTM), Quality Support Group (QSG), National Indicative Programmes (NIP/PIN) just to name a few. It takes a while to learn and you will still meet new acronyms and processes when you have been in the institution for years. However, this is not a peculiarity for the EU. All institutions I have worked for have had their fair share of acronyms and processes that it took time to learn. Do the EU institutions have more? It depends who you compare it to. Sometimes you wonder if things could be done in a simpler way. However, the system needs to accommodate many stakeholders. At the same time, Foreign Policy, Development Cooperation, Humanitarian Aid and Trade are handled by 4 different services in Brussels. In Denmark they all fall under the responsibility of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It makes a difference when a coherent policy needs to be coordinated. Although the EEAS focus on foreign policy while the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs also is responsible for trade and aid, the EEAS is a much larger organisation with more than 1,500 employees in Brussels (and 3,600 globally) than the Danish Foreign Service, which has around 850 employees in Copenhagen. It is very visible if you compare the Africa set-up. In the EEAS you had one Managing Director for Africa, two Directors and five Divisions each with their Head of Division and a Deputy. In Denmark you have one Head of Department with a deputy. The size of the Danish Africa Department corresponds to the size of one of the five Africa divisions in the EEAS. It means that in the EEAS there is longer to the top and that the top management is less visible to you. There are many more layers to go through. The good thing is that the institution still has an informal and friendly tone among colleagues also at different hierarchical levels.

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One of the benefits of being a desk officer in the EEAS, compared to being a desk officer in a relatively small Member State, is the opportunity you have to focus. It has been a privilege to be able to focus on only two countries. This allows you time to follow developments and analyse the countries in much more depth than would have been the case in my national foreign service. It makes sense. The EU is a central actor represented in almost all countries. Member States expect that the EEAS is present, has the knowledge, can make the necessary analysis and propose actions in relation to third countries. And Member States not represented in a particular country to a large extent relies on the information and analysis provided by the EEAS. And what are some of the key events and issues that I have been able to focus on during my time in the EEAS? One of the highlights was definitely the EU-Africa summit in Brussels in April 2014. It brought together more than 60 EU and African Heads of State and Government, and a total of over 80 delegations, to discuss the future of EU- Africa relations and reinforce links between the two continents. I was assigned as the liaison officer for the delegation of Ghana headed by President Mahama. A lot of preparations went into the summit both on substance to prepare the bilateral margin meetings but also on the logistics. At the summit itself, the main task was more to make sure that all the logistics went smoothly for the President. It was another side of the job! It went well and it gave a unique opportunity to create contacts to people close to the President. As a token of appreciation I was so lucky as to get a signed version of the President's book about his experience growing up in post-independence Africa. Some of the other key political events that I have covered include presidential and legislative elections in Ghana in 2012, the presidential election in Togo in 2015, the ministerial dialogue with Nigeria in 2013. The challenge and work load obviously varies according to the developments in the countries one is responsible for. When a crisis evolves, the EU is often a central player in developing a response. The Ebola outbreak and the Boko Haram insurgency were two of the crises that I have been involved in developing the EU responses to. Taking part in the formulation and approval of the National Indicative Programme (NIP) 2014-20 for Ghana has been another important task. In June 2015, at the end of my term, I had the opportunity to visit Ghana once more to assist in the political dialogue between Ghana and the EU, co-chaired by President Mahama and the EU Head of Delegation. The relationship between the EU and Ghana had been negatively affected by the non-disbursement of EU budget support since end 2013 because of macro- economic imbalances and weak public financial management (PFM) systems, but with an IMF programme in place and a government action plan to address payroll irregularities, sufficient commitment had been shown by the Ghanaian government to allow for the resumption of EU budget support payments. So the meeting took place on a positive background and in a way signalled a revitalisation of the relationship. It is easier to say goodbye when things are going well! And this leads to August 2015. The end of my term. The European experience is an asset for me. And I hope that it will also prove to be an asset for the national Foreign Service that I'm returning to. Going from the Headquarters of the EEAS in Brussels to the Danish Embassy in Prague will be a big change. But one thing will remain the same: I'll be in the centre of Europe – because that is where Prague is located!

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Muriel Sorin Impressions d'une Ex-Pan Africaine J'ai eu la chance de travailler quasi 4 ans dans l'unité Pan-Africaine. Ces 4 années sont passées à la vitesse de l'éclair! Du point de vue humain, on peut s'estimer chanceux, tant l'atmosphère de travail si importante à nos yeux, y était bonne. En effet, on fait réellement partie d'une famille dans cette unité. Une petite famille cela dit, car il s'agit d'une petite unité. Les collègues, de toutes nationalités et background, y étaient fort sympathiques. Au point de vue du travail, j'ai eu également la possibilité de travailler sur plusieurs projets. En effet, de par la nature de l'unité, le job était très diversifié. On touche à tout, on travaille sur plusieurs fronts. Je n'ai pas eu le temps de m'ennuyer! Chaque jour, j'ai pu voir que le dialogue, les droits de l'homme, la liberté d'expression, la gouvernance démocratique étaient de réels chevaux de batailles de mes collègues, en partenariat avec l'unité-sœur à DEVCO. Un des aspects agréable était également les nombreux contacts avec "l'extérieur": la délégation de l'Union africaine, DEVCO, l'Ambassade, le COAFR, les Etats-membres, le groupe ACP etc. De plus, j'ai eu l'opportunité de travailler à l'organisation du Sommet EU-Afrique 2014. Ce sommet a tout de même rassemblé plus de 80 délégations, la majorité au niveau de chefs d'Etat ou de gouvernement européens et africains! Ce projet, d'une ampleur énorme nous en a fait voir de toutes les couleurs et aller dans toutes les directions, aussi bien en terme de réunions annulées en dernière minute, d'interprètes à mobiliser la nuit au dernier moment, d'un lunch à organiser pour 150 personnes pour 2 heures plus tard, de faire des impressions de documents à 22h00 sur plusieurs étages du bâtiment de l'EEAS en même temps, que de se retrouver dans une salle de réunion pleine à craquer au Charlemagne à minuit avec la lumière et toute l'électricité qui s'éteint! Quel plaisir de Diplômée en économie et participer à ce projet titanesque, d'établir les contacts avec marketing, Muriel a commencé sa carrière professionnelle dans toutes les ambassades, les délégations, le Protocole, d'être en le secteur privé avant de choisir contact permanent avec le Conseil! Mon seul regret a été l'option européenne. Elle a qu'en tant qu'assistante je n'ai pas pu assister directement au travaillé dans diverses Directions générales de la Commission sommet, tant la demande de participants était grande et la européenne et est entrée au SEAE sécurité importante! Ce projet m'a permis de mieux en 2012 au sein de la division Pan comprendre l'Afrique et sa problématique, de m'adapter à Africaine comme assistante administrative. Elle travaille tout type de comportements, mais également de jongler avec maintenant dans la Division Asie les deadlines très serrés, de trouver des solutions, le tout, en Centrale après avoir passé son essayant de toujours garder le sourire. Une autre grande examen EPSO. difficulté a été de faire accepter des procédures très peu adaptées au mode de faire et de pensée africain. Après avoir travaillé sur ce type de projet, on est capable de tout faire, croyez-moi! Bien évidemment, ce n'était pas le seul gros événement organisé par cette unité, que ce soit à Bruxelles ou à Addis-Abeba, siège de l'Union africaine. J'ai quitté cette unité, triste de laisser cette équipe et ce job intéressant, mais riche de ces nouveaux enseignements et ces différentes expériences Pan-Africaines!

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Pauline Torehäll Our colleague Pauline Torehäll was supposed to also produce some thoughts about her presence in the Department before flying to Abuja to become Head of the Political and Press Section at the EU Delegation. The constraints of the move, alas, didn't give her enough time to deliver her prose, which we fully understand. Notwithstanding, since we had such a nice photo of her, we wanted to share it with all of you. We will catch up with Pauline's ideas for sure very soon.

Correction In our last number we have inadvertently promoted Jérôme Rivière to the position of Head of the Political Section of our Delegation in Manila. Our excuses. He will be there as Political Counsellor and we wish him a very fruitful and happy post.

Editor: José Costa Pereira Conceptual layout: Siw Gustafsson Photographs: ©Siw Gustafsson, except the photos in the text on p. 5: ©Brennan Gilmore, p. 6: ©Erminia Notarangelo, p. 8: ©Flé Doumbia, p. 12,13,14: ©EU Delegation to the AU, p. 16: ©Jeremy Lester, p. 17,18,19: ©ECDPM, p. 21,22: ©General Secretariat of the Council, p. 25: ©Kristin de Peyron, p. 27: ©Gwen Van De Meerssche, p. 32 bottom: ©EEAS Contact: Siw Gustafsson, [email protected], +32 2 584 6697

Opinions expressed in this newsletter are personal and do not bind the EEAS.

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Glossary

ACIRC African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises AQMI Al-Qaïda au Maghreb islamique CAR Central African Republic CEDEAO Communauté Economique des Etats de l'Afrique de l'Ouest CEMAC Communauté Economique et Monétaire de l'Afrique Centrale COMESA Marché Commun de l'Afrique Orientale et Australe DRC Democratic Republic of Congo ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EUPOL European Union Police Mission EUSEC European Union Security Sector Reform Mission EUSR European Union Special Representative FED Fond européen de développement IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development IMF International Monetary Fund M23 The March 23 Movement (French: Mouvement du 23-Mars), often abbreviated as M23 and also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army PIB Produit intérieur brut PME Petites et moyennes entreprises PMI Petites et moyennes industries PSC (EU) Political and Security Committee PSC (AU) Political and Security Council RDC République Démocratique du Congo REC Regional Economic Communities SADC Southern African Development Community SHIRBRIG Multinational Stand-By High Readiness Brigade for United Nations Operations SIS Système d'information Schengen UEMOA Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest-Africaine UNDP United Nations Development Programme

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