The Assyrians and Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections
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Republic of Iraq
Republic of Iraq Babylon Nomination Dossier for Inscription of the Property on the World Heritage List January 2018 stnel oC fobalbaT Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 State Party .......................................................................................................................................................... 1 Province ............................................................................................................................................................. 1 Name of property ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Geographical coordinates to the nearest second ................................................................................................. 1 Center ................................................................................................................................................................ 1 N 32° 32’ 31.09”, E 44° 25’ 15.00” ..................................................................................................................... 1 Textural description of the boundary .................................................................................................................. 1 Criteria under which the property is nominated .................................................................................................. 4 Draft statement -
Herodotus on Sacred Marriage and Sacred Prostitution at Babylon
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 31 | 2018 Varia Herodotus on Sacred Marriage and Sacred Prostitution at Babylon Eva Anagnostou‑Laoutides and Michael B. Charles Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/2653 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.2653 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2018 Number of pages: 9-37 ISBN: 978-2-87562-055-2 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Eva Anagnostou‑Laoutides and Michael B. Charles, “Herodotus on Sacred Marriage and Sacred Prostitution at Babylon”, Kernos [Online], 31 | 2018, Online since 01 October 2020, connection on 24 January 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/2653 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/ kernos.2653 This text was automatically generated on 24 January 2021. Kernos Herodotus on Sacred Marriage and Sacred Prostitution at Babylon 1 Herodotus on Sacred Marriage and Sacred Prostitution at Babylon Eva Anagnostou‑Laoutides and Michael B. Charles In this article, abbreviations follow the “Liste des périodiques” in L’Année philologique. Other abbreviations are as per OCD 3. Translations of ancient texts are attributed to their respective translator as they are used. Introduction 1 The article examines two passages in Herodotus: a) his description of the ziggurat at Babylon (1.181.5–182.1–2 and 1.199), which has been often quoted as corroborating evidence for the practice of “sacred marriages” in the ancient Near East;1 and b) his description -
2 the Assyrian Empire, the Conquest of Israel, and the Colonization of Judah 37 I
ISRAEL AND EMPIRE ii ISRAEL AND EMPIRE A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism Leo G. Perdue and Warren Carter Edited by Coleman A. Baker LONDON • NEW DELHI • NEW YORK • SYDNEY 1 Bloomsbury T&T Clark An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Imprint previously known as T&T Clark 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury, T&T Clark and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-0-56705-409-8 PB: 978-0-56724-328-7 ePDF: 978-0-56728-051-0 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Typeset by Forthcoming Publications (www.forthpub.com) 1 Contents Abbreviations vii Preface ix Introduction: Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonial Interpretation 1 I. -
Neo Babylonian Rule
Neo Babylonians Rule “The Most Accomplished Empire” *Clears throat* Thank you. Thank you ever so much distinguished colleagues and professors for inviting me to speak to you today. As many of you know I'm professor Olivia Eichman of archeological studies at Stanford University. I have also worked at various dig sites in ancient sumers regions. All of these excavations lead me to countless degrees in antiquity. Enough about me already, I'm here to talk to you about about the great Mesopotamian Empires. But which empire was the greatest? Was it the Akkadians with the first empire? Or the Assyrians who reigned the longest? Neither of these empires strike me as the most accomplished. The Neo Babylonian’s Empire was the most accomplished empire by far and when you leave this room today I guarantee you will think as highly of them as I do too. Why do I think that the Neo Babylonians are the most accomplished? For starters, their ruler knew how to keep his empire safe. He had many safety precautions. One way Nebuchadrezzar II insured safety among his people was by surrounding their city in a wall so great in size two chariots could ride on it side by side. But that isn't all. No. Nebuchadnezzar II built another wall inside of the other wall for added protection. Both walls were named after Mesopotamian gods and goddesses. One of the gates that was built was called Ishtar gate, named after the goddess of war and love. To top it all off the walls were surrounded by a moat. -
The Neo-Babylonian Empire New Babylonia Emerged out of the Chaos That Engulfed the Assyrian Empire After the Death of the Akka
NAME: DATE: The Neo-Babylonian Empire New Babylonia emerged out of the chaos that engulfed the Assyrian Empire after the death of the Akkadian king, Ashurbanipal. The Neo-Babylonian Empire extended across Mesopotamia. At its height, the region ruled by the Neo-Babylonian kings reached north into Anatolia, east into Persia, south into Arabia, and west into the Sinai Peninsula. It encompassed the Fertile Crescent and the Tigris and Euphrates River valleys. New Babylonia was a time of great cultural activity. Art and architecture flourished, particularly under the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II, was determined to rebuild the city of Babylonia. His civil engineers built temples, processional roadways, canals, and irrigation works. Nebuchadnezzar II sought to make the city a testament not only to Babylonian greatness, but also to honor the Babylonian gods, including Marduk, chief among the gods. This cultural revival also aimed to glorify Babylonia’s ancient Mesopotamian heritage. During Assyrian rule, Akkadian language had largely been replaced by Aramaic. The Neo-Babylonians sought to revive Akkadian as well as Sumerian-Akkadian cuneiform. Though Aramaic remained common in spoken usage, Akkadian regained its status as the official language for politics and religious as well as among the arts. The Sumerian-Akkadian language, cuneiform script and artwork were resurrected, preserved, and adapted to contemporary uses. ©PBS LearningMedia, 2015 All rights reserved. Timeline of the Neo-Babylonian Empire 616 Nabopolassar unites 575 region as Neo- Ishtar Gate 561 Amel-Marduk becomes king. Babylonian Empire and Walls of 559 Nerglissar becomes king. under Babylon built. 556 Labashi-Marduk becomes king. Chaldean Dynasty. -
Nissinen2001.Pdf
THE MELAMMU PROJECT http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/ ÐAkkadian Rituals and Poetry of Divine LoveÑ MARTTI NISSINEN Published in Melammu Symposia 2: R. M. Whiting (ed.), Mythology and Mythologies. Methodological Approaches to Intercultural Influences. Proceedings of the Second Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Paris, France, October 4-7, 1999 (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project 2001), pp. 93-136. Publisher: http://www.helsinki.fi/science/saa/ This article was downloaded from the website of the Melammu Project: http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/ The Melammu Project investigates the continuity, transformation and diffusion of Mesopotamian culture throughout the ancient world. A central objective of the project is to create an electronic database collecting the relevant textual, art-historical, archaeological, ethnographic and linguistic evidence, which is available on the website, alongside bibliographies of relevant themes. In addition, the project organizes symposia focusing on different aspects of cultural continuity and evolution in the ancient world. The Digital Library available at the website of the Melammu Project contains articles from the Melammu Symposia volumes, as well as related essays. All downloads at this website are freely available for personal, non-commercial use. Commercial use is strictly prohibited. For inquiries, please contact [email protected]. NISSINEN A KKADIAN R ITUALS AND P OETRY OF D IVINE L OVE MARTTI N ISSINEN Helsinki Akkadian Rituals and Poetry of Divine Love haš adu išakkan u irrub u b it ru ’a mi They perform the ritual of love, they enter the house of love. K 2411 i 19 1. -
Babylon and Sumer 5000 B.C. Peak 626 B.C 5600 Years. Abandoned at 600A.D
Babylon and Sumer 5000 B.C. Peak 626 B.C 5600 years. Abandoned at 600A.D. By, Mark Baxter and Chase Barden Geographic impact on society ● The Tigris and Euphrates river valleys gave birth to Ancient Mesopotamia ● Sumer and Babylon were both born to Mesopotamia ● Babylon is present day baghdad ● Babylon is surrounded by civilizations and has the persian gulf to the south Political System and Impact On Society ● Babylon and sumer had multiple kings making it a dictatorship ● An advanced culture was well established in southern Mesopotamia ● Long before the time of the earliest surviving written records (ca. 3300 B.C.). ● Probably originally governed by citizen assemblies rather than kings. ● We do not know for sure because there are no records of government Economic System ● Only the finest goods in Sumer were traded ● Freemen and slaves were the 2 social classes ● Value of land based on proximity of water ● Rare supplies are considered very valuable ● Examples are lumber, stone, gold, silver, and precious jewels Beliefs and Religious impact on culture ● Each city was home to a cult dedicated to a god ● There was multiple Gods throughout Sumer ● Sumerians were monotheistic ● ENLIL was the god of plenty and harsh justice ● Enki was the God of wisdom and sea ● An was the god of the sky Rise of civilization Sumer is believed to be made up of people who migrated from mesopotamia, and civilizations were established along the banks of the euphrates and tigris rivers. URUK in sumer is believed to be the world's first city. These cities grew and soon by 3000 B.C. -
The Circulation of Astronomical Knowledge Between Babylon and Uruk
chapter 4 The Circulation of Astronomical Knowledge between Babylon and Uruk John M. Steele 1 Introduction Substantial numbers of Late Babylonian cuneiform tablets containing astro- nomical and astrological texts have only been found at two sites in Mesopo- tamia: Babylon and Uruk. Between four-and-a-half and five thousand tablets covering the complete range of observational, predictive, and mathematical astronomy, celestial divination, and astrology are known from Babylon. The number of astronomical tablets that have been recovered from Uruk is smaller, numbering approximately two hundred and fifty, but covers the same range of genres of astronomy as the tablets from Babylon. By contrast, only a handful of astronomical tablets have been found at other Late Babylonian sites—less than ten each from Nippur, Sippar and Ur. Whether this reflects a lack of astronom- ical activity in these cities or simply that the archives containing astronomical texts have not been discovered remains an open question.1 The aim of this article is to explore the relationship between astronomy at Babylon and Uruk during the Achaemenid and Seleucid periods: Did astro- nomical knowledge and/or astronomical texts circulate between Babylon and Uruk?2 If so, did that knowledge travel in both directions or only from one city to another? Were there local traditions of astronomical practice in these two cities? In order to answer these questions I compare the preserved examples 1 For simplicity, throughout this article I will generally use “astronomy” and “astronomical texts” to refer to all branches of astronomy and astrology. 2 The circulation of astronomical knowledge and the circulation of astronomical texts are related but not identical processes. -
Similarities and Differences Between the Old Testament and the Ancient Near Eastern Texts
Andrews University Seminary Studies, Vol. 49, No. 1, 5-32. Copyright © 2011 Andrews University Press. SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN TEXTS ROBE R TO OU R O Adventist School of Theology Sagunto, Valencia, Spain Introduction In 1902, the noted Assyriologist Friedrich Delitzsch presented a series of lectures on comparative studies under the auspices of the German Oriental Society. Delitzsch’s lectures, entitled “Babel und Bibel,” claimed that the literature of the Bible was dependent on, and even borrowed from, the literature of Mesopotamia. He questioned the appropriateness of the traditional theological terminology used to describe the Bible (e.g., revelation, inspiration) in light of its now evident dependency.1 Delitzsch’s work spawned a movement called “Pan-Babylonianism,” which argued that all world myths and Christian Scriptures (OT and NT) were simply versions of Babylonian mythology.2 As the series developed, however, it became clear that the lecturer’s motives were not entirely pure. His interest was to minimize the values of OT teaching so that it could be contrasted with that of the NT.3 The widespread interest in finding connections between the Bible and other ANE cultures has bred its own reaction in the warning raised by several scholars against exaggerating the importance of such similarities, a practice baptized with the name “parallelomania.”4 Of particular concern has been the often tacit assumption that such parallels can be construed as evidence for a genetic connection between the cultures that share them. Despite such warnings, the pendulum of biblical studies has continued to swing back and forth with remarkable regularity over the generations, as initial archeological discoveries have led to enthusiastic claims of similarities with various biblical practices and the implied, if not always stated, conclusion that these constitute the source for the biblical practice in question. -
“Going Native: Šamaš-Šuma-Ukīn, Assyrian King of Babylon” Iraq
IRAQ (2019) Page 1 of 22 Doi:10.1017/irq.2019.1 1 GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON By SHANA ZAIA1 Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interacted with each other as part of royal self- presentation. This paper shows that, despite Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s familial and cultural identity as an Assyrian, he presents himself as a quintessentially Babylonian king to a greater extent than any of his predecessors. To do so successfully, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn uses Babylonian motifs and titles while ignoring the Assyrian tropes his brother Ashurbanipal retains even in his Babylonian royal inscriptions. Introduction Assyrian kings were recognized as rulers in Babylonia starting in the reign of Tiglath-pileser III (744– 727 BCE), who was named as such in several Babylonian sources including a king list, a chronicle, and in the Ptolemaic Canon.2 Assyrian control of the region was occasionally lost, such as from the beginning until the later years of Sargon II’s reign (721–705 BCE) and briefly towards the beginning of Sennacherib’s reign (704–681 BCE), but otherwise an Assyrian king occupying the Babylonian throne as well as the Assyrian one was no novelty by the time of Esarhaddon’s kingship (680–669 BCE). -
Marduk's Return and Reconciliation in a Prophetic Letter from Arbela
MARDUK'S RETURN AND RECONCILIATION IN A PROPHETIC LETTER FROM ARBELA Martti Nissinen & Simo Parpola The repatriation of the statue of Marduk from Assyria to Babylonia, seriously attempted by Esarhaddon and finally achieved by his son, Assurbanipal, in the year 668 BcE, is a major event in Neo-Assyrian history. The letter of A55ur- hamatu'a to Assurbanipal (ABL 1249 = SAA 13 139)l is seldom mentioned among the sources related to this event.2 In this study, dedicated with pleasure to our colleague and friend Tapani Harviainen, it is our purpose to demonstrate that this letter indeed provides a weighty insight into Marduk's retum, especially from the ideological and theological point of view. The letter has not attracted the atten- tion it deserves; save a few remarks in recent publications,3 it has not been studied Edition: Steven \4¡. Cole and Peter Machinisl, Lettersfrom Priests lo Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, SAA 13. Helsinki: Helsinki Univers¡ly Press, 1999, ll l; normalized transcrip- tion and translation also in Martti Nissinen, with contributions by Choon-Leong Seow and Robert K, Rilnet, Prophets and Propheq in the Ancient Near East. SBL Virritings from the Ancient World 12. Atlanta: Society of Biblic¡l Literature / l¿iden: Brill, 2003, 168. Earlier editions: Emst G. Klauber, 'Zur Politik und Kultur der Sargonidenzei¡," AJSL 30 (1914): 233-287 Leroy Waterman, Royal Correspondence of the ,4ssyrian Empire, Vol. 2. Univer- sity of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 18. Ann fubor: University of Michigan Press' 1930,370-37t. 2 For recenl discussion on Marduk's return, see Barbara Nevling Pofler, Images, Power, and Politics: FiguÌative Aspects of Etarhaddon's Babylonian Policy. -
SENNACHERIB's AQUEDUCT at JERWAN Oi.Uchicago.Edu
oi.uchicago.edu THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS JAMES HENRY BREASTED Editor THOMAS GEORGE ALLEN Associate Editor oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu SENNACHERIB'S AQUEDUCT AT JERWAN oi.uchicago.edu THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY NEW YORK THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI THE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LIMITED SHANGHAI oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu 4~ -d~ Royal Air Force Official Crown Copyrighl Reored THE JERWAN AQUEDUCT. AnB VIEW oi.uchicago.edu THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS VOLUME XXIV SENNACHERIB'S AQUEDUCT AT JERWAN By THORKILD JACOBSEN and SETON LLOYD WITH A PREFACE BY HENRI FRANKFORT THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu COPYRIGHT 1035 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. PUBLISHIED MAY 1935 COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY THE UNIVERSITr OF CHICAGO PRE8S CHICAGO,ILLINOIS, U.S.A. oi.uchicago.edu PREFACE It so happens that the first final publication of work undertaken by the Iraq Expedition refers neither to one of the sites for which the Oriental Institute holds a somewhat permanent concession nor to a task carried out by the expedition as a whole. The aqueduct at Jerwan- identified by Dr. Jacobsen at the end of the 1931/32 season-was explored by the two authors of this volume in March and April, 1933, on the strength of a sounding permit of four weeks' validity. Mrs. Rigmor Jacobsen was responsible for the photography. It was only by dint of a sustained and strenuous effort that the excavation was completed within the stipulated period.