Atlantic Crises: Britain, Europe, and Parting from the United States, Mr
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Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION By December 1942, when these Bulletins begin, the tide of World War II was beginning to turn against the Axis powers. The United States had been a combatant for a year, and the USSR for a year and a half. In Europe, the British and the Americans were beginning to assert mastery of the skies over the Nazi-occupied continent. In North Africa, General Montgomery had just defeated Field Marshall Rommell in the great desert battle of El Alamein; within a few months the Allies would be landing in Sicily to begin a thrust at Hitler's 'soft underbelly' in Italy. In the Soviet Union, the Nazi advance had been halted, and the catasü-ophic German defeat at Stalingrad was about to unfold. In the Pacific, the ultimately decisive naval battle of Midway had halted the Japanese advance westward in the spring, and the Americans were driving the Japanese from Guadalcanal through December and January. For Canadians, the dark days of early 1940 when Canada stood at Britain's side against a triumphant Hitler straining at the English Channel were history, replaced by a confidence that in the now globalized struggle the Allies held the ultimately winning hand. Confidence in final victory abroad did not of course obscure the terrible costs, material and human, which were still to be exacted. World War 11 was a total war, in a way in which no earlier conflict could match. The 1914-1918 war took a worse toll of Canada's soldiers, but what was most chilling about the 1939-45 struggle was to the degree to which civilian non-combatants were targeted by the awesomely lethal technology of death. -
The Real 007 Used Fake News to Get the U.S. Into World War II About:Reader?Url=
The Real 007 Used Fake News to Get the U.S. into World War II about:reader?url=http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2017/01/29/the-r... thedailybeast.com Marc Wortman01.28.17 10:00 PM ET Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast CLOAK & DAGGER The British ran a massive and illegal propaganda operation on American soil during World War II—and the White House helped. In the spring of 1940, British Prime Minister Winston S. Churchill was certain of one thing for his nation caught up in a fight to the death with Nazi Germany: Without American support his 1 of 11 3/20/2017 4:45 PM The Real 007 Used Fake News to Get the U.S. into World War II about:reader?url=http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2017/01/29/the-r... nation might not survive. But the vast majority of Americans—better than 80 percent by some polls—opposed joining the fight to stop Hitler. Many were even against sending any munitions, ships or weapons to the United Kingdom at all. To save his country, Churchill had not only to battle the Nazis in Europe, he had to win the war for public opinion among Americans. He knew just the man for the job. In May 1940, as defeated British forces were being pushed off the European continent at Dunkirk, Churchill dispatched a soft-spoken, forty-three-year-old Canadian multimillionaire entrepreneur to the United States. William Stephenson traveled under false diplomatic passport. MI6—the British secret intelligence service—directed Stephenson to establish himself as a liaison to American intelligence. -
The Emergence of Poland As a Regional Leader
America’s protégé in the east? The emergence of Poland as a regional leader MARCIN ZABOROWSKI AND KERRY LONGHURST* The evolution of the United States over the past decade into a hyperpower means that it now shoulders a far greater degree of responsibility for maintaining international order than in former years. In this context, the US has sought to manage its international relations through a mixture of multilateralism and unilateralism. At the core of this emerging strategy is the concept of ‘regional leadership’ for those states with which Washington seeks to work or to which it may occasionally delegate some security-related tasks. Clearly, this has not been possible in all parts of the world, given that any such partner needs to share and uphold, to some degree, the same view of the world as the US, including a proclivity to use military force. The US has managed to establish close relation- ships with a number of states that may be viewed as regional leaders. In western Europe the special relationship with the UK, underpinned by the sharing of common intelligence, has endured, which means that Britain is set to remain the US’s key partner in the region. Australia, too, enjoys a close relationship with the US, also based, to a large extent, upon intelligence-sharing. Thus, after September 11, with a very similar threat perception to that of the United States, Australia became a significant regional leader and one of the closest allies of the US following its involvement in the early stages of the US-led operation in Afghanistan. -
The Strongmen Strike Back Robert Kagan
POLICY BRIEF The strongmen strike back Robert Kagan Authoritarianism has returned as an ideological and strategic force. And it returns at just the moment when the liberal world is suffering a major crisis of confidence. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION Today, authoritarianism has emerged as the Of all the geopolitical transformations confronting greatest challenge facing the liberal democratic the liberal democratic world these days, the one world—a profound ideological, as well as strategic, for which we are least prepared is the ideological challenge. Or, more accurately, it has reemerged, and strategic resurgence of authoritarianism. We for authoritarianism has always posed the most are not used to thinking of authoritarianism as a potent and enduring challenge to liberalism, since distinct worldview that offers a real alternative the birth of the liberal idea itself. Authoritarianism to liberalism. Communism was an ideology—and has now returned as a geopolitical force, with strong some thought fascism was, as well—that offered a nations such as China and Russia championing comprehensive understanding of human nature, anti-liberalism as an alternative to a teetering politics, economics and governance to shape the liberal hegemony. It has returned as an ideological behavior and thought of all members of a society in force, offering the age-old critique of liberalism, every aspect of their lives. and just at the moment when the liberal world is suffering its greatest crisis of confidence since We believed that “traditional” autocratic the 1930s. It has returned armed with new and governments were devoid of grand theories about hitherto unimaginable tools of social control and society and, for the most part, left their people disruption that are shoring up authoritarian rule at alone. -
Vicious Cycles HOW DISRUPTIVE STATES and EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS FILL POWER VACUUMS and FUEL EACH OTHER
Vicious Cycles HOW DISRUPTIVE STATES AND EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS FILL POWER VACUUMS AND FUEL EACH OTHER EMILY ESTELLE AUGUST 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Executive Summary strategy oriented on great-power competition and long as their support base faces an existential threat, A managing terrorist threats must focus on Africa which protracted conflicts create.4 and the Middle East rather than pull away from them. This expansion and protraction of conflict are These regions are home to one of the world’s largest most advanced in the Syrian and Libyan civil wars. and densest concentrations of Salafi-jihadi groups, What began as domestic conflicts have become including al Qaeda and the Islamic State. They have regional proxy wars with global implications, includ- also become the epicenter of proxy and sometimes ing humanitarian disasters, mass displacement, and direct competition among great powers, including emerging threats to NATO’s security. The Syrian and Russia and China, and important regional states such Libyan conflicts are now merging, moreover, making as Egypt, Iran, and Turkey. The interactions of these them even more difficult to resolve and raising the states and non-state actors create a number of vicious stakes even higher. cycles that perpetuate and expand conflict while feed- The growth of extremist movements is a cat- ing the Salafi-jihadi movement and giving it room to alyst, not just a result, of multisided proxy wars. expand. Embracing the need to engage in great-power Extremist movements and disruptive states form a competition makes sense. Pulling away from Africa mutually reinforcing vicious cycle. The presence of and the Middle East to do so does not. -
Bridging the Foreign Policy Divide
Bridging the Foreign Policy Divide The America and the Use of Force: Stanley Sources of Legitimacy Foundation By Ivo Daalder and Robert Kagan June 2007 Ivo H. Daalder is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC. From 1995 to 1996 he was director for European affairs on President Clinton’s national security council staff. Daalder has authored eleven books, including the award-winning America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (with James M. Lindsay). His forthcoming books include (with James M. Lindsay) Restoring Trust: How to Reverse the Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (John Wiley, 2008) and (with I. M. Destler) In the Shadow of the Oval Office: The President’s National Security Adviser and the Making of American Foreign Policy (Simon & Schuster, 2008). Robert Kagan is senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Transatlantic Fellow at the German Marshall Fund. His most recent book is Dangerous Nation: America’s Place in the World from its Earliest Days to the Dawn of the Twentieth Century (Knopf, 2006). His previous book was Of Paradise and Power (Knopf, 2003), an international bestseller that has been translated into more than 25 languages. Dr. Kagan writes a monthly column on world affairs for The Washington Post and is a contributing editor at both The New Republic and The Weekly Standard. Many American and foreign observers believe that These three factors have already produced a 15-year the painful and so far unsuccessful intervention in post-Cold War period in which the United States has Iraq will make the United States more reluctant to taken military action with greater frequency than go to war in the future. -
Historic Barriers to Anglo-American Nuclear Cooperation
3 HISTORIC BARRIERS TO ANGLO- AMERICAN NUCLEAR COOPERATION ANDREW BROWN Despite being the closest of allies, with shared values and language, at- tempts by the United Kingdom and the United States to reach accords on nuclear matters generated distrust and resentment but no durable arrangements until the Mutual Defense Agreement of 1958. There were times when the perceived national interests of the two countries were unsynchronized or at odds; periods when political leaders did not see eye to eye or made secret agreements that remained just that; and when espionage, propaganda, and public opinion caused addi- tional tensions. STATUS IMBALANCE The Magna Carta of the nuclear age is the two-part Frisch-Peierls mem- orandum. It was produced by two European émigrés, Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls, at Birmingham University in the spring of 1940. Un- like Einstein’s famous letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, with its vague warning that a powerful new bomb might be constructed from uranium, the Frisch-Peierls memorandum set out detailed technical arguments leading to the conclusion that “a moderate amount of U-235 [highly enriched uranium] would indeed constitute an extremely effi- cient explosive.” Like Einstein, Frisch and Peierls were worried that the Germans might already be working toward an atomic bomb against which there would be no defense. By suggesting “a counter-threat with a similar bomb,” they first enunciated the concept of mutual deterrence and recommended “start[ing] production as soon as possible, even if 36 Historic Barriers to Anglo-American Nuclear Cooperation 37 it is not intended to use the bomb as a means of attack.”1 Professor Mark Oliphant from Birmingham convinced the UK authorities that “the whole thing must be taken rather seriously,”2 and a small group of senior scientists came together as the Maud Committee. -
The 2000 Npt Review Conference
THE 2000 NPT REVIEW CONFERENCE CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS TARIQ RAUF Center for Nonproliferation Studies Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………...…..4 NPT BARGAIN………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Nuclear Nonproliferation Concerns…………………………………………………………………………………..5 Nuclear Disarmament Concerns….………………………………………………………………………………… 5 Impediments to Sharing of Civilian Nuclear Technology…………………………………………………………….5 NPT REVIEW………………………………………………………………………………………………………..6 THE NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION TREATY…………………………………………………………….6 Decision 1: Strengthening the Review Process for the Treaty……………………….…………………………….….7 Decision 2: Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament…………………………. 10 Decision 3: Extension of the NPT…………………………………………………………………………………….11 The Resolution on the Middle East…………………………………………………………………………………...12 SUBSTANTIVE ISSUES AT THE 2000 NPT REVIEW CONFERENCE……………………………………...13 Non-proliferation (Articles I / II)……………………………………………………………………………………..13 Strengthened IAEA Safeguards (NPT Article III) and Export Controls……………………………………………...15 Cooperation in Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (NPT Article IV)………………………………………………….17 Peaceful Nuclear Explosions (Article V)……………………………………………………………………………..17 Nuclear Disarmament (Article VI)…………………………………………………………………………………...18 Update on the 1995 Programme of Action…………………………………………………………………………...19 Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty…………………………………………………………………………….19 Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty……………………………………………………………………………………….20 Nuclear Disarmament………………………………………………………………………………………………...21 -
Hiroshima-Nagasaki, Teachings of Peace for Humanity
INSTITUTO DIOCESANO DEL PROFESORADO M. RASPANTI HIROSHIMA-NAGASAKI, TEACHINGS OF PEACE FOR HUMANITY 1. Members of the chair1 Lecturer E-mail Cecilia Onaha [email protected] Nélida Shinzato [email protected], [email protected] Matías Iglesias [email protected] Vicente Haya [email protected] Osvaldo Napoli [email protected] Tomoko Aikawa [email protected] 2. Targets The course is part of the curriculum of the Special Education Teacher Training, Religious Education and Psychopedagogy programs. For our students it will be a compulsory course. It will form the content of the subjects "Field of Practice" and "Tools of the Field of Professional Teaching Practice". It will also be open to professionals and agents of the field of education, social work and social health, as well as students and teachers of related careers, to whom an institutional certificate of the course will be given. 3. Area in which the course is located within the programs The course is in the Culture of Peace course of studies, within the area of Education for Global Citizenship, within the framework of the UNESCO Chair Education for Diversity based in our Institute. 4. Justification of the course In virtue of our UNESCO Chair, we have taken as our own the axis of global citizenship that emerges from the Sustainable Development Goals of the UNESCO 2030 Agenda, in particular, Goal 4.7, which aims to ensure that all students acquire the 1 See last page for a brief resume of the lecturers. 1 theoretical and practical knowledge to promote, among other things, sustainable development, human rights, the promotion of the culture of peace and non-violence, world citizenship and the appreciation of cultural diversity. -
OF PARADISE and Power ROBERT KAGAN
OF PARADISE AND PowER America and Europe in the New World Order ROBERT KAGAN Alfred A. Knopf NEW YORK 2003 IT Is TIME to stop pretending that Europeans and Americans share a common view of the world, or even that they occupy the same world. On the all-important question of power-the efficacy of power, the morality of power, the desirability of power-American and Euro pean perspectives are diverging. Europe is turning away from power, or to put it a little differently, it is moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation. It is entering a post-historical paradise of peace and relative prosperity, the realization of Immanuel Kant's "perpetual peace." Meanwhile, the United States remains mired in history, exercising power in an anarchic Hobbesian world where international laws and rules are unreliable, and where true security and the defense and promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might. That is why on major strategic and inter national questions today, Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus: They agree on little and understand one another less and less. And this state of affairs is not transitory-the product of one Anierican OF PARADISE AND POWER 5 election or one catastrophic event. The reasons for the such as the United Nations, less likely to work coopera transatlantic divide are deep, long in development, and tively with other nations to pursue common goals, more likely to endure. When it comes to setting national priori skeptical about international law, and more willing to ties, determining threats, defining challenges, and fash operate outside its strictures when they deem it necessary, ioning and implementing foreign and defense policies, the or even merely useful.1 United States and Europe have parted ways. -
Madame Chancellor: I Have the Honour to Present Sir William
Madame Chancellor: I have the honour to present Sir William Stephenson, eminent native son turned world citizen; a man whose endeavours, successes and acumen have contributed so much to our well-being. Sir William's accomplishments could fill the lives of other men many times over. Decorated war veteran, championship boxer, inventor, entrepreneur, advocate of public broadcasting - these have been some of his vocations. But to the public, he is perhaps best known as Intrepid - an aide to national leaders and a central figure in Allied intelligence operations during the Second World War. Sir William was born at Point Douglas in 1896. Upon graduation from Argyle High School in 1914, he enlisted as a private in the Royal Canadian Engineers, achieving field commissions in France as second lieutenant and then captain. Disabled during a gas attack in late 1915, he was sent back to England, but he refused to remain there. He transferred to the Royal Flying Corps and soon was back in France. He shot down 26 planes before being taken prisoner in July, 1918. He escaped just a few weeks prior to the armistice. His courage and determination were rewarded with the Military Cross, Distinguished Flying Cross, French Legion d'Honneur and the Croix de Guerre avec Palmes. Enter Sir William's exploits as an athlete. In early 1918, he won the world amateur lightweight boxing championship and remained undefeated until retirement from the ring in 1928. Also following the war, he attended Oxford University and the forerunner of the Cranwell Aeronautical College where he specialized in radio communications.