United States Court of Appeals, Supreme Court Judges, Ambassadors, Other Public District of Columbia Circuit

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

United States Court of Appeals, Supreme Court Judges, Ambassadors, Other Public District of Columbia Circuit 838 F.2d 476 Page 1 56 USLW 2420 (Cite as: 838 F.2d 476, 267 U.S.App.D.C. 178) and consent of Senate to appointment of not only United States Court of Appeals, Supreme Court judges, ambassadors, other public District of Columbia Circuit. ministers, and consuls, but also department heads and federal judges. U.S.C.A. Const. Art. 2, § 2, el. 2. In re SEALED CASE (Three Cases). 2I~ United States ~:;~35 Nos. 87-5261, 87-5264 and 87-5265. 393k35 Most Cited Cases Argued Sept. 16, 1987. Independent counsel appointed under provisions of Decided Jan. 22, 1988. Ethics in Government Act is a "principal officer," not As Amended Feb. 5, 1988. an "inferior officer," and must be appointed with Probable Jurisdiction Noted Feb. 22, 1988. advice and consent of Senate under Constitution’s appointments clause; accordingly, appointment by Act’s "Special Court" is constitutionally invalid. See 108 S.Ct. 1010. U.S.C.A. Const. Art. 2, § 2, cl. 2; 28 U.S.C.A. § § 49, 591- 598. Three former government officials brought suit challenging authority of independent counsel [31 Constitutional Law ~::z~58 appointed under provisions of Ethics in Government 92k58 Most Cited Cases Act to issue subpoenas compelling their testimony before grand jury. The United States District Court I31 Constitutional Law ~=::>72 for the District of Columbia, 665 F.Supp. 56, Aubrey 92k72 Most Cited Cases E. Robinson, Jr., Chief Judge, held the former officials in contempt for failing to answer the Executive Branch has exclusive authority and subpoenas, and they appealed. The Court of absolute discretion to decide whether to prosecute Appeals, Silberman, Circuit Judge, held that: (1) criminal case. U.S.C.A. Const. Art. 2, § 3. independent counsel appointed under Ethics in Government Act is a "principal official," not an "inferior official," and must be appointed with advice [41 United States ~:::~35 and consent of Senate under Constitution’s 393k35 Most Cited Cases appointments clause; (2) even if independent counsel is an "inferior official," Act would violate President’s Even if independent counsel appointed under constitutional duty to ensure that the laws are provisions of Ethics and Government Act is an faithfully executed; (3) the Act, viewed as a whole, "inferior officer," and not a "principal officer" who so deeply invades President’s executive prerogatives must be appointed with advice and consent of Senate and responsibilities and so jeopardizes individual under Constitution’s appointments clause, Act would liberty as to be unconstitutional; and (4) Act violate President’s duty to "take Care that the Laws unconstitutionally invests the "Special Court," an be faithfully executed" by providing for independent Article III court, with non- Article III powers. counsel’s appointment by "Special Court" rather than the President. 28 U.S.C.A. § § 49, 591- 598; Reversed. U.S.C.A. Const. Art. 2, § 3. Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Circuit Judge, filed a Constitutional Law ~::z~50 dissenting opinion. 92k50 Most Cited Cases Constitution’s appointments clause does not allow West Headnotes officer of one branch of federal Government to appoint an officer of another branch who is assigned ~ Judges ~:=~3 duty central to constitutional role of that other 227k3 Most Cited Cases branch. U.S.C.A. Const. Art. 2, § 2, cl. 2. I[L[ United States ~;==~35 I61 United States 393k35 Most Cited Cases 393k35 Most Cited Cases Constitution’s appointments clause requires advice Even if independent counsel appointed under Ethics Copr. © West 2003 No Claim to Orig. U.S. Govt. Works 838 F.2d 476 Page 26 56 USLW 2420 (Cite as: 838 F.2d 476, 267 U.S.App.D.C. 178) FN43. Although it does not appear that most implicated, or, on a more mundane, but nevertheless decisions of the Special Court are directly important level, details about staffing and budgetary reviewable by the Supreme Court or any matters. other court, we assume that because section 596(a)(3) authorizes the independent The independent counsel is free to ignore counsel to bring a civil action, an appeal to Department of Justice policy if it is "not possible" to the Supreme Court would lie. follow it, and that judgment is for her alone to make. 28 U.S.C. § 594(~). The consequence of this scheme, (described in more detailin Part IV), is that This scheme is analytically indistinguishable from targets of an independent counsel may be subjected one whereby the Attorney General could remove the to investigations and prosecutions governed by rules independent counsel only by petitioning the Special different from those that apply to the investigation of Court for a termination order which the Special Court any other citizen and therefore it strikes at the very could grant or not following its own independent heart of the unitary executive doctrine, which has as a investigation of the facts and the law. The only primary purpose the "unitary and uniform difference between such a hypothetical statute and administration of the laws." MFers, 272 U.S. at 135, the Act is the timing of the Special Court’s "review," 47 S.Ct. at31. but the Special Court’s power to appoint an interim independent counsel while it reviews a dismissal As we further discuss in Part V, important decisions renders the matter of timing inconsequential. See 28 about the scope of the investigation and the very U.S.C. § 593. Hence, we think it likely that any identity of the targets are made not by the Attorney order by the Attomey General to an independent General, but by the Special Court. The absence of counsel, even if backed by a threat of removal, *503 Executive Branch supervisory authority is perhaps **205 would be ineffectual, unless the independent most troubling when an investigation veers toward counsel believed the Special Court would itself agree matters affecting international relations and the with the order. The result of this "double key" independent counsel adopts positions at odds with the system is therefore that the Attorney General is remainder of the Executive Branch. For example, in powerless to remove the independent counsel unless another investigation under the Ethics in Government he can win the consent of the Special Court. We Act that has previously been before this court, the have then almost a precise analogy to Myers, where, independent counsel attempted to subpoena the under the statute declared unconstitutional, the Canadian Ambassador in the face of strenuous President could not remove the postmaster without opposition by the Department of State on this delicate the concurrence of the Senate. diplomatic question. See United States v. Deaver, No. 87-096 (D.D.C. June 22, 1987) [Available on WESTLAW, 1987 WL 13365]. And in oral argument before this court regarding still another The "good cause" limitation on removal, coupled independent counsel investigation, we were advised with the Act’s extraordinary judicial review that in the event of a dispute between the independent provisions and the power of the Special Court to counsel and the President over foreign policy and its appoint an interim independent counsel and to implications for a prosecution, the independent reinstate a fired independent counsel compromise the counsel would ’in principle’ prevail over the President’s ability to oversee the execution of the law. President. Not content with eliminating the President’s implicit power to direct or influence the independent counsel, In sum, Congress has created an Executive Branch Congress went even further to render the President office to perform a core presidential function and as impotent to affect the independent counsel’s behavior. far as we can determine precluded the President from From the moment an independent counsel is exercising any influence over the performance of that appointed, the Act, which guarantees the independent office even when its performance might interfere counsel "independent authority" to carry out her with a range of other Executive Branch duties, 28 U.S.C. § 594(a), ensures that the Attorney responsibilities, including those national security General cannot influence any aspect of her duties directly and solemnly entrusted to the performance, including the scope and duration of the President for the protection of all Americans. investigation, the standards to be applied in making a decision to prosecute or not, the direction of the Co investigation when competing executive concerns are Copr. © West 2003 No Claim to Orig. U.S. Govt. Works 838 F.2d 476 Page 29 56 USLW 2420 (Cite as: 838 F.2d 476, 267 U.S.App.D.C. 178) see how such an eventuality can, no matter what the President to alter the balance of power between structural techniques are employed, be other than a the Presidency on the one hand and Congress and the national nightmare. Judiciary on the other, Congress is entitled to respond. The dissent does not explain in what The Framers were not oblivious to the concerns that manner these abuses "threatened the balance among gave rise to this legislation. By providing Congress the three branches of government," Dissent at 527, with the impeachment power, and declining to extend but, in any event, we would have thought the the President’s pardon power to cases of denouement of the Watergate affair hardly suggests impeachment, the Constitution grants to Congress the the triumph of the Presidency over the other two power, if needed because of criminal behavior, to branches. Furthermore, to say, as does the dissent, discipline the President and all of his appointees. that the Act is constitutional since "no man can be a The impeachment clause and the limitation on the prosecutor or judge in his own case" and the Act President’s pardon power not only demonstrate that merely "maintain[s] the executive’s proper-- and the Framers did not ignore the problem of properly circumscribed--constitutional role," id.
Recommended publications
  • Columbia Law Review
    COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW VOL. 99 DECEMBER 1999 NO. 8 GLOBALISM AND THE CONSTITUTION: TREATIES, NON-SELF-EXECUTION, AND THE ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING John C. Yoo* As the globalization of society and the economy accelerates, treaties will come to assume a significant role in the regulation of domestic affairs. This Article considers whether the Constitution, as originally understood, permits treaties to directly regulate the conduct of private parties without legislative implementation. It examines the relationship between the treaty power and the legislative power during the colonial, revolutionary, Framing, and early nationalperiods to reconstruct the Framers' understandings. It concludes that the Framers believed that treaties could not exercise domestic legislative power without the consent of Congress, because of the Constitution'screation of a nationallegislature that could independently execute treaty obligations. The Framers also anticipatedthat Congress's control over treaty implementa- tion through legislation would constitute an importantcheck on the executive branch'spower in foreign affairs. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... 1956 I. Treaties, Non-Self-Execution, and the Internationalist View ..................................................... 1962 A. The Constitutional Text ................................ 1962 B. Globalization and the PoliticalBranches: Non-Self- Execution ............................................. 1967 C. Self-Execution: The InternationalistView ................
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project LAURENCE H. SILBERMAN Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: September 23, 1998 Copyright 2000 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born and raised in Pennsylvania and New Jersey Dartmouth College; Harvard Law School World War II influence McCarthy and communism President Eisenhower’s anti-McCarthy speech U.S. Army reserve Derek Bok influence Harvard politics Political views Hawaii - Private Law Practice 1961-1967 Labor law Union organizations Harry Bridges Senator Hiram Fong Republican Party Vietnam War sentiment Department of Labor - NLRB 1967-1969 Appellate lawyer Solicitor of Labor (General Counsel) Labor management affairs Department of Labor - Under Secretary 1970-1973 Nixon administration Secretary of Labor George Shultz Kissinger-Shultz comparison Nixon involvement Ehrlichman White House influence Unions’ political orientation George McGovern 1 Deputy Attorney General 1973-1975 Saturday Night Massacre Archibald Cox Yugoslavia - Ambassador 1975-1977 Recalling 1969-1970 ILO Geneva Conference U.S. unions anti-communism George Meany Lane Kirkland “Towards Presidential Control of the State Department” “Europe’s Fiddler on the Roof” Tito and tactics Soviet-West power struggle World War II fears Internal debate on Yugoslavia Kissinger views of USSR future U.S. ambassador’s 1974-1975 meeting Sonnenfeldt Doctrine Foreign Service officer (FSO) attitude towards political appointees Mack Toon Embassy friction DCM problems CODELs Understanding
    [Show full text]
  • Deconstructing the Administrative State: Chevron Debates and the Transformation of Constitutional Politics
    DECONSTRUCTING THE ADMINISTRATIVE STATE: CHEVRON DEBATES AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS CRAIG GREEN* ABSTRACT This Article contrasts Reagan-era conservative support for Chevron U.S.A. v. NRDC with conservative opposition to Chevron deference today. That dramatic shift offers important context for understanding how future attacks on the administrative state will develop. Newly collected historical evidence shows a sharp pivot after President Obama’s reelection, and conservative opposition to Chevron deference has become stronger ever since. The sudden emergence of anti-Chevron critiques, along with their continued growth during a Republican presidency, suggests that such arguments will increase in power and popularity for many years to come. Although critiques of Chevron invoke timeless rhetoric about constitutional structure, those critiques began at a very specific moment, and that historical coincidence fuels existing skepticism about such arguments’ substantive merit. This Article analyzes institutional questions surrounding Chevron with deliberate separation from modern politics. Regardless of one’s substantive opinions about President Trump, federal regulation, or administrative deference, this Article identifies extraordinary costs to the legal system of overruling Chevron through mechanisms of constitutional law. * Professor of Law, Temple University Beasley School of Law; Ph.D., Princeton University; J.D., Yale Law School. Many thanks for comments from participants at the Federal Administrative Law Judges Conference and the Philadelphia Law Department’s Annual Conference. Thanks also for individual suggestions from Kent Barnett, Jane Baron, Pamela Bookman, Heather Elliott, Kellen Funk, Tara Leigh Grove, Joseph Hall, Jonathan Lipson, Jane Manners, Gillian Metzger, Henry Monaghan, Andrea Monroe, Lauren Ouziel, Rachel Rebouché, Dan Rodgers, and Neil Siegel.
    [Show full text]
  • Honorable Laurence H. Silberman
    HONORABLE LAURENCE H. SILBERMAN Oral History Project The Historical Society of the District of Columbia Circuit Oral History Project U n i t e d S t a t e s C o u r t s The Historical Society of the D i s t r i c t o f C olumbia Circuit District of Columbia Circuit Honorable Laurence H. Silberman Interviews conducted by: Raymond J. Rasenberger, Esquire June 26, September 26, and December 13, 2001 January 25 and February 6, 2002 January 23 and February 4, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . i Oral History Agreements Honorable Laurence H. Silberman Agreement. iii Authorization. v Raymond J. Rasenberger, Esq. vi Oral History Transcript of Interviews on: June 26, 2001 . 1 September 26, 2001 . 40 December 13, 2001 . 69 January 25, 2002 . 117 February 6, 2002 . 164 January 23, 2008 . 238 February 4, 2008 . 263 Index . A-1 Table of Cases and Statutes . A-22 Biographical Sketches Honorable Laurence H. Silberman . B-1 Raymond J. Rasenberger, Esq. B-3 Appendix I . C-1 The Origin of Affirmative Action as We Know It–The Philadelphia Plan Pivot, by Judge Silberman, October 10, 2001. Appendix II . D-1 “Will Lawyering Strangle Democratic Capitalism: a Retrospective,” by Judge Silberman, March 30, 2000. Appendix III . E-1 On the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the Saturday Night Massacre, by Judge Silberman, June 24, 1999. Appendix IV . F-1 “Judge Silberman’s response to David Brock’s book,” Michael Barone Blog, August 18, 2006 NOTE The following pages record interviews conducted on the dates indicated. The interviews were electronically recorded, and the transcription was subsequently reviewed and edited by the interviewee.
    [Show full text]
  • Laurence H. Silberman Papers, 1947-1976
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf9p3006z7 No online items Register of the Laurence H. Silberman Papers, 1947-1976 Finding aid prepared by Rebecca J. Mead; machine-readable finding aid created by Xiuzhi Zhou Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6010 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998 Register of the Laurence H. 83031 1 Silberman Papers, 1947-1976 Title: Laurence H. Silberman Papers Date: 1947-1976 Collection Number: 83031 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 50 manuscript boxes, 1 phonotape, 1 envelope(20.8 linear feet) Abstract: Correspondence, speeches and writings, memoranda, reports, studies, testimony, legal documents, printed matter, and photographs, relating to U.S. government domestic policy during the presidential administrations of Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford, labor relations, investigations of the United Mine Workers, equal employment opportunity policies, and judicial proceedings. Location note: Hoover Institution Archives. Creator: Silberman, Laurence H. (Laurence Hirsch), 1935- Access Collection is open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. Please note that not all audiovisual material
    [Show full text]
  • Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh: His Jurisprudence and Potential Impact on the Supreme Court
    Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh: His Jurisprudence and Potential Impact on the Supreme Court Andrew Nolan, Coordinator Section Research Manager Caitlain Devereaux Lewis, Coordinator Legislative Attorney August 21, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R45293 SUMMARY R45293 Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh: His Jurisprudence August 21, 2018 and Potential Impact on the Supreme Court Andrew Nolan, On July 9, 2018, President Donald J. Trump announced the nomination of Judge Brett M. Coordinator Kavanaugh of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit (D.C. Circuit) to fill Section Research Manager retiring Justice Anthony M. Kennedy’s seat on the Supreme Court of the United States. [email protected] Nominated to the D.C. Circuit by President George W. Bush, Judge Kavanaugh has served on Caitlain Devereaux Lewis, that court for more than twelve years. In his role as a Circuit Judge, the nominee has authored Coordinator roughly three hundred opinions (including majority opinions, concurrences, and dissents) and Legislative Attorney adjudicated numerous high-profile cases concerning, among other things, the status of wartime [email protected] detainees held by the United States at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba; the constitutionality of the current structure of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau; the validity of rules issued by the For a copy of the full report, Environmental Protection Agency under the Clean Air Act; and the legality of the Federal please call 7-5700 or visit Communications Commission’s net neutrality rule. Since joining the D.C. Circuit, Judge www.crs.gov. Kavanaugh has also taught courses on the separation of powers, national security law, and constitutional interpretation at Harvard Law School, Yale Law School, and the Georgetown University Law Center.
    [Show full text]
  • Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today's Most Dangerous Branch from Within
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2006 Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today's Most Dangerous Branch from Within Neal K. Katyal Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1882 https://ssrn.com/abstract=900820 115 Yale L.J. 2314 (2005-2006) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Legislation Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons NEAL KUMAR KATYAL Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today's Most Dangerous Branch from Within ABSTRACT. The standard conception of separation of powers presumes three branches with equivalent ambitions of maximizing their powers. Today, however, legislative abdication is the reigning modus operandi. Instead of bemoaning this state of affairs, this Essay asks how separation of powers can be reflected within the executive branch when that branch, not the legislature, is making much of the law today. The first-best concept of "legislature v. executive" checks and balances must be updated to contemplate second-best "executive v. executive" divisions. A critical mechanism to promote internal separation of powers is bureaucracy. Much maligned by both the political left and right, bureaucracy serves crucial functions. It creates a civil service not beholden to any particular administration and a cadre of experts with a long- term institutional worldview. This Essay therefore proposes a set of mechanisms that can create checks and balances within the executive branch in the foreign affairs area.
    [Show full text]
  • Brett Kavanaugh Nominee for the U.S
    Brett Kavanaugh Nominee for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit Brief Biography • Age 39. Born February 12, 1965. • B.A. cum laude, Yale 1987. • J.D., Yale 1990. • Law Clerk for: o Walter Stapelton, Third Circuit, 1990-91. o Alex Kozinski, Ninth Circuit, 1991-92. o Anthony Kennedy, U.S. Supreme Court, 1993-94. • Attorney in the Office of U.S. Solicitor General Kenneth Starr, 1992-93. • Associate Counsel in the Office of Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr, 1994-97, 1998. • Partner at Kirkland & Ellis, Washington, D.C., 1997-98 & 1999-2001. • Associate White House Counsel 2001-03. • Assistant to the President and Staff Secretary 2003-present. President Bush’s nomination of Brett Kavanaugh for a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit exemplifies the White House’s reliance on ideology over merit in selecting judicial nominees. Kavanaugh appears to have been chosen for a D.C. Circuit seat only because of his involvement in some of the most ideologically charged issues of his time. As an associate counsel in the office of Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr, Kavanaugh, among other responsibilities: (1) pursued unfounded allegations that Clinton White House deputy counsel Vince Foster was murdered rather than committing suicide, (2) worked on the Monica Lewinsky investigation, and (3) drafted the grounds for impeachment section of the Starr Report Congress. Kavanaugh’s views of executive privilege reveal his excessive partisanship. In the Independent Counsel’s office, Kavanaugh was responsible for challenging the Clinton Administration’s claims of privilege, testing the boundaries of executive and other privileges in order to gain more information for the Starr investigation.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulk Metadata Collection: Statutory and Constitutional Considerations
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2014 Bulk Metadata Collection: Statutory and Constitutional Considerations Laura K. Donohue Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1350 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2344774 37 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol'y 757-900 (2014) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Fourth Amendment Commons, and the National Security Law Commons BULK METADATA COLLECTION: STATUTORY AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS PROFESSOR LAURA K. DONOHUE* INTRODUCTION ............................................................ 759 I. BULK COLLECTION IN THE CONTEXT OF FISA’S GENERAL APPROACH ............................................ 766 A. Prior Domestic Surveillance ......................... 767 1. NSA Programs ......................................... 770 a. Project MINARET ............................. 772 b. Operation SHAMROCK .................. 773 2. Broader Context ...................................... 776 B. Protections Built into FISA ........................... 782 1. Entity Targeted Prior to Acquisition .... 784 2. Probable Cause and Showing of Criminal Wrongdoing Prior to Collection ................................................. 786
    [Show full text]
  • Visiting Judges
    Visiting Judges Marin K. Levy* Despite the fact that Article III judges hold particular seats on particular courts, the federal system rests on judicial interchangeability. Hundreds of judges “visit” other courts each year and collectively help decide thousands of appeals. Anyone from a retired Supreme Court Justice to a judge from the U.S. Court of International Trade to a district judge from out of circuit may come and hear cases on a given court of appeals. Although much has been written about the structure of the federal courts and the nature of Article III judgeships, little attention has been paid to the phenomenon of “sitting by designation”—how it came to be, how it functions today, and what it reveals about the judiciary more broadly. This Article offers an overdue account of visiting judges. It begins by providing an origin story, showing how the current practice stems from two radically different traditions. The first saw judges as fixed geographically, and allowed for visitors only as a stopgap measure when individual judges fell ill or courts fell into arrears with their cases. The second assumed greater fluidity within the courts, requiring Supreme Court Justices to ride circuit—to visit different regions and act as trial and appellate judges—for the first half of the Court’s history. These two traditions together provide the critical context for modern-day visiting. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15779/Z38ZK55M67 Copyright © 2019 California Law Review, Inc. California Law Review, Inc. (CLR) is a California nonprofit corporation. CLR and the authors are solely responsible for the content of their publications.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 115 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
    E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 115 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 163 WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 31, 2017 No. 176 Senate The Senate met at 10 a.m. and was As I said last week, no single bill or As government officials review this called to order by the President pro program is going to solve this crisis on morning’s report and as agencies de- tempore (Mr. HATCH). its own. Only a sustained, committed velop new plans to fulfill its objectives, f effort can do that. That has been my I will continue to work with partners view over the many years that I have in Washington and Kentucky to ad- PRAYER been involved in this issue, from the dress this important crisis. The goal, of The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- first time I invited the White House course, is that one day we can finally fered the following prayer: drug czar down to Eastern Kentucky to put the pain of opioid abuse behind us Let us pray. see the challenges posed by prescrip- once and for all. Sovereign Lord of the Universe, we tion drug abuse firsthand to my work f pray today for all who govern. Use our on other initiatives, such as helping JUDICIAL NOMINATIONS Senators for Your glory, providing pass a law to help address the tragedy them with wisdom to live with the in- of babies born addicted to drugs. Mr. MCCONNELL. Mr. President, yes- tegrity that brings stability to nations.
    [Show full text]
  • National Security Law: More Questions Than Answers David B
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Florida State University College of Law Florida State University Law Review Volume 31 | Issue 1 Article 1 2003 National Security Law: More Questions Than Answers David B. Sentelle [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation David B. Sentelle, National Security Law: More Questions Than Answers, 31 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. (2003) . http://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr/vol31/iss1/1 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida State University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW NATIONAL SECURITY LAW: MORE QUESTIONS THAN ANSWERS David B. Sentelle VOLUME 31 FALL 2003 NUMBER 1 Recommended citation: David B. Sentelle, National Security Law: More Questions Than Answers, 31 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 1 (2003). NATIONAL SECURITY LAW: MORE QUESTIONS THAN ANSWERS HON. DAVID B. SENTELLE* The terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, the reactions to those attacks, and more recently the armed conflict in Iraq have raised, or more accurately raised anew, a host of ques- tions concerning the law of national security. Because I think the bar and especially the bench and the legal academy should be thinking about those questions, I am going to raise many of them for your thoughts and discussion, but I will not attempt to answer very many of them, both because the answers may not be fixed, and because I want to retain the openness necessary to deal with them should I confront them in an Article III context.
    [Show full text]