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1 Sárközy Miklós Tabaristān Lokális Fejedelemségeinek Története A

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1 Sárközy Miklós Tabaristān Lokális Fejedelemségeinek Története A Sárközy Miklós Tabaristān lokális fejedelemségeinek története a mongol kor előtt az iszlám idején Tartalomjegyzék I. Előszó 3. II. Az átírásról 6. III. Tabaristān földrajzi jellege 8. 1. A Kaszpi vidék éghajlata, fekvése 8. 2. A történeti Tabaristān 12. 3. Tabaristān régészete 19. IV. Források, problémák – a korai muszlim Tabaristān írott forrásai 28. 1. előzmények – a muszlim történetírás kezdetei 2. A muszlim történetírás első nagy művei: a hódítások és a kalifátus 31. Lokális vagy regionális krónikák 33. 3. Általános vagy dinasztikus krónikák 32. 4. A perzsa nyelvű lokális krónikák 37. 5. A Ôabaristāni krónikairodalom 40. 6. A Ôabaristāni krónikairodalom forrásai – egy példa 43. 7. Földrajzi munkák 52. 8. Szépirodalmi alkotások, életrajzi munkák 53. 9. Epigrafikus emlékek, pénzérmék 54. V. A Dābūyidák - a posztsāsānida korszak 64. VI.Tabaristān lokális dinasztiái az arab hódítást követően A Sāsānida eredetmítosz továbbélése a korai muszlim Tabaristānban 76. VII. A Qārinwand dinasztia a 8-10. században 88. 1. A Qārinwandok Tabaristānban 88. 2. Windād Hurmuzd és a Qārinwand kezdetek 89. 3. A Qārinwand hegemónia kora: Qārin és Māzyār 98. 4. Egy „ismeretlen” korszak a szakirodalomban – a Qārinwandok Māzyār után 103. 1 5. Windā Umīd b. Windād Hurmuzd fiai 105. 6. Windāspagān b. Sukhrā leszármazottai, az āmuli Qārinwandok 108. 7. Bādūspān b. Gurdzād ága, a lafūri Qārinwandok 110. VIII. A Bāwandida dinasztia Tabaristānban 114. 1. A Bāwandida dinasztia kezdetei és története az arab hódítás előtt 114. 2. Az arab hódítás kora és következményei – a Bāwandidák kezdetei 116. 3. A Qārinwand Māzyār és a Bāwandidák 119. 4. Qārin b. Šahryār politikája a Zaydita - Óāhirida szembenállás évtizedeiben 120. 5. Rustam b. Surkhāb uralma és a Zaydita-Khurāsāni – Ñaffārida hatalmi háromszög 126. 6. A Bāwandida hatalom újjászerveződése a 10. század elején és a Sāmānidák befolyása 131. 7. A daylamita dominancia kezdetei és a Bāwandidák a 10 század derekán 137. 8. A Bāwandida dinasztia egységének megtörése a Būyida – Ziyārida politikai erőtérben – a Kā’ūsiyya bukása 147. 9. Az un. „sötét kor”, a Bāwandidák a Ziyārida – Ghaznavida dominancia idején 159. 10. Az Ispahbadiyya kezdetei – megváltozott mikrokozmosz, megváltozott makrokozmosz 163. 11. A három fivér háborúja 172. 12. A Ôabaristāni Bāwandida középhatalom kora cAlā al-Daula cAlī és Šāh Ghāzī Rustam uralkodása (1120-1165) 180. 13. A hanyatlás – Šāh Ghāzī Rustam utódai és a Khwārizmi Birodalom 192. IX. A Bādūspānidák egy-történelmi dilemma 204. X. Összefoglalás 218. XI. Bibliográfia 223. XII. Mellékletek 234. 1. a tabaristāni dinasztiák genealógiai táblái 234. 2. Tabaristān térképe 241. 2 I. Előszó Tabaristān. A mai Māzandarān középkori (majdnem) elnevezése, mely látszólag egy a sok közül, a mai Irán, Afganisztán és Közép-Ázsia történeti régióinak egyike. Disszertációm címe: Tabaristān lokális fejedelemségeinek története a mongol kor előtt az iszlám idején. Ebben a közel kétszáz oldalban arra vállalkozom, hogy megvizsgáljam ennek az észak-iráni régiónak a történelmét. Pontosabban, az itt egykor uralkodott négy dinasztiáét: A Dābūyidákét, a Qārinwandokét, a Bāwandidákét és végül a Bādūspānidákét. Mint minden írásnak, e dolgozatnak is határai vannak. Mivel a rendelkezésemre álló oldalszám adott volt, emiatt megfelelő korlátok közé próbáltam terelni munkámat. A kissé hosszúra nyúlt cím megpróbálja pontosan definiálni a dolgozatban vizsgált korszakot. Időben a Kr.u. 7. század derekától a Kr.u. 13. század elejéig terjed munkám. A kezdőpont a Sāsānida Birodalom bukása viszonylag könnyű választás, mivel innentől számíthatjuk a helyi dinasztiák önállóságát – egyáltalán, Tabaristān mint földrajzi és politikai térség súlyának megnövekedését. Annál nehezebb volt viszont a végpontot meghatározni. Mivel az egyes dinasztiák története elágazik és nem egyszerre ér véget, így - talán önkényesen - 13. század első évtizedét választottam. Ez az egyik lokális dinasztia, a Bāwandidák időleges bukásának pillanata, melyet a Khwārizmi Birodalom okoz. Mivel tudjuk, hogy alig tíz év múlva az Iránt elérő mongol hódítás alapvető változásokat idéz elő elsöpörve Khwārizmot is, emiatt történetileg ez a cezúra tűnt a legracionálisabbnak. Az olvasó talán felvetheti, hogy miért nem egy dinasztia, mondjuk, a Bāwandidák vagy a négy dinasztia közül a legtovább hatalmon maradó Bādūspānidák történetét választottam? Nos, erre válaszom az lehet, hogy Tabaristān története ilyen összetett, mely tény nem engedi meg, hogy csak egy szálat „futassunk végig”. A különböző periódusban ezek a dinasztiák egymás mellett éltek, egymással kialakított viszonyuk nem vizsgálható csak az egyik vagy a másik oldalról, egyben túlontúl sok magyarázatot igényelne néhány elejtett, más dinasztiákra vonatkozó félmondat. Az olvasó másik felvetése az lehet, hogy miért e négy dinasztia szerepel e dolgozatban? Miért nem szerepelnek benne például a Ziyāridák vagy akár néhány síita fejedelemség, melyek szintén jelen voltak e régióban a vizsgált korban? Valamilyen magyarázatot igényel e 3 választás! Pontosan így van. A választás oka, hogy e négy dinasztia, a Dābūyidák, a Qārinwandok, a Bāwandidák és a Bādūspānidák, bár sokban különböznek egymástól, de egyvalamiben megegyeznek. Valószínűleg mindannyian a kései sāsānida arisztokrácia leszármazottai, sajátos történeti kontinuitást képezve a preiszlám Iránból a muszlim Perzsiába. E tény, ha figyelembe vesszük a koraközépkori Irán történelmét, nem túlságosan jellemző más történeti régiókban. Tabaristān ugyanúgy a muszlim oikumené részévé vált – de e folyamat itt jórészt más módon játszódott le. A helyi elit a kalifátus előtt és alatt a helyben maradt „ancien régime” túlélőiből tevődött össze. A terület periférikus mivoltából fakadóan ezek a dinasztiák nagyobbrészt folyamatosan megmaradtak, államiságai(k)nak és történeti szerepüknek sajátos tónust ad a történeti folyamatosság. Mindez nagyobbrészt megkülönbözteti őket az időről időre itt felbukkanó és egymást váltó esetenként óriási erőt képviselő hódító dinasztiáktól. A miértre még egy válasz adható az olvasónak. Ez pedig a szerző kíváncsisága. A témaválasztás során Tabaristān viszonylag kutatatlan témának tűnt. Az idevonatkozó másodlagos irodalom, ha e dinasztiákat nézzük és ha összevetjük más régiókéval, meglehetősen sovány. Sajnos – vagy nem sajnos. Mindez komoly szerepet játszott e téma kiválasztásában és megírásában. Természetesen egy téma megírását alapvetően determinálják a rendelkezésre álló források. Itt is ez történt. A rendelkezésre álló és időben már nemigen gyarapodó forrásállomány elsősorban az eseménytörténet, a hadtörténet, a történeti földrajz és a genealógia terén nyújt lehetőséget a további kutatásra. Bármennyire is érdekes lenne, például a korabeli Tabaristān társadalom- vagy gazdaságtörténetéről nagyívű tanulmányokat írni, mindez a meglevő (és a nem meglevő…) források fényében gyakorlatilag lehetetlen. Mert ilyen adatok csak meglehetősen szórványosan maradtak meg az utókorra. Amikor erre alkalom nyílik, akkor nem habozunk ezt megírni, de általános megállapításokat nemigen szerencsés tenni egy ilyen kis régió esetében. Mi maradt tehát? Egy átfogó eseménytörténeti munka megírása, mely magában foglalja mindazokat a problémákat, vitás kérdéseket, melyek e középkori iráni tartományban talán még megoldatlanok maradtak Két dolog lebegett szemünk előtt a dolgozat megírása alatt. 1. A négy dinasztia történetének legapróbb történeti, kultúrtörténeti és genealógiai kérdéseinek (re)interpretációja a rendelkezésre álló elsődleges és másodlagos irodalom, a történeti kútforrások, a régészet, az epigráfia, a numizmatika és a modern kutatás eredményeinek felhasználásával. Ez kétségtelenül a pozitivizmus felé terelte a dolgozat 4 irányát. Ám, ha a témára tekintünk és beleássuk magunkat, akkor csakhamar triviális kérdésekbe ütközünk. Mindez a téma viszonylagos érintetlenségéből fakad. Mindössze két olyan terület akad, ahol mára csaknem minden kérdés megoldódott vagy legalábbis tágas szakirodalom foglalkozik velük: a Dābūyida ispahbadok története és a qārinwand Māzyār szerepének értékelése. Mivel dolgozatunkban nem törekszünk az ismétlésre és sokadszor ugyanazt leírni, emiatt talán e két részlet rövidebb kifejtést kapott. 2. Az adott eseményeken során túl választ kerestünk arra is, milyen általános tendenciák figyelhetőek meg az események menetében, mindez hogyan hathatott ki a régióra, Tabaristānra és a vele szomszédos területekre? Vannak-e ismétlődő jelenségek vagy minden periódus más és más tanulsággal szolgál? E munka tehát elsősorban történeti kérdéseket vizsgál, és csak másodsorban igyekszik filológiai és egyéb problémákat megoldani. Bízunk benne, hogy egy-két apróságra választ adhattunk. 5 II. Az átírásról A dolgozat szövegében előforduló klasszikus arab, perzsa és modern perzsa szavakat az alábbi klasszikus átírási rendszert figyelembe véve írtuk át. A dolgozat elején szereplő középperzsa alakokat David Mackenzie középperzsa átírási gyakorlatát követve írom át1 . ā - ا b – ب I - p t - ت th - ث j - ج Y -č Î - ح kh - خ d - د dh - ذ r - ر z - ز s - س š - ش Ò - ص ª - ض Ô - ط Û - ظ c - ع gh - غ f - ف q - ق k – ﮎ 1 Mackenzie, D. (1971) A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, Edinburgh. 6 g - گ l - ل m– ﻧﻪ n - ن ,ū, w – و ī, y – ى æ - h 7 III. Tabaristān földrajzi jellege A Kr.u. 7. század után az egyetlen olyan terület, mely a történeti Irán régiói közül sem a hódítás kezdetén, sem pedig a 8. század elejéig, tehát Közép-Ázsia bekebelezéséig nem került a kalifátus hatalma alá a Kaszpi-tenger déli partvidéke és az azt övező hegylánc, az Alburz volt.A Kaszpi-vidék még további alrégiókra,
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