DOCSLIB.ORG

1 in the United States District Court

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1 in the United States District Court Case 5:20-cv-00046-OLG Document 78 Filed 06/12/20 Page 1 of 22 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS SAN ANTONIO DIVISION JARROD STRINGER, et al., § Plaintiffs, § § v. § No. SA-20-CV-46-OG § RUTH R. HUGHS, et al., § Defendants. § DEFENDANTS’ RESPONSE IN OPPOSITION TO INTERVENORS’ MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT AND COUNTER-MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT DISMISSING INTERVENORS Intervenors1 lack standing and their sole claim is meritless. Their Motion for Summary Judgment, Dkt. 77—which presents no new facts or authority to alter this conclusion—should be denied, and the Court should enter summary judgment dismissing Intervenors from this case. FACTUAL BACKGROUND I. Texas Voter Registration Voter registration in Texas is governed by a carefully considered statutory framework. Importantly here, “[a] registration application must be in writing and signed by the applicant.” TEX. ELEC. CODE § 13.002(b); see also id. § 65.056(a) (allowing the affidavit on a provisional ballot to serve as a voter-registration application if it contains the necessary information). Likewise, any request to change voter-registration information must also be in writing and signed. Id. § 15.021(a). The signatures may then be used for, inter alia, investigations of fraud or identity theft, consideration of absentee ballots, or if there are any problems with electronically captured signatures. Stringer I, No. 5:16-cv-00257 (W.D. Tex.) (“Stringer I”), Dkt. 77-1 at 82; 80-1 at 61, 71-72.2 1 “Plaintiff-Intervenors” or “Intervenors” refers to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (“DSCC”), Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (“DCCC”), and Texas Democratic Party (“TDP”). 2 See also, e.g., TEX. ELEC. CODE §§ 87.041(e), (f); 87.027(i) (providing for use of voter-registration signatures to verify authenticity of signatures provided with mail-in-ballots). 1 Case 5:20-cv-00046-OLG Document 78 Filed 06/12/20 Page 2 of 22 The only exception to the signature requirement is when a voter moves within a single county, in which case Texas law provides for the voter to change his voter-registration address online. TEX. ELEC. CODE § 15.021(d). If, however, a voter moves between counties, he must fill out a voter- registration form, sign it, and submit it to his new county of registration. Id. § 15.021(a); see also Stringer I, Dkt. 105 at 17-18. This is because Texas uses a county-based voter-registration system: the voter registrar in each county is the county tax assessor-collector, county elections administrator, or county clerk. TEX. ELEC. CODE § 12.001. Each registrar is tasked with accepting and rejecting voter- registration applications and maintaining files of voter-registration applications. Id. § 13.071, .101. Texans have multiple options for registering to vote and updating existing registrations, including by having a postage-paid voter-registration form mailed to them at no cost.3, Texans can also register to vote and update existing registrations while applying for, renewing, or changing the address on a driver license with the Department of Public Safety (“DPS”). Paper applications for new licenses, renewals, or changes of address contain boxes allowing the individual to check “Yes” or “No” regarding whether he wants to register to vote or change his registration address, and require the signature of the applicant. Stringer I, Dkt. 77-1 at 53-60; see also TEX. ELEC. CODE § 20.062. An original application for a Texas driver license must be made in person, TEX. TRANSP. CODE § 521.142, and the applicant must provide his signature on the paper application, 37 TEX. ADMIN. CODE § 15.21. The applicant must also provide a written signature on a device that electronically captures the image of that signature. Stringer I, Dkt. 80-1 at 74-75. Texas law authorizes this electronically captured signature to be sent to the Secretary of State (“SOS”), which provides it to the appropriate county for voter-registration purposes. TEX. ELEC. CODE § 20.066(a); Stringer I, Dkt. 77- 3 See “Request for Postage-Paid Voter Registration Form,” Texas Secretary of State, https://webservices.sos.state.tx.us/ vrrequest/index.asp (last visited June 12, 2020). 2 Case 5:20-cv-00046-OLG Document 78 Filed 06/12/20 Page 3 of 22 1 at 53-57. The previously captured signature is also sent to SOS when an individual later registers to vote when renewing his license or changes his address by mail. Id., Dkt. 105 at 13-14. Each weekday, DPS electronically transfers to SOS information about each applicant who is of voting age, a United States citizen, and affirmatively answers the voter-registration question through an in-person or mail-in driver license transaction. Id., Dkt. 105 at 4, 9. The signature that is transferred to SOS is the electronic signature captured during the individual’s last in-person transaction in a driver- license office. Id., Dkt. 94-8 at 12; 94-10 at 9. Though original license applications must be submitted in person, Texans who meet statutory eligibility criteria have the option to renew or change the address on their driver license online through the DPS website. Id., Dkt. 77-1 at 143.4 Individuals who conduct an online transaction also have an opportunity to register to vote or update an existing registration. The online interface asks the individual “Do you want to request a voter application?” Id., Dkt. 77-1 at 146. Next to the box marked “Yes,” it states, “This does not register you to vote.” Id. Instead, the website explains, “You will receive a link to a voter application on your receipt page.” Id. When the individual completes his online transaction, a notice in red appears at the top of the page stating, “You are not registered to vote until you have filled out the online application, printed it, and mailed it to your local County Voter Registrar.” Id., Dkt. 77-1 at 149. The notice also contains a link to download, complete, and mail a voter-registration application. Id. II. The Intervenors Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, Dkt. 73, incorporated by reference as if fully set forth herein, sets out evidence regarding Intervenors. Defendants summarize but do not belabor that evidence here. 4 For brevity, online driver license renewals and changes of address are hereinafter referred to as “online transactions.” 3 Case 5:20-cv-00046-OLG Document 78 Filed 06/12/20 Page 4 of 22 TDP is a partisan political organization whose singular mission is to elect Democrats to public office. TDP Dep. 22:1-13 (attached hereto as Exhibit A). In the course of its efforts to elect Democrats, TDP works to register voters who TDP thinks—based on sophisticated, proprietary data analytics—will vote for Democrats. Id. 48:1-2 & 17, 57:2-11, 64:6-18. TDP undertakes these efforts not to register voters who have transacted with DPS online, but to “win an election” by targeting Democratic voters. Id. 69:2-6; see also id. 48:1-2 & 17, 57:2-11, 64:6-18, 69:2-6. TDP has no evidence that it has registered even a single voter after a DPS online transaction. Id. 101:18-22. TDP also cannot identify any specific activity it would pursue if it did not work to register Democratic voters, and it is impossible for TDP to determine the resources expended on these efforts. Id. 45:14-21, 101:1-4. No TDP donor has contributed funds specified for voter-registration efforts— nor could they. Id. 59:21-60:3. And even if TDP could be regarded as a “membership” organization (it cannot, see infra, I(C)), it cannot identify a single member who plans to renew or change the address on their driver license through an online transaction (or has done so in the past). Id. 108:21-109:6. DCCC is a national organization whose purpose is to elect Democrats to the U.S. House of Representatives. DCCC Dep. 6:19-24, 42:16-43:2 (attached hereto as Exhibit B). DCCC claims to have supported voter-registration activities but cannot identify any resources used for such activities in past election cycles. Id. 77:10-18, 78:23-79:20. For this election cycle, DCCC speculates that funds it provided to TDP and to a vendor for consulting and training services could have supported voter- registration efforts. Id. 81:5-14, 82:10-22. But DCCC’s sole targets for voter registration are “voters who are likely to support Democratic candidates or vote for Democrats.” Id. 89:4-16. DCCC has no evidence that, in the course of pursuing its mission to elect Democrats to Congress, it has registered even a single voter who completed a DPS online transaction. Id. 98:2-8, 101:17-21. DCCC does not know what percentage of its staff’s time is spent on voter-registration efforts, which are commingled with other organizational objectives targeted to elect Democratic congressional 4 Case 5:20-cv-00046-OLG Document 78 Filed 06/12/20 Page 5 of 22 candidates, such as voter persuasion. Id. 84:8-10, 85:22-86:23. Nor can DCCC identify the cost of registering any new voter. Id. 88:8-24. DCCC considers its members to be the Democratic members of Congress, id. 108:2-109:5, and it has produced no evidence that any of those members are eligible and intend to conduct online transactions with DPS. DSCC’s sole mission is to elect Democratic candidates to the U.S. Senate. DSCC Dep. 21:6- 14 (attached hereto as Exhibit C). DSCC accomplishes this mission by, among other things, transferring funds to state-level Democratic Party organizations, which may use that money however they wish.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Elections Director Ohio Democratic Party Columbus, Ohio About Ohio
    Elections Director Ohio Democratic Party Columbus, Ohio About Ohio Over the next two years the Ohio Democratic Party (ODP) will build an organization to win highly consequential elections up and down the ballot. With new leadership comes a new vision for our Party, refocusing on the core fundamentals that move the needle. ODP is building back better as a focused, modern, and nimble force to elect Democrats statewide now and in the future. Ohio is a top tier U.S. Senate pick up opportunity for national Democrats because of retiring Republican incumbents. The battle to save the Senate majority will be fought in Ohio. 2022 offers the chance to take control of the Ohio Supreme Court, make gains under new legislative maps, and win control of state government constitutional including Governor/Lt. Governor, Attorney General, Secretary of State, Treasurer, and Auditor. These opportunities give Democrats in Ohio early and strategic gains in rebuilding the Ohio Democratic Party. About the Opportunity The Ohio Democratic Party is seeking a talented, passionate professional to build an elections operation that will reimagine how we connect with, train, support, and activate volunteers and candidates in Ohio. In partnership with the Chair and the Executive team, the Elections Director will lead a highly integrated team of field, training, data, and digital staff responsible for building a volunteer organization that can be maintained cycle to cycle. They will set strategic goals for 2021, 2022, and manage the engagement of multiple in-state entities (County parties, progressive groups, caucuses) candidate campaigns across the ballot, and a variety of local, statewide, and national stakeholders.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly fi'om the original or copy submitted- Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from aity type of conçuter printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to r i^ t in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Number 9427761 Lest the rebels come to power: The life of W illiam Dennison, 1815—1882, early Ohio Republican Mulligan, Thomas Cecil, Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • SENSITIVE Is, MUR NO
    FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION . ^ 2D!2 j;;in-B ni 1.2 OFFICE v;^ 'z:.zzzz IN THE MATTER OF: C I- ?i i::. COLUMBUS METROPOLITAN CLUB; OHIO REPUBLICAN PARTY; OHIO DEMOCRATIC PARTV. SENSITIVE is, MUR NO. ^ (0 • •' rr! CJ 2i:~rnr-. Q I. As explained more fully below, the Columbus Metropolitan Club (CMC), ^ May 2$ ^ 2012 violated the Federal Election Campaign Act (FEGA), 2 U.S.C. § 441 b(a), by p(«Viding the: Ohio Republican Party'and Ohio Democratic Party, and their presuniptive, presidential candidates, Mitt Romney and Barack Obama, respectively, corporate campaign contributions. The Ohio Republican Party and Ohio Democratic Party are also in violation of the FECA because they participated in arranging, and accepting, these unlavi/ful corporate campaign contributions. See 2 U.S.C. § 441b(a)> 2. As explained more fully below, CMC violated the FECA and its implementing regulations by inviting, authorizing and allowing both the Ohio Republican Party and the Ohio Republican Party, through their chairs, Robert t. Bennett and Chris Redfern, respectively, to make campaign-related speeches to an unrestricted audience that included the generai public. See FEC Advisory Opinion 1996-11. CMC accomplished this illegal end by staging a "forum," which closely resembled a debate, between Bennett and Redfern on May 23, 20:1 !2, which was advertised by CMC as "Presidential Politics in O-H-l-O," and which the general public was invited and allowed to attend. Further, CMC filmed (Le., electronically capturing through video and audio recording) the forum in its entirety with plans to post this filming (as described above) on its unrestricted web page, which is open to and.
    [Show full text]
  • Repudiation! the Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870
    Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva Pierre du Bois Foundation GOVERNMENT DEBT CRISES: POLITICS, ECONOMICS, AND HISTORY December 14-15, 2012 Repudiation! The Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870 Dr. Franklin Noll President Noll Historical Consulting, LLC Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2196409 Repudiation! The Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870 Dr. Franklin Noll President Noll Historical Consulting, LLC 220 Lastner Lane Greenbelt, MD 20770 USA Email: [email protected] Website: www.franklinnoll.com The author would like to thank Bruce Baker, Jane Flaherty, and Julia Ott for their comments. Abstract: From 1865 to 1870, a crisis atmosphere hovered around the issue of the massive public debt created during the recently concluded Civil War, leading, in part, to the passage of a Constitutional Amendment ensuring the “validity of the public debt.” However, the Civil War debt crisis was not a financial one, but a political one. The Republican and Democratic Parties took concerns over the public debt and magnified them into panics so that they could serve political ends—there was never any real danger that the United States would default on its debt for financial reasons. There were, in fact, three interrelated crises generated during the period: a repudiation crisis (grounded upon fears of the cancellation of the war debt), a repayment crisis (arising from calls to repay the debt in depreciated currency), and a refunding crisis (stemming from a concern of a run on the Treasury). The end of the Civil War debt crisis came only when there was no more political advantage to be gained from exploiting the issue of the public debt.
    [Show full text]
  • The Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Repudiation: The Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870 Noll, Franklin December 2012 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/43540/ MPRA Paper No. 43540, posted 03 Jan 2013 04:20 UTC Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva Pierre du Bois Foundation GOVERNMENT DEBT CRISES: POLITICS, ECONOMICS, AND HISTORY December 14-15, 2012 Repudiation! The Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870 Dr. Franklin Noll President Noll Historical Consulting, LLC Repudiation! The Crisis of United States Civil War Debt, 1865-1870 Dr. Franklin Noll President Noll Historical Consulting, LLC 220 Lastner Lane Greenbelt, MD 20770 USA Email: [email protected] Website: www.franklinnoll.com The author would like to thank Bruce Baker, Jane Flaherty, and Julia Ott for their comments. Abstract: From 1865 to 1870, a crisis atmosphere hovered around the issue of the massive public debt created during the recently concluded Civil War, leading, in part, to the passage of a Constitutional Amendment ensuring the “validity of the public debt.” However, the Civil War debt crisis was not a financial one, but a political one. The Republican and Democratic Parties took concerns over the public debt and magnified them into panics so that they could serve political ends—there was never any real danger that the United States would default on its debt for financial reasons. There were, in fact, three interrelated crises generated during the period: a repudiation crisis (grounded upon fears of the cancellation of the war debt), a repayment crisis (arising from calls to repay the debt in depreciated currency), and a refunding crisis (stemming from a concern of a run on the Treasury).
    [Show full text]
  • The Jacksonian Roots of Modern Liberalism
    Thomas S. Mach. "Gentleman George" Hunt Pendleton: Party Politics and Ideological Identity in Nineteenth-Century America. Kent: Kent State University Press, 2007. ix + 307 pp. $39.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-87338-913-6. Reviewed by Thomas F. Jorsch Published on H-SHGAPE (April, 2008) Ohio Democrat George Pendleton was a con‐ cratic Party. After one term in the state senate, siderable force in American politics during the Pendleton won a seat in the U.S. House of Repre‐ latter half of the nineteenth century. He served sentatives. Here, his political ideology matured four terms in the U.S. House of Representatives through the battle over admittance of Kansas as a (1857-65), ran as the Democratic vice presidential state under the Lecompton Constitution, where he nominee alongside George McClellan in the elec‐ weighed the conflicting issues of popular tion of 1864, entered the 1868 Democratic Conven‐ sovereignty, constitutional rules regarding state‐ tion as the presidential frontrunner (he did not hood, and the sectionalism pulling his party apart. win the nomination), served one term in the U.S. Secession and Civil War strengthened the states' Senate (1879-85), and authored the 1883 civil ser‐ rights aspect of his Jacksonianism and catapulted vice legislation that bears his name. Despite him to leadership positions. During the secession Pendleton's political significance, no scholarly bi‐ crisis, Pendleton called for union through peace‐ ography of "Gentleman George" exists. Thomas S. ful compromise. Short of that, he preferred a Mach, professor of history at Cedarville Universi‐ peaceful splitting of the Union based on Southern ty, flls this void with a well-researched account states' rights to federal force maintaining the that stresses Pendleton's commitment to Jacksoni‐ Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Waltz Florida Dems PPP Letter (/Uploadedfiles/Waltzsba FDP PPP)
    October 8, 2020 The Honorable Hannibal “Mike” Ware Inspector General U.S. Small Business Administration 409 3rd Street SW Washington, D.C. 20416 Dear Inspector General Ware: The Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) was designed to provide a direct incentive for small businesses to keep their workers on the payroll. Congress intended the program to provide relief to America’s small businesses quickly, and demand for the program was extraordinary: PPP lenders approved more than 1.6 million loans totaling more than $342 billion in the program’s first two weeks, according to your office.1 The Small Business Administration subsequently released data that shows a political organization may have taken advantage of the program’s expedited nature to obtain funds for which they were ineligible. Specifically, the data show a Democrat-affiliated political organization in Florida applied for and received PPP funds, contrary to the intent of Congress that the program should support small businesses, non-profits, veterans’ organizations, and tribal concerns. The Small Business Administration issued regulations that specifically prohibit “businesses primarily engaged in political or lobbying activities” from receiving PPP loans.2 Despite this restriction, the Florida Democratic Party (FDP) applied for and received a PPP loan worth $780,000.3 The details of the FDP loan application raise serious questions as to whether the applicant intentionally misled the Small Business Administration in order to obtain PPP funds. FDP filed its application under the identity of a non-profit organization called the “Florida Democratic Party Building Fund, Inc.” The Florida Democratic Party Building Fund, Inc. is a separate legal entity from the Florida Democratic Party, but Florida state records show the party formed the not-for-profit corporation in April of 2019 to construct, own or operate “the headquarters of the state executive committee of the Florida Democratic Party and related political organizations.”4 Documents show the Florida Democratic Party Building Fund, Inc.
    [Show full text]
  • Portage County Democratic Party News and Notes - May 2019
    6/28/2020 https://my.blueutopia.com/admin/modules/email/simpleview.php?id=9 Portage County Democratic Party News and Notes - May 2019 Dear %firstname%, First and foremost, I want to extend a sincere congratulations to Melissa Roubic on her victory in last month's Primary Election for Municipal Court Judge. No one filed to challenge her by the deadline, which means she will be unopposed this November and will take her seat on the bench in January. I am proud of the races Melissa and Stephen Smith ran for this seat, and I know she will represent us well in this new capacity. Congratulations too to all who won their races for municipal seats and now move on to the General Election. Portage County residents will have a number of great options this fall when they go to the ballot to choose their local leaders, and I look forward to working to elect these fine Democrats in the months ahead. Below, you will find several opportunities for engagement happening in the weeks ahead. I hop you'll take advantage of them and keep up the good work we're doing to lead Portage County forward. If there are items you'd like us to share in future newsletters, please don't hesitate to let us know by responding to this email. Thank you for all you do to keep our Party - and Portage County - strong. Forward, Dean DePerro, Chairman * * * https://my.blueutopia.com/admin/modules/email/simpleview.php?id=9 1/7 6/28/2020 https://my.blueutopia.com/admin/modules/email/simpleview.php?id=9 Upcoming Events Clyde Birthday Fundraiser feat.
    [Show full text]
  • Ohio Luck Times 1985-1986 Government Directory
    Ohio luck Times 1985-1986 Government Directory Published by me Ohio Trucking Association _ a different kind of downtown tavern i 190 7323149 66 Lynn Alley between Third & High 224-6600 Open Monday thru Friday 11am to 11pm Full Menu served until 10pm Free hors d'oeuvres Friday night "Best Spread in Columbus" says Columbus Monthly Private Banquet Rooms Available ^iwfe^::^ ••••••,..-==g "•'r^'mw.rffvirrr-'i-irii w» Dhto luck Times BHT )lume 34 Number 1 Welcome from the 71 Winter 1985 Ohio Trucking Association OHIO TRUCKING ASSOCIATION The tenth edition of the Ohio Truck Times Government Direc­ Published biennially in odd-numbered tory is out, and we thank you for your patience. Our goal is always to years publish the directory as close to the opening of each Ohio General PUBLICATION STAFF Assembly as we can while also creating the most complete reference Donald B. Smith, Publisher guide possible. Somewhere between the two lie many last-minute David F. Bartosic, Editor changes, appointments, assignments and other delays. I hope it was worth the wait. EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICES Almost 20 years ago the Ohio Trucking Association began this directory with photos and biographical sketches of Ohio legisla­ Suite 1111 tors. Since then, we have expanded it to include not only those who 50 West Broad Street make the laws, but also those who administer them. Obviously Columbus, Ohio 43215 there are many state officials under this aegis, many more than we Phone: 614/221-5375 could accommodate with this issue. ASSOCIATION STAFF New additions for this biennium include members of the Pub­ lic Utilities Commission, the Industrial Commission and Bureau of Donald B.
    [Show full text]
  • Voter Fraud and Intimidation, Including Increased Voter Education, Providing Voter Ids Free of Charge and Expanding the Base of Registered Voters.2
    U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Briefing Report • April 2006 Reauthorization of the Temporary Provisions of The Voting Rights Act An Examination of the Act’s Section 5 Preclearance Provision U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Washington, DC 20425 Official Business Penalty for Private Use $300 Visit us on the Web: www.usccr.gov Voter Fraud and Voter Intimidation A Briefing Before The United States Commission on Civil Rights Held in Washington, DC, October 13, 2006 Briefing Report U.S. Commission on Civil Rights The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights is an independent, bipartisan agency established by Congress in 1957. It is directed to: • Investigate complaints alleging that citizens are being deprived of their right to vote by reason of their race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or by reason of fraudulent practices. • Study and collect information relating to discrimination or a denial of equal protection of the laws under the Constitution because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or in the administration of justice. • Appraise federal laws and policies with respect to discrimination or denial of equal protection of the laws because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or in the administration of justice. • Serve as a national clearinghouse for information in respect to discrimination or denial of equal protection of the laws because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin. • Submit reports, findings, and recommendations to the President and Congress. • Issue public service announcements to discourage discrimination or denial of equal protection of the laws.
    [Show full text]
  • Ohio's Gerrymandering Problem
    Ohio’s Gerrymandering Problem: Why Haven’t We Fixed This Yet? A Report from the League of Women Voters of Ohio and Common Cause Ohio Contents: What is Gerrymandering?.........p.2 Ohio Redistricting Timeline…...p.3 A Short History of Ohio Redistrict- ing……………………………...…..p.4 1992-2002 The last time Ohio almost passed re- form: the 2010 legislative proposal ……………………….……………...p.6 “The Elephant in the Room” the last time Ohio’s congressional districts were drawn ……………………….p.7 “Predictable Results” and how Ohio’s congressional districts are rigged against voters …………………...p.16 1982-1992 1 What is Gerrymandering? Redistricting 101: Why do we redraw districts? • Every ten years the US Census is conducted to measure population changes. • The US Supreme Court has said all legislative districts should have roughly the same population so that everyone’s vote counts equally. This is commonly referred to as “one person, one vote.” • In the year following the Census, districts are redrawn to account for people moving into or out of an area and adjusted so that districts again have equal population and, for US House districts, may change depending on the number of districts Ohio is entitled to have. • While the total number of state general assembly districts is fixed -- 99 Ohio House and 33 Ohio Senate districts -- the number of US House districts allocated to each state may change follow- ing the US Census depending on that state’s proportion of the total US population. For example, following the 2010 Census, Ohio lost two US House seats, going from 18 US House seats in 2002-2012 to 16 seats in 2012-2022.
    [Show full text]
  • Party-On-The-Periphery: the 2008 Presidential Campaign In
    Party‐on‐the‐Periphery: The 2008 Presidential Campaign in Mahoning County Melanie J. Blumberg California University of Pennsylvania William C. Binning Sarah K. Lewis Youngstown State University John C. Green Ray C. Bliss Institute of Applied Politics The University of Akron Paper prepared for delivery at The State of the Parties: 2008 & Beyond conference. Sheraton Suites Akron/Cuyahoga Falls, Cuyahoga Falls, Ohio, October 15‐16, 2009. The political science literature on local political parties and national presidential campaigns gives relatively little attention to the relationship between these two political actors Hershey 2007). This paper addresses this lacuna by looking at the interaction between the national Democratic presidential campaign and a particular Democratic local party in five presidential elections, the most recent being 2008. The locale is Mahoning County, Ohio, a key Democratic county in a battleground state. Between 1992 and 2008, the Democratic presidential campaigns found ways to obtain grassroots services for voter registration and mobilization in Mahoning County, a key element of party activities in the “service” model (Aldrich 1995). However, the presidential candidates obtained these services in different ways with different degrees of integration between the presidential campaigns and local party organizations. This variation ranged from a highly integrated effort to a lack of integration, with numerous permutations between the two types. The 2008 Obama campaign represents one of these variations, a separate, single purpose organization created to advance the presidential candidate, and one that put the local party organization the periphery of the campaign. Mahoning County is a good source of case studies on such issues because of the colorful history of local Democrats.
    [Show full text]