A New Reading of the Colophon of Šimâ Milka (“Hear the Advice”) from the Maison Aux Tablettes

273 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 3-4, mei-augustus 2017 274

An Assyrian Teacher at Ugarit? A New Reading of the Colophon of Šimâ Milka (“Hear the Advice”) from the Maison aux Tablettes

Yoram Cohen

Abstract This article presents a new reading of the colophon of the wisdom composition named Šimâ Milka found at Ugarit. It argues that the teacher of the student who copied the manuscript was called Aššur-rēši-išši and that he was probably an Assyrian present at the city, active in the archive of the Mai- son aux Tablettes. Discussion will also be given to the student’s name and title as well as to the identity of the deity behind the logogram dpap.pap.

Since its publication by Nougayrol in 1968, the four-line colophon of the Šimâ Milka (“Hear the Advice”) manuscript recovered from the Maison aux tablettes (RS 22.439 = Ugaritica 5, no. 163) has caused problems of reading and resisted easy interpretation.1) I offer here my reading and interpretation of the colophon. I will argue that the teacher of the student who copied this composition in Ugarit was named Aššur-rēšī-išši, and that on the basis of his name, we can identify him as an Assyrian. The colophon which is found on the reverse of the tablet at the end of colum iv, reads as follows:

1 šu mŠip-ṭi a šid dumu The hand of Šipṭu, scribe, son arad-lugal x?[…] of Abdi-Milki […] 2 gáb-zu-zu šá ma+lim+gìr- student of Aššur-rēšī-i[šši] sag-í[l-(ši)] 3 arad dag u dpap.pap servant of Nabû and dpap.pap 4 arad damar-utu u servant of Marduk and d Ṣar-pa-ni-tu4 Ṣarpānītu.

1) the manuscript of Šimâ Milka was found in Room 4 of the Maison aux tablettes archive; for the archive, see Roche 2013; Pedersén 1998, 79; van Soldt 1991, 182–192. For additional (minor) discussions about the Šimâ Milka colophon that are not mentioned here, see Clemens 2001, 930, n. 1457. For the Šimâ Milka wisdom composition, see Cohen 2013, no. 1, and Sallaberger 2010. The author wishes to thank Ran Zadok for his critical reading of this article and learned remarks. Research for this chapter was supported by an Israel Science Foundation Grant (no. 241/15; ‘The Produc- tion and Dissemination of Scholarly and School Textual Materials during the Late Bronze Age: An Integrated Research Project’; together with Prof. Yuval Goren, Ben Gurion University of the Negev). 275 an assyrian teacher at ugarit? 276

Fig. 1 (RS 22.439 = Ugaritica 5, no. 163, rev. col. iv, colophon; after Nougayrol 1968, 437)

The Student’s Name and Title Reading the alleged *um correctly as šid, Arnaud (2007, m The usual order of the details supplied in the colophons of 178) suggested Šip-ṭi-a sanga. However, the title sanga never appears in Ugarit colophons. In addition, the rendering Ugarit is as follows. First comes the student’s name and his m professional standing—always a scribe. Even when desig- of the scribe’s name as Šip-ṭi-a with a taken as a hypoco- ia nated as gáb-zu-zu, “pupil”, students in the Ugarit colo- ristic ending is difficult. We would expect the signs (for lú lú lú -ya; acc.) or pi (for -yu; nom., or -yi; gen.), if a hypocoristic phons are titled as dub.sar, a.ba, or umbisag (a unique 8 case).2) Then the teacher’s name is provided.3) Only then ending was intended. ) At the very least, we can amend the writing to mŠip-ṭi-a ➝ *Šipṭīya and assume a hypocoristic appears the father’s name, followed by a list of the patron 9 gods of the scribal arts. In this colophon, however, for no form with the ending -ya (and in the wrong case). ) Assum- apparent reason, the filiation is fronted (l. 1) and appears ing a simple although unconventional writing of a after /i/ to represent -ya, can also be considered a possibility. after what appears to be the student’s professional designa- m tion. Only then appears the name of the teacher (l. 2).4) Van Soldt (1988, 316 and n. 33) read the name as Šip-ṭi In the Šimâ Milka colophon, it is not immediately obvious and suggested to understand the writing of a-um as a form how to read the student’s name or his title and where comes of a+šid for úmbisag (= šidxa; Borger, MZL, no. 489), the break between the two. Nougayrol suggested to read the “scribe”. Van Soldt’s reading of the title may be considered um šid sequence of the opening signs of the colophon as diš-me-di- as a possibility (especially when the sign is not but ), úmbisag a-um. He read the student’s name as either mŠip-ṭi-a-um or in spite of the fact that does not appear in the colo- mŠip-ṭi. The reading mŠip-ṭi-a-um has been accepted by phons from Ugarit. There is but one attestation in an Ugarit 5 colophon, however, of a sign from the same family of signs, Huehnergard (1989, 344: Šipṭia᾿um). ) However, the ending 10 -um is highly unconventional in names in Ugarit;6) and in umbisag (= šid; Borger, MZL, no. 485). ) In addition, the diri addition, the sign in question is not um, but šid.7) Ugarit =(w)atru lexical list (MSL 15, 79, l. 11) brings us the following equation: [um-b]i-sag = šidxa = ṭup-šar- rum.11) This demonstrates that the sign šidxa, i.e., úmbisag 2) see van Soldt 1988. For the unique title lúumbisag, MSL SS 1, 75, was known at Ugarit. source A, see below. 3) the Ugarit colophons were collected by van Soldt 1988, to which one can add a few more: RS 22.431 (unpublished; see Nougayrol 1968, 290, 15’), RS 22.227B+ (MSL 15, 67 [Tablet III]), RS 20.230 (MSL SS 1: (PRU 3, 117) and RS 18.2 (PRU 4, 201), all documents, incidentally, writ- 75 [A]), RS 34.166 (André-Salvini 1991, no. 52), RS 92.2008 (André- ten by Nu῾mu-Rašap; see van Soldt 1991, 30–31, for a discussion regarding Salvini 2001, 238; André-Salvini 2004, 152) and Hani 77/9 (Arnaud and the identification of this scribe with one by the same name whose sons were Kennedy 1979, 319–321). The Ugarit colophons, mostly unpublished, still active in the Maison aux tablettes. await a comprehensive treatment. 8) gröndahl 1967, 49–56; van Soldt 2014; van Soldt 2012a. An extra 4) Hence, it is not that the title inserts itself between name and filiation, -a at the end of names (always Ca-a) represents either a long (ā) or con- but that the usual position of the filiation has been changed and fronted (cf. tracted vowel (â). van Soldt 1988, 316, n. 33). There are cases when the filiation comes 9) compare RS 19.33 (PRU 6, no. 54), l. 8: igi mŠi-ip-ṭí-yu(pi), follow- directly after the scribe’s name, but in these instances no other details are ing the copy (PRU 6, pl. xx); correct therefore Nougayrol’s transliteration provided; cf. RS 23.495 (Ugaritica 5, no. 121; van Soldt 1988, 317 [s]) and and subsequent incorrect citations found in, e.g., van Soldt 1991, 309, RS 3.318 (MSL 6, 4; van Soldt 1988, 318 [v]). Note that the order of the n. 115 and del Olmo Lete and Sanmartín 2015, 913. The form Šipṭīyu various components in the colophon can change. For example, in RS demonstrates that the name could have a hypocoristic form, here in the 22.346+ (MSL 10, 37; van Soldt 1988, 315 [h]), the patron gods appear nom. case. A similar form is attested in an alphabetic text, although it is before and not as customary after the filiation. possibly broken: ṯpṭy[…]; KTU3 4:140:2. 5) see also van Soldt 1991, 20 and 24. 10) considering that in the edition (MSL SS 1, 75) a proper distinction 6) gröndahl 1967, 305 and 332; 295 and 358 list only two dubious was made between the two signs; a copy is not available; see above nn. 2 names ending in -um. and 3. 7) see Huehnergard 1989, 368 (nos. 134 and 138) and 380 (no. 314). 11) the equation is found also in the Ugarit Middle Babylonian Gram- Note, however, that the sign dub when writting lúdub.sar can be written matical Texts; see MSL SS 1, 82, ll. 182–184: dub-sar = ṭup-šar-rum; as šid. E.g., RS 15.127(+?)15.131 (PRU 3, 132–133), RS 15.143+164 a-ba = min; [u]m-bi-sagšidxa = min. See also PRU 3, 211 and pl. x (RS 12.47). 277 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 3-4, mei-augustus 2017 278

To conclude, because the writing a+šid for úmbisag is not Akkadian readings or learned interpretations.16) In this Kas- attested, perhaps the most acceptable solution will be to con- site name-list, Column ii, 17 reads: mlàl-úr-alim-ma = sider the following reading: mŠip-ṭi-a úmbisag, mdùg-ga-ut-li-dEn-líl (Ṭāb-utli-Enlil; AHw, 1444a; CAD/U– “Šipṭīa, cribe”. W, 335). This name is attested also in Kassite economic Regardless of the exact reading of the student’s title, we documentation.17) Hence the equation between alim and can conclude, following either van Soldt or Arnaud, that the Enlil is not solely a learned Kassite construction. The equa- sic student’s name is *Šipṭu/*Šipṭīyu. Can we consider that tion between alim and Enlil is also found in the lexical tradi- he appears here with his shortened name form or hypocoris- tion: Sb (MSL 9, 150), l. 47 gives us: a-li-im = alim = tic, the longer or full one being Šipaṭ-Ba῾al or Šipṭi-Ba῾al?12) dEn-[líl].18) Hence the divine element in the teacher’s name And if this is indeed the case, can we continue with all due can be read as the god Enlil, although, as I will presently caution and suggest an identification with one Šipti-Ba῾al, a argue, it is not this deity that is represented behind the logo- prominent citizen of Ugarit and an “agent” of the palace, gram alim.19) who was also in close contact with Mr. Urtenu?13) It is not The fourth sign and second element of the name is without unfeasible to imagine that the text was his production. No doubt a well-written sag sign. It is to be realized as rēš(ī) or clear-cut answer for this hypothesis can presently be offered. rēš(a), “(my) head” or “the head” (acc. case). One needs to be on the lookout, in any case, for an individual The partly preserved fifth sign of line 2, and the third and in Ugarit whose father’s name is arad-lugal, rendered as last element of the teacher’s name, is to be understood, in customary Abdi-Milki. light of the two previous signs, as the sign íl. It stands for the verb našû, “to lift, rise”, and here perhaps, in the broken The Teacher’s Name part, it was originally complemented with ši, for išši, “he The reading of the teacher’s name (l. 2) is the main crux raised”. The sign íl appears in this very tablet in col. ii, 1 of the colophon and, to the best of my understanding, a suc- (the reading of the line remains unclear). The name hence is cessful rendition of the name has previously not been pro- to be read as *Enlil-rēšī-išši. However, I argue that the name vided. The signs as copied by Nougayrol are diš-a-lim-gìr- is to be read as Aššur-rēšī-išši (“Aššur has raised my head”). sag-x[(-x)]. Nougayrol (1968, 290) read the sign combination First, such a name with Enlil as the divine member is not a-lim-gìr as alimx. His reading was followed by van Soldt attested, hence we need to assume that another divinity is

(1988, 316), whose opinion was endorsed in turn by Dietrich intended. We suggest that the divine name behind alimx (1991, 65) and Kämmerer (1998, 206–207). None of these is the god Assur. If we substitute Enlil with Aššur, we find scholars suggested a reading of this combination, and subse- that this very name with this god is very well-attested. quently of the teacher’s name. The name is known as the name of two Assyrian kings, Arnaud (2007, 178–179) suggested to read the entire the Middle Assyrian king Aššur-rēšī-išši I (1132–1115), sequence as mír-nè-rìg-ga[l], for the name ῾Abd-Rašap. He father of Tiglath-pileser I, and a minor king, Aššur-rēšī-išši suggested that a-lim or a-igi (as he read the signs) are to be II (971–967). But it was also the name of private individuals, read as ír, which he took as a cryptic writing for ìr (logo- mentioned in contemporary Middle Assyrian documents graphic for ardu or ῾abdu). The sign sag he suggested to from Dur-katlimmu and in Neo-Assyrian documentation. correct to rìg. We cannot accept his reading and interpreta- It can be written as mdA-šur-re-ši-i-ši, mAš-šur-sag-iš-ši, mAš- tion for reasons which follow. šur-sag-i-ši, mAš-šur-sag-iš, and mAš-šur-sag-íl?.20) Nougayrol’s initial reading of the sign combination a-lim- The fact that the god Assur can replace Enlil in this private gìr as alimx can be fully accepted. It can be vindicated by name is supported by the religious climate in Assyria during the an=dAnum God-list. In Tablet II (Litke 1998, 84), l. 148, its raise to power in the Late Bronze Age. There is ample alimx is written a+lim+gìr in source A (YBC 2401, which documentation of a syncretistic process in Assyria whereby incidentally, to remind the reader, is a Middle Assyrian tab- Assur assimilated Enlil’s titles, epithets, and temple names.21) let, hence more or less contemporaneous with Ugarit). Source In fact, he is come to be known as the “Assyrian Enlil”, and C of the God-list writes the sign alim as gìrxaxigi, which is his consort was the same as Enlil’s, Ninlil.22) Hence, there is the way the writing of the sign is represented in the modern 14 16 sign-lists; hence alimx = alim. ) The sign alim can be ren- ) Lambert 1957, 12. dered in Akkadian, on the basis of lexical evidence, as 17) Hölscher 1996, 130. 18) and elsewhere in the lexical tradition; see MSL 4, 4, 5. alimbû, ditānu, or kusarikku (all “bison”), but here it stands 19 15 ) see also CAD/A, 349b, where other gods are given. The association for a god-head––the god Enlil. ) between alim and Enlil/Ellil arose because of the bull’s natural properties, The fact that alim equals Enlil was already suggested by but also without doubt because of the phonological similarity between the Nougayrol on the basis of the Kassite name-list, 5R 44, two names. Note also the following equation from the an=DAnum God-list, which gives names of Babylonian kings after the flood, and Tablet III (Litke 1998, 141), l. 228: dalim-dàra = dmin(iškur[Adad]); see Schwemer 2001, 21 and 63. in addition, a large number of Sumerian names with their 20) see PNA 1/I, 213–214. In Dur-Katlimmu, an individual Aššur-rēšī- išši is mentioned in two documents (Salah 2014, nos. 74:25 and 75:54, and p. 353, where the normalization of the name as *Aššur-rēšī-īši is to be 12) note that there are no other names with šipṭi- as the first element but corrected). In the Neo-Assyrian period, the name is found from the period Šipaṭ/Šipṭi-Ba῾al. For attestations of the name written both syllabically and of Sargon II to Assurbanipal and later. alphabetically, see del Olmo Lete and Sanmartín 2015, 913. 21) tallqvist 1932. 13) for the career of Šipṭu-Ba῾al, see Malbran-Labat and Roche 2007, 22) tallqvist 1932, 13, 22 and passim. It is of interest to note that in 71–74. Saporetti’s onomasticon (1970), there are 140 names beginning with Aššur. 14) see also Litke 1998, 141, l. 228. For the modern sign-lists, see There are only 15 names beginning with Enlil, considerably less than Adad Borger, MZL, 184, no. 703; Labat, no. 421; and HZL, no. 303, where a-lim or Šamaš names. Out of these 15 names, 9 names find a correspondence is written not inside but directly beneath gìr. This writing is analysed “als with the Aššur names (Aššur-aḫa-iddina/Enlil-aḫa-[iddina]; Aššur- Lautindikator”. mudammeq/Enlil-mudammeq; Aššur-mušallim/Enlil-mušallim; Aššur- 15) caD/A, 349; D, 164–165; and K, 584. nādin-apli/Enlil-nādin-apli; Aššur-nērāri/Enlil-nērāri; Aššur-qarrād/ 279 an assyrian teacher at ugarit? 280 no denying that Assur could have assimilated one of Enlil’s 3 uruE-mar [arad dag] of Emar, [servant of Nabû] 23 learned names, alim. ) Where else to demonstrate this d d assimilatory process but in a colophon of a learned work by 4 u nisab[a u amar.utu] and Nisab[a and Marduk] 24 d way of cryptic or playful writing? ) Of course one can 5 u Ṣar-p[a-ni-tu4] and Ṣarp[ānītu]. assume that the person behind the logographic writing of the name was a citizen of Ugarit, bearing a West Semitic/ Emar 537 (Sa Vocabulary; Cohen 2009, 199) Ugaritic name. However, the West Semitic names from 1 ṭup-pi šu m[…] The tablet of the hand of […] Ugarit usually contain only two elements, whereas here there d are clearly more than two. In addition, there is no case, as far 2 arad a[g] servant of Na[bû] as is known to me, where in a Ugarit PN, the writing en.líl 3 u dpap.pap and dpap.pap (and obviously alim) represents an Ugaritic god-head. 4 arad damar.utu servant of Marduk d The Divine pap.pap 5 u Ṣar-pa-ni-tu4 and Ṣarpānītu. The colophon closes with a list of patron gods. The list of patron gods is rather special in Ugarit (although more com- On the base of the two colophons from Emar, which con- mon in Emar, see below). While dag, i.e., Nabû, appears in tain a similar group of gods found in the Ugarit colophon, almost each colophon, dpap.pap rarely occurs.25) The divine and considering the fact that in the Ugarit colophons, Nisaba never appears together with the rare dpap.pap, it can be couple Marduk and his consort Ṣarpānītum appear only once D 26 assumed that Nisaba can interchange with pap.pap. Further- more in an Ugarit colophon. ) d It is difficult to decide which deity stands behind the writ- more, pap.pap is equated with Nisaba in the Ugarit and Emar ing dpap.pap. Arnaud (2007, 179) suggested to see behind this versions of the Silbenvokabular A, and considered a daughter of pap-sukkal.30) However, the picture is more complicated. logographic writing the goddess Tašmētu, Nabû’s consort. It D is true that in the first millennium Tašmētu could be written In the next Emar colophon, Nisaba and pap.pap appear with what can be taken as a variant sign to pap.pap, a sign together: which we call here out of convenience a variant of lál (diš Emar 737 (Hh and an incantation; Cohen 2009, 128) over diš + pap; Borger, MZL, nos. 752 and 849), and which was pronounced as papnun.27) Evidence for the use of this 5 šu mRi-bi-dDa-gan The hand of Ribi-Dagan sign for the goddess Tašmētu is found in a colophon of a 6 ì.zu.tur.tur novice diviner Neo-Assyrian manuscript of the Epic of Gilgamesh from 7 arad dag servant of Nabû 28 pap Assur. ) But the double sign in the Ugarit colophon may d point to a different goddess, perhaps Nisaba,29) or a minor 8 ù nisaba and Nisaba deity from her circle. Compare the following colophons from 9 arad da-a servant of Ea Emar: 10 u dpap.pap and dpap.pap Emar 541+ (Hh I; Cohen 2009, 175–176) 11 u dnin.dub.gal.gal and the “Great Lady of the Tablet” 1 šu mdiš[kur-ma-li]k dumu The hand of Ba῾a[l-mali]k son d diškur-ur.s[ag] of Ba῾al-qarr[ād] 12 u ereš.ki.gal and Ereškigal. 2 lúdub.sar [lúḫal š]a dingir. scribe, [diviner o]f the gods meš This colophon demonstrates that at least on occasions dpap.pap could have been considered a different deity (or at the least, as an avatar of Nisaba). She appears here with the d Enlil-qarrād; Aššur-šuma-ēriš/Enlil-šuma-ēriš; Aššur-šuma-iddina/Enlil- underworld goddess, Ereškigal, and nin.dub.gal.gal, šuma-iddina; and Aššur-taklāk/Enlil-taklāk). In the much smaller name the “Great Lady of the Tablet”, probably an epithet of corpus of Dur-Katlimmu (Salah 2014), 29 names beginning with Aššur are Nisaba.31) documented versus 7 Enlil names, three of which correspond with the Aššur names. Hence we see a low number of Enlil names but within this To conclude, a definite answer of the identity of the deity group a high correspondence with Aššur names. Of course a more exhaus- behind the logogram requires more research than is possible tive investigation is to be undertaken, but one can assume that the data for now, although it is certainly possible that the Ugarit and point to a syncretistic process, which sees the adaption and/or mutual infil- Emar colophons offer us evidence of how Tašmētu became tration between the two name-types. incorporated into Nabû’s circle, replacing Nisaba and becom- 23) apart from the equation between alim and Enlil, alim was equated to šarru, “king”, and kabtu, “important, noble”; see CAD/D, 164, the ing his wife, a role particularly attested to in later Assyrian lexical section. The epithet kabtu was borne by Enlil, by other gods, and texts.32) It should be noted that the couple Nabû and Tašmētu by Aššur; Tallqvist 1932, 27. appear together in the Ugarit version of the Weidner god- 24) cryptographic writing of names can be seen in Emar as well; see 33 Cohen 2009, 169-170, where the name of the scribe Šaggar-abu is written list. ) Hence, they were clearly recognized in learned scribal d nu sir- sig7-ad. 25) dpap.pap appears, apart from the colophon under discussion, in RS 22.431 (unpublished; Nougayrol 1968, 290, 15’), and possibly RS 22.394 30) Ugarit: Nougayrol 1965, 34, ll. 13–14; Emar: Emar 603, 10’–11’; (unpublished; van Soldt 1988, 315 [k]). and also an=Anum (Litke 1998: 27), I, 49. See Wiggermann 1998–2001, 26) the couple appear in RS 217A(+)B (unpublished; van Soldt 1988, 493 and 495; Krebernik 2004. 317 [t]). 31) michalowski 2001, 579. 27) Löhnert 2012, 473. 32) Löhnert 2012; Pomponio 1998–2001, 21. 28) george 2003, 739 = Hunger 1968, 85, no. 255. Compare Hunger 33) Ugarit Weidner Godlist (Ugaritica 5, 214): dNa-bi-um (l. 63) and 1968, 98, no. 319, l. 3, where in a very similar colophon, Tašmētu’s name dTaš-me-[tu]m (l. 64); the pair is already found in the OB Genouillac God- is spelled syllabically. list (Genouillac 1923, 101), col. iii, ll., 13–14; in the Weidner God-list 29) as suggested already by Nougayrol 1968, 290 on the basis of the (Weidner 1924–1925, 15), col. iii, ll. 3–4; and in the an=Anum God-list Silbenvokabular A from Ugarit; and see below, and n. 30. (Litke 1998, 96), 248. In these sources Tašmētu’s name is spelled 281 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 3-4, mei-augustus 2017 282 circles in the city, although the equation of pap.pap with André-Salvini, B. (2001): 1. Textes lexicographiques, in: M. Yon Tašmētu was not found. & D. Arnaud (eds.), Études Ougaritiques I, Travaux 1985– 1995, RSO 14, Paris, 237–238. Discussion André-Salvini, B. (2004): Textes lexicographiques de Ras Shamra– Ugarit (Campagnes 1986–1992), SMEA 46, 147–154. The Maison aux tablettes is an archive characterized by Arnaud, D. (2003): Prolégomènes à la redaction d’une histoire Mesopotamian lexical, literary and omen texts. Some of the d’Ougarit III: Ougarit et Tukulti-Ninurta, SMEA 45, 7–20. tablets from the archive are the work of students, and on — (2007): Corpus des textes de bibliothèque de Ras Shamra- occasion the name of the teacher has been recovered.34) Ougarit (1936–2000) en sumérien, babylonien et assyrien, Apart from the manuscript of Šimâ Milka we have been stud- AuOr Supplementa 23, Barcelona. ying, more wisdom compositions are known from the archive Arnaud, D./Kennedy, D. (1979): Les textes en cunéiformes sylla- and its vicinity. From Room 3 of the Maison aux tablettes biques découverts en 1977 à Ibn Hani, Syria 56, 317–324. the wisdom composition Enlil and Namzitarra was recov- Beckman, G. (1983): Mesopotamians and Mesopotamian Learning ered.35) Outside of the archive itself, although probably origi- at Ḫattuša, JCS 35, 97–115. nating from within its walls, a manuscript of the Ballad of Bordreuil, P./Pardee, D. (1989): La Trouvaille épigraphique de 36 l’Ougarit. 1: Concordance, RSO 5, Paris. Early Rulers was found. ) Hence, the colophon of Šimâ Clemens, D. M. (2001): Sources for Ugaritic Ritual and Sacrifice, Milka comfortably fits within the archival context and schol- AOAT 284, Münster. arly milieu of the Maison aux tablettes. Cohen, Y. (2004): Kidin-Gula – The Foreign Teacher at the Emar The presence of an Assyrian scribe called Naḫiš-šalmu Scribal School, RA 98, 81–100. active at Ugarit has already been persuasively demonstrated — (2009): The Scribes and Scholars of the City of Emar in the Late by van Soldt.37) There is no obstacle in assuming that there Bronze Age, HSS 59, Winona Lake, Ind. were other Assyrians visiting Ugarit, one of whom was a — (2013): Wisdom from the Late Bronze Age, WAW 29, Atlanta. teacher in the scribal school. Given our discussion of the Dietrich, M. (1991): Der Dialog zwischen Šūpē-amēli und seinem “Vater”: die Tradition babylonischer Weisheitgesprüche im nature of the Maison aux tablettes, it is not unexpected to Westen, UF 23, 33–68. find an Assyrian employed as a teacher. Not far away from Faist, B. (2001): Der Fernhandel des assyrischen Reiches zwischen Ugarit, at Emar, the presence of an Assyrian scribe called dem 14. und 11. Jahrhundert v. Chr, AOAT 265, Münster. Mār-Šeru’a is known, although he is not documented as Genouillac, H. (1923): Grande liste de noms divins sumériens, RA active in the scribal school there.38) However, generally 20, 89–103. speaking, foreign scribes, Assyrian and/or Babylonian were George, A. R. (2003): The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic: Introduc- seen to be active at Hattuša and Emar.39) tion, Critical Edition, and Cuneiform Texts, Oxford/New The relationship between Ugarit and Assyria cannot be York. reviewed here in full,40) but it may suffice to recall the Hittite Gröndahl, F. (1967): Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit, Stu- dia Pohl 1, Rome. embargo on all things Assyrian (as reflected in the treaty Heeßel, N. P. (2009): The Babylonian Physician Rabâ-ša-Marduk. between Tudḫaliya “IV” and Šaušgamuwa). This implies Another Look at Physicians and Exorcists in the Ancient Near that when the embargo was not imposed Assyrian trade and East, in: A. Attia et al. (eds.), Advances in Mesopotamian presence were a norm in Syria. At times of peace and even Medicine from Hammurapi to Hipprocrates, CM 37, Leiden, in periods of tension, Assyria kept its relations with Ugarit 13–28. alive.41) A merchant, diplomat, or a scholar from Assur or Hölscher, M. (1996): Die Personennamen der Kassitenzeitlichen one of the kingdom’s satellite cities may have made the city Texte aus Nippur, IMGULA 1, Münster. his home, employed as a teacher who imparted wisdom to Huehnergard, J. (1989): The Akkadian of Ugarit, HSS 34, Atlanta. students at the Maison aux tablettes. Hunger, H. (1968): Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone, AOAT 2, Neukirchen-Vluyn. Kämmerer, Th. R. (1998): Šimâ Milka: Induktion und Reception der mittelbabylonischen Dichtung von Ugarit, Emar und Tell References El-’Amarna, AOAT 251, Münster. Krebernik, M. (2004): (d)PAP.PAP, RlA 10, 328. André-Salvini, B. (1991): Les textes lexicographiques (no. 48–77), Lackenbacher, S./Malbran-Labat, F. (2016): Lettres en Akkadien in: P. Bordreuil et al. (eds.), Une bibliothèque au sud de la de la “Maison d’Urtēnu”: fouilles de 1994, RSO 23, Leuven. ville, les textes de la 34e campagne (1973), RSO 7, Paris, Lambert, W. G. (1957): Ancestors, Authors and Canonicity, JCS 105–126. 11, 1–14. Litke, R. L. (1998): A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-nu-um and AN:Anu šá amēli, TBC 3, syllabically and never pap(.pap), but for one case where she is given the New Haven. logographic writing dnin-ka-teš-sì-sì; ibid.: 247. 34) Van Soldt 1988, 315–316; van Soldt 1991, 27. Llop-Raduà, J. (2015): Foreign Kings in the Middle Assyrian 35) rs 22.341+ RS 28.53a (van Soldt 1991, 185; Bordreuil and Pardee Archival Documentation, in: B. S. Düring (ed.), Understand- 1989, 330). For the composition at Ugarit, see Arnaud 2007, no. 47 and ing Hegemonic Practices of the Early Assyrian Empire. Essays Cohen 2013, no. 3. Dedicated to Frans Wiggermann, PIHANS 125, Leiden, 243– 36) rs 23.34+ (Ugaritica 5, no. 165; van Soldt 1991, 187); see Cohen 273. 2013, no. 2. Löhnert, A. (2012): Tašmētu. Göttin, Gemahlin des Nabû, RlA 13, 37) Van Soldt 2001; van Soldt 2012b. 38 473–474. ) cohen 2009, 116–117. Malbran-Labat, F./Roche, C. (2007): Urtēnu, Ur-Tešub, in: 39) Beckman 1983; Cohen 2004; Heeßel 2009. 40) faist 2001; Arnaud 2003; Llop-Raduà 2015. Add also the new J.-M. Michaud (ed.), Le royaume d’Ougarit. De la Crète à information from the recently published letters recovered at the House of l’Euphrate. Nouveaux axes de recherche. Actes du Congrès Urtenu; Lackenbacher and Malbran-Labat 2016, nos. III-6.1, V-1.17 and International de Sherbrooke 2005, Faculté de théólogie, V-1.18. d’éthique et de philosophie, Université de Sherbrooke, 5–8 41) recently, Yamada 2011. juillet 2005, Sherbrooke, 63–104. 283 blood on the wedding bed 284

Michalowski, P. (2001): Nisaba, RlA 9, 575–579. Nougayrol, J. (1965): “Vocalises” et “syllabes en liberté” à Ugarit, in: H. G. Güterbock/T. Jacobsen (eds.), Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, AS 16, Chicago, 29–39. — (1968): Textes Suméro-accadiens des archives et bibliothêques privées d’Ugarit, in: C. F. A. Schaeffer et al. (eds.), Ugaritica 5: Nouveaux textes accadiens, hourrites et ugaritiques des archives et bibliotheques privees d’Ugarit, MRS 16, Paris, 1–446. del Olmo Lete, G./Sanmartín, J./Watson, W. G. E. (2015): A Dic- tionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition, HdO I/112, Leiden. Pedersén, O. (1998): Archives and Libraries in the Ancient Near East 1500–300 B.C, Bethesda, Md. Pomponio (1998–2001): Nabû. A. Philologish, RlA 9, 16–24. Roche, C. (2013): Scribes, Houses and Neighborhoods at Ugarit, UF 44, 413–444. Salah, S. (2014): Die mittelassyrischen Personen- und Rationen- listen aus Tall Šēh Hamad/Dūr-Katlimmu, BATSH 18, Wies- baden. Sallaberger, W. (2010): Skepsis gegenüber Väterlicher Weisheit: Zum Altbabylonischen Dialog Zwischen Vater Und Sohn, in H. D. Baker et al. (eds.), Your Praise Is Sweet: A Memorial Volume for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues and Friends, London, 303–17. London. Saporetti, C. (1970): Onomastica Medio-Assira, Rome. Schwemer, D. (2001): Wettergottgestalten: Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschrift- kulturen, Wiesbaden. van Soldt, W. H. (1988): The Title T’Y, UF 20, 313–321. — (1991): Studies in the Akkadian of Ugarit: Dating and Gram- mar, AOAT 40, Neukirchen-Vluyn. — (2001): Naḫiš-šalmu, an Assyrian Scribe Working in the “Southern Palace” at Ugarit, in: W. H. van Soldt et al. (eds.), Veenhof Anniversary Volume: Studies Presented to Klaas R. Veenhof on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, PIHANS 89, Leiden, 429–444. — (2012a): On Personal Names Ending in -āyu in the Amarna Letters and in Texts from Canaan, in: R. Hasselbach/N. Pat-El (eds.), Language and Nature: Papers presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday, SAOC 67, Chicago, 443–450. — (2012b): The Palaeography of Two Ugarit Archives, in: E. Devecchi (ed.), Palaeography and Scribal Practices in Syro- Palestine and Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age, PIHANS 119, Leiden, 171–183. — (2014): On Abbreviated Personal Names in Texts from Ugarit, in: L. Marti (ed.), La famille dans le Proche-Orient ancien: réalités, symbolismes, et images. Proceedings of the 55th Recontre Assyriologique Internationale at Paris, 6–9 July 2009, Winona Lake, Ind, 761–767. Tallqvist, K. L. (1932): Der assyrische Gott, Studia Orientalia IV, 3, Helsingforsiae. Weidner, E. (1924–1925): Altbabylonische Götterlisten, AfO (AfK) 2, 1–18; 71–82. Wiggermann, F. A. M. (1998–2001): Nin-šubur, RlA 9, 490–500. Yamada, M. (2011): The Second Military Conflict between “Assyria” and “Ḫatti” in the Reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, RA 105, 199–220.

~~Tel Aviv University 29 January 2017~~