Searching for the Unknown

Gotlandt churchyards from a Gender and Missionary perspective

BY JORN STAECKER

Staecher, J. 1996. Searchingfor the Unhnown. Gotlandi churchyards fom a Gender and Missionary Abstract perspectiae. LundArchaeological Reaiew 2, 1996, pp. 63 - 86..

Several graves with grave-goods have been found in 's churchyards. There is no doubt that these graves are Christian and that they are connected with the timber churches on these sites. The men were buried in the southern half of the churchyards, the women in the norchern half. The grave-goods are reduced to a kind of"Sunday-best dress" and there are no finds ofanimal bones, weapons or vesseis, which are typical for the pagan period. This contrast with the funeral rites of the Christian church was always explained as a "syncretism", but surprisingly there are only two parallels in Scandinavia, the other churchyard finds coming from Eastern Europe. The article adresses to two ma.jor questions. \7hat were the reasons for this sexual segregation? Is the "transition period thesis" sufficient to explain the presence ofgrave-goods, or could there be other reasons such as the influence ofan undocumented Russian/Byzantine mission?

Jdrn Staecker, Institute ofArchaeology, Uniuersity of Lund, Sandgatan 1, 5-22350 Lund

During the end of the 19th, and up to the middle 1988; 1990-91). Gender-determination based of the 20th centuries, several Viking Age graves on the grave-goods shows that women were were discovered when ditches were dug for mo- always placed to the north ofthe church and men dern burials in churchyards on the island of to the south (first stated byThotzig 1970, p. 15; Gotland. In those cases which are documented, most recently by Thunmark-Nyldn 7995, pp. the deadwere found in an E-\Tposition with the 161 f.). To begin with there was uncertainry as to head to the west, and were housed in wooden whether these graves belonged to the pagan coffins. The graves were mainly furnished with period, in which case they would have belonged elements of dress, such as brooches, pins and to a gravefield later occupied by a church, or belts, but also beads, pendants and knives ('West- whether these graves were part of the Christian holm 1926, p. I 04). G. Tiotzig(I969, p.2 1) first churchyard. O. Almgren (1904,p.320) was the noted that tools, weapons, vessels and even ani- first to refer to finds from these churchyards, of mal offerings were missing from the graves. which he listed three. E. Ekhoff (1912, p. 155) There is some controversy regarding the dating increased the number to five, and A. \Testholm ofthese burials, though there is a consensus of (1926, p.104) collated all the finds from a total opinion that they began in the early 1 I th century, of seven churchyards. \X/hile Ekhoff (191.2, pp. but ended - and here the discussion is ongoing - 153 ff.) was already convinced that the graves either in the early 12th (Carlsson 1990) or even were part of a Christian burial place,'Westholm in the early 13th centuries (Thunmark-Nyldn (1926, p. 104) was more reserved, but stated correcdy that "neither charcoal nor burnt bones" were found in these churchyards. However, in 1968 Lagerkif and Stolt (1968, p.122) were still convinced that "the finds in the churchyard r80 A3 indicated a place, which had also served in prehistoric times as a place for cult practices and I burial". Finally it was G. Trotzig (1969, p. 24) who showed that theVikingAge graves belonged 5 to the oldest horizon of the Christian cemetery and that they are definitely part ofthe churchyard. Tiotzig's thesis (1970) was confirmed by the 8O excavations in Garde, where no Viking Age graves were discovered in the church or under its 0 foundations. On the contrary it was shown that o there was a clear relationship berween the buil- L12 IO ding of the church and the general E-\7 ar3 orientation of the graves. Even after this clear o archaeological evidence there were still research- ers who stated that in isolated incidences the churchyard was built on top of a pagan grave- field, as argued by O. Kyhlberg (1991, p. 157) UPk' regarding the finds from Stinga. Most recently, Fig. 1. Distribucion of the Gotlandic churchyard L. Thunmark-Nyldn (1995, p. 161) has again finds and pagan burial places (after Nordanskog 1995, emphasized churchyard that the Viking Age Fig. 11 tab.3). graves have no pagan predecessors. A. Definitive evidence of Viking Age graves in 'We can therefore presume that the furnished churchyards graves were placed in consecrated earth. Earth 1. Burs; 2. Dalhem; 3. ; 4. ; 5. ; Garda; ; that has been consecrated (benedictio coemeteri) 6. 7. 8. ; 9. Kiillunge; 10. Stinga. and given the funeral rights (ius is a funerand), B. Viking Age stray finds in churchyards requirement the of Christians. is a for burial It 1 1. Alva; 12. ; 13. Bro; 14. Ekeby; 15. ; curious fact that furnished graves in consecrated 16. ; 77.Hamra;18. ; 19. H6rsne;20. earth - which is in clear violation of the rules of ; 21. ; 22. Norrlanda 23. Sike;24. the Latin Church - has never excited more Tingstdde; 25. Vamiingbo; 26.Ydnge; 27 .Yd'stergarn; 28.Y'dte. attention; on the contrary, they have been C. Pagan burial places from the late Viking Age regarded as a clear sign of the transition from 1. Bjars, parish; 2. Ire, parish; 3. paganism to Christianity. Recent research Lekarehed, Lerbro parish; 4. Torg, Othem parish; compares this phenomenon with the village 5. Uppgarde, Vallstena parish; 6. Gallungs, Vaskinde graveyards of the 13th-l7th centuries in the parish; 7. Broa, Halla parish; B. Gottskalks, Tirikumla parish; 9. M61ner, Vdte parish; 10. Barshaldershed, Baltic countries (Valk I 992, pp.222f.) . According Grcitlingbo parish; 11. Havor, parish; 12. to this, the graves reflect a long transitional Annexhemman, Hemse parish; 13. Burge, period, in which pagan elements in funeral rites Rone parish; 14. Stora Hallvards, Silte parish lingered on in a Christian context, until finally absorbed. the I 1th centurypagan gravefields and Christian Ifwe look at our example Gotland, we could churchyards are mutually exclusive to particular find this thesis supported by the fact that during parishes (Fig. l). L. Thunmark-Nyldn (1989, p.

64 JoRN sTAECKER 223) interprets this phenomenon by suggesting might have had a similar symbolic meaning as that "the Christian and pagan societies lived side the obolus/Charons coin2. However, in general by side for a long period". A. Carlsson ( 1 990, pp. the transition from pagan gravefields to Chris- 8 f.) is strongly opposed to this thesis. He thinks tian churchyards was a relatively fast process in that the reason for the mutual exclusion ofpagan Scandinavia which triggered off dramatic and Christian places of burial is purely changes. chronological, so that with the building of chur- For the first time the place of burial was ches and establishing ofchurchyards the pagan limited in its extent, meaning that there was only gravefields were deserted, and that this happened a limited area which was supposed to be used for at different times in individual parishes. Carls- burials. It was no longer possible - as with the son (ibid.) therefore regards the churchyard finds pagan gravefields - to simply extend. This limi- as evidence in support ofhis thesis, because they tation in space had serious consequenses for the appear only in parishes with chronologicaly older juridical aspect of the funeral rites. It was no gravefields, but not in parishes with more recent longer possible to continue the ancestral-cult, gravefields. According to Carlsson (ibid., p. 13), because the area on the gravefield most likely to the reason for this is the "socio-political backgro- be regulated - namely the visible grave mound - und", bywhich the individual estate burials were disappeared, and this personal cult was replaced replaced by "central-place sites ofburial" in the by a more anonymous one, aimed principally at form ofchurchyards. the blessing of souls. Only in the case of a few From a chronological perspective Carlssont persons, such as church-founders or people buried thesis appears reasonable, but there is one pro- close to the church foundations, did the older blem: the furnished graves in consecrated earth rype of cult continue (Aribs 1978). It is no longer are not as widespread in VikingAge Scandinavia ascertainable whether the churchyard was with as might be expected. In there is only one or without monuments, but people were buried parallel from Lelaand in Dalarna (Serning 1982). closer together and the church adopted the r6le L. Ersgird (1993-94, p. 84) thinks that the of providing homage to ancestors. furnished graves, which were found under the The second innovation was the segregation porch at this site are associated with an earlier ofthe sexes in the churchyard. From the pagan phase of the churchl. Another exception could gravefields no example of segregation where be the burial site of Grodby on Bornholm women are positioned to the north and men to (\Tagnkilde 1996), where several graves the south is known3. There is, moreover, no accompanied by knives, coins and even pottery archaeological evidence that women were buried (both fragmented and complete vessels) were in a special area of the gravefield. Here too there found. must have been considerable changes in the The normal nature of Scandinavian juridical status ofthe sexes. Further investigation churchyard graves is burials without y grave- is needed to find out whether the social status of ^ goods, as known from urban communities such women changed in a positive or negative way, as Lund (Mirtensson 1963 a-b; Mirtensson but at least we can state that the female sex got 1976;Mirtensson 1980, pp.47 ff.) and Sigtuna exactly one half of Godt acre.

(Hillbom 1 987), but also from rural areas (Vrete- The thirdstepwas the abolition offurnishing mark 1992, pp. 120 ff .). In some graves there was graves. The introduction ofgraves without burial a dress brooch or pi.n, which possibly served to objects was a radical departure from the germanic

secure the shroud (Ekhoff I 9 12, p. 1 39 fig. I 08), burial rite, and a new juridical regulation of and in exceptional cases even a sherd, like in personal possesions. Objects like weapons, tools, Lund (Mirtensson 1963 a, pp. 64 f.), which items of jewellery etc., which were no longer

SEARCHINGFORTHEUNKNO\rN 65 Fig. 2. The three cross- and crucifixpendants from Garde, Havdhem and Stinga (after Staecker 1995, fig. 55;70; 75).

deposited in graves, now became rhe property of concentrate on three of the definite Viking Age the church. examples, namely: Garde, Havdhem and Stinga In the following pages I would like to have a (Fig. l). A common characteristic of these three closer look at these three aspects - the layout of churchyards is that each has a grave from which the churchyard; its spatial and sexual segregation a cross or crucifix pendant has been recovered and the furnishing of graves. Based upon the (Fig. 2). O. Almgren (1904, p.320) observed example of three Gotlandic churchyards an this fact, and regarded it as support for his thesis attempt will be made ro explain the appearance that these are definitely Christian graves6 . of these phenomena. The above mentioned three churchyards are situated in the southern half of the island, where Examples there is a general concentrarion of this category of find. The reason for this might be that the On Gotland there are Viking Age finds from a northern halfof Gotland was Christianized some- total of 28 churchyards, which could provide what earlier then the southern half. The information about grave assemblages (see list by abondonment of the pagan gravefields, which Kyhlberg 1991, p. 166 fig.26; updated by took place in the northern halfduring the early Thunmark-Nyl6n I995,p. 161 fig. 1). Of these llth centuryT and in the southern half during 28 churchyards only 10 (Burs, Dalhem, the late llth and early l2th centuriess, can be Eskelhem, Etelhem, Fardhem, Garda, Havd- taken as evidence for this. hem, Hejde, Kiillunge and Stinga)a provide On the other hand, there are two important definitive evidence of Viking Age graves based written sources, which might contradict the on dress and skeletal remains. The other 18 theoryof an early (southern) andlate (northern) churchyards (Alva, Barlingbo, Bro, Ekeby, Eksta, Christianization. In 1585 D. Bilefeld wrote an Fole, Hamra, Hangvar, Hcirsne, Gothem, Klinte, inventory and taxation list, in which the tax Norrlanda, Silte, Tingstiide, , Vdnge, quota of the church was listed. Some years later, Vdstergarn, Vdte)5 are of uncertain associarion, c. 1622, an addition was made, in which the because only stray objects were recovered from dates of the foundation of the churches were these (list byThunmark-Nyl 6n 1995,p. 161 fig. given (Lundm arkl925, pp. 164 ff.). The second 1 with a catalogue on pp. 1 89 ff.). I would like to and more important source is H.N. Strelowt

66 JoRN sTAECKER chronicle of the island of Gotland, completed in historical sources. Despite the mission's initial 1633.In the first part of the chronicle Strelow success in the northern half of the island, the makes extravagant claims about the prehistory of archaeological evidence is less clear. This ggp the islande , but in the second part he provides might be explained by llth century timber exact dates for the foundation ofthe churches. It churches andchurchyards, havingbeen absorbed is not known where Strelow got his information within later buildings. Nevertheless there are from, but he might have had access to sources no explanations to bridge this gap. G. Nordanskog longer extant today. Remarkable for Strelowt (1995, p. 42 fig.27) has recently demonstrated, dates are the enormous number of churches how the economic outlay required for the buil- founded in the I lth century. If this is correct, ding of churches during the 1lth and early l2th then we have to regard the 11th and early l2th centuries was provided by the production of a centuries as a phase of missionary expansion, surplus, seen in the hoard finds. Nordanskog when parish-boundaries were presumably also (ibid.) stated that there is a clear correspondence being made. Strelow's dates were, of course, ofthe hoards on one hand, and Strelow and the strongly criticized by art-historians (first Bru- art-historical datings on the other. The distribu- nius 1864, pp. 6 f.) and historians (last'\il'ase tion of hoards and churches is almost identical 1995). In support of Strelow's work was the for the llth and early l2th centuries in the historian E. Lundmark (1925, p. I72), the art- southern half of the island. In the northern half historian J. Roosval (1933), and finally the the distribution is denser and fits better with archaeologists L. Thunmark-Nyldn (1980) and Strelow's "fantastic" data. This does not mean O. Kyhlberg (1991), who believe that the second that every hoard find represents a church, but it part of Strelowt chronicle has a high probabiliry indicates how many potential interpretations are of being accurate. It is likely that Strelowt left unconsidered (ibid., p. 44). chronicle and Bilefeld's taxation list were compiled separately (Lundmark 1925, pp. 174 Garde church f.), therefore making deviating dates of great interest. According to Lundmark (1925, p. 179) The Garde church was published by Lagerltif and Thunmark-Nyldn (1980, pp. 19 f.) the (1972) from an art-historical and architectural different dates within these two sources might perspective. Lagerlof (197 2, pp. 258 ff .; fig. 328) have resulted from reference being made to dates the Romanesque construction features - different building phases ofthe churches, such as like the nave and lower parts of the tower - to the the official foundation, rebuilding or extension. middle of the 12th century, making this one of A contribution to this discussion has been the oldest stone buildings on the island. During provided by the recently published the 13th and l4th centuries the church was dendrochronological dates of the Gotlandic chur- rebuilt in its present form. J. Roosval (1950, pp. ches by Brithen (1995). If we compare the 116 f.), however, dates the Romanesque features absolute dates ofthe taxation-list, the chronicle to the late 1 I th century. The art-historical dating and the dendrochronological dates with the ofthe Romanesque buildingmust be renewed in archaeological evidence (timber-churches and the light of the recently published churchyards), combined with art-historical dendrochronological results (Brithen 1995, p. datings of baptismal fonts, crucifixes etc., we 86). According to these dates, the nave was find an astonishing convergence with the already built by around 1116. In the nave, a "questionable" dates ofStrelow In the southern beam felled in 1056 was discovered. Brithen half of Gotland we find an amazing (7995, p. 88) does not exclude the possibilty that correspondence between the archaeological and this beam belonged to an earlier timber church.

SEARCHINGFoRTHEUNKNo\7N 67 (?????)

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Fig. 3. Plan of Garda church and churchyard with the registered Vking Age graves. The postholes of the wooden church and the foundations ofthe Romanesque predecessor are marked. 1. Furnished female grave; 2. Furnished male grave; 3. Non-furnished grave; 4. Coffin; 5. Crosspendant; 6. Uncertain localization; 7. Unknown localization (after Staecker 1995, map 54).

G. Thotzigt (1970) results correspond with this could relate to a possible rebuilding. thesis. During interior resroration work in the Within the church the partially preserved area of the nave he discovered postholes of an frescoes are most striking, reflecting Russian- earlier timber church, which according to the Byzantine influence and dating from around the C14 dates, can be approximately dated to the year 1200 (Lagerl

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Fig. 4. Plan of Havdhem church and churchyard with the registered Viking Age graves. 1. Furnished female grave; 2. Coffin;3. Crucifixpendant; 4. uncertain localization; 5. Unknown localization (after Staecker 1995, map 55).

built into the nave after the Romanesque choir church are female with only one male grave had been torn down in the 14th century. This having been recorded in situto the south of the was confirmed by an architectural surveywhen it church. The possibilty that the church was erected was discovered that the northern portal was on top ofa pagan gravefield can be excluded by secondary to the Romanesque wall (Lagerltif the fact that there were no graves beflveen or 1972, pp.262 f.). under the postholes, and the church and The churchyard is obliquely positioned churchyard stand in direct relationship to one relative to the central-axis ofthe church and has another. Three graves with coins give a an enclosing wall with four entrances (Lagerldf chronological indication as to the occupation of 7972, pp.253 ff.). According to Lagerlof this the churchyard with furnished graves. They have complex of church, churchyard and enclosure is a terminus post quem 997, 1035, and 1111. one ofthe best preserved sites in Sweden. Several Therefore we can postulate that the churchyard VikingAge graves were discovered mainly to the was established in the early llth century. The north of the church, probably standing in close change to non-furnished graves was probably association with its timber predecessor (Fig. 3). established in the first half of the 12th century. AII the burials to the north and west of the For Garde church we can state that there

SEARCHTNG FoRTHE uNKNo\rN 69 must have been a timber church together wirh (1 968) in theseries "Sveriges kyrkor".The church associated churchyard consecrated during the is Gothic in its appearence. The lower part of the early 1 1th century at the latest. The tower was erected in the middle of the l3th dendrochronological investigations and the century, the nave and upper part ofthe tower in written sources by Strelow confirm this dating. the middle of the 14th cenrury. The choir and In the early l2th centurythis church was replaced apse, which date from the middle of the 13th by a stone building. Segregation within the grave- century, were torn down in 1864 and rebuilt. yard on the basis of gender with women to the Hints of an earlier building are given by the north and men to the south, was strictlyfollowed. baptismal-font, which Lagerlof & Stolt (ibid., This division was perhaps continued in the pp. 138 ff. fig. 151-161) date to the late l2th church, where the two portals in the nave could century. They also date the foundation of the have been gender specific. Romanesque church to the first half of the 13th century (ibid ., pp. 122 f . fig. I 35).This building phase Havdhems church was observed during restoration work. The Romanesque church, which comprised a Havdhems church is still not published in the tower, nave, apse and choir, had only a southern series "Sveriges kyrkor". According to Roosval portal in the choir. Portals in the nave were not (1950, pp. 126 ff.) the choir is dated to the l ith observed because the upper parts of the century, the nave to the second halfofthe 12th foundations have not been preserved. The Go- century and the tower to the l3th century. But in thic successor had a big, richly ornamented Lagerldf & Svahnstrcjm's (1984, pp. 170 f.) southern portal in the nave, which Lagerltif & opinion the church was not founded until the Stolt refer to as one of"the biggest and srrangest first half of the 12th century. Excavations within on Gotland" (ibid., pp. 92 ff. fig.100-109). Of the church have not been carried our. The nave special note is the unique relief frieze flanking has only a single portal facing south. An the southern portal (ibid., pp. 98 ff, fig. 110- archaeological survey, which would either confirm I 15). There are no recorded traces ofa bricked or weaken the thesis that there was only one up northern portal, there being only rwo niches portal from the beginning has not been in the northern wall (ibid., p. 122). Strelow implemented. Strelow (1633, p. 140) suggests a (1633, p. 142) states the church was founded in foundationdateof 1040 for the Havdhem church. I 160. In contrast to Garde, the Havdhem churchyard The churchyard is aligned with the church is aligned with the church and has an enclosing and has an enclosing wall with rhree enrrances. wall with two entrances. Like Garde, the female Several furnished female graves were recorded in graves of the Viking Age were discovered in the the northern half of the churchyard and there northern part of the churchyard (Fig. 4). were also two male graves in front of the western Unfortunately only a few graves in Havdhem portal (Fig. J).The onlysystematicinvestigations that have been excavatedwere in situ,leadingto were carried out in 1903 by H. Hansson. He uncertainry regarding their original positions. observed four graves in a single context, ofwhich \fith regard to the finds, elements of male dress two were furnished. This shows that not all the have been recovered, but nothing is known about graves of this period were necessarily furnished the position of these graves. Graves with coins or not. But the dating of these non-furnished were not recorded. graves is not possible without relating rhem to a Sti"nga church context, unless the remains of coffins are preser- ved, which show a tendencyto be narrower in the Stinga church was published by Lagerliif & Stolt Viking Age than in other periods. The Viking

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Fig. 5. Plan of Stinga church and churchyard with the registered Viking Age graves. 1. Furnished female grave;2. Furnished male grave; 3. Non-furnished grave; 4. Coffin;5. Crosspendant; 6. Uncertain localization; 7. Unknown localizarion (after Staecker 1995, map 56).

Age graves might belong to the llth or early ofsociety and the graves therewere not distributed 12th centuries, as suggested by coin finds, but in a random way. In the Norwegian their find circumstances are uncertain. One coin Borgartingslaw (Nilsson 1989, pp. 134 ff.) rhe dates from the 1lth century, another one has a churchyard was divided into quaters among five terminus post quem of 1086. social classes (the upper two classes counted as one). Non-Christians, unbaptized individuals, criminals, etc. were excluded from the consecrated Spatial organisation groundaltogether (Binski I996,p.56).According 'With (1989, 137) there was a clear the introduction of the churchyard there is to Nilsson p. the churchyard: the most sought a completely new component in Scandinavian hierarchywithin the choir and burial grounds. The available space is limited after places ofburial being around the east of the church. fuound these graves and clearlystructured. \fith the church standing to there might have been concentric semi-circles or in the middle ofthe churchyard a newcult centre the different clas- is created, not only for this life but for the rectangles, which represented ses. western part of the churchyard was the hereafter. The preferred place for burial within The (Fig. social the church was - sometimes - reserved for the lowest ranking quarter 6). This does not, however, apPear to have founders andhigh ranking ecclesiastical or secular stratification everywhere, and probably only reflected dignitaries. This applied to the zone around the applied law. is difficult to follow church, where rainwater consecrated by contact the ideals of this It thesis in the light of the evidence from with the churcht roof dripped down, the graves Nilssont "far- being situated sub stillicidiaro. But even the Gotland, which in spite of the postulated had no egalitarian churchyard was not within reach of all members mer republic", certainly

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Fig. 6. The ideal churchyard-division according to the Borgamings Law The illustration was designed by the norwegian historian E. Bull (1948, p. 55). Lendmenn - chiefs; Haulder - free peasants; Loysinger - released; Tieller - slaves. structures (see discussion below). The furnished enclosed the whole area of burial. graves are distributed regularly throughout the B. Nilsson stares thar the minimum size of churchyards, with no apparent concentrarions the churchyard seems ro have been influenced by within the above-named examples. This does the right of asylum (1989, pp. 122 f.). At the not, however, exclude the possibiliry that the 12th council ofToledo (681) it was decided that division into quarters was firsr introduced at a the asylum zone should be 30 steps ( 1 ecclesiastical later time. step = 1,5 m) around the church, that means at Aboundarywas drawn around the churchyard least 45 meters (Boehlke & Belgrader 1983, p. to mark the juridical zone, insidewhich b apdzed 648; Nilsson 1989, p. 123). However, therewere members of the communiry were worshipped no regulations regarding the shape of the and were buried. In the beginning it was a ditch churchyard - whether round or rectangular (ibid., or hedge and later a wall, which could have a p. I24). The churchyard enclosures with walls, fortified character (Boehlke & Belgrader 1983, fences or ditches reflect the idea of protection p. 649). By studying Danish and Swedish and asylum (ibid., p. 126; Boehlke & Belgrader churchyards Engberg & Kieffer-Olsen (1992, 1983, p. 649). In the Norwegian Borgarrings law pp. 176 f.) and Johansson (1993, pp. 12 ff.) it is even prescribed that there should be a gar6r concluded that it was nor unril the 11th-12th (enclosure) around every church (Nilsson 1989, centuries that a ditch was dug or a wooden fence pp. 126 f.). However, the enclosure of medieval installedlr and stone walls were not introduced churches should nor be connected with whether before the I 3th- I 4th centuries (Johansson I 993, they had the right to hold funeral services or not pp. 17 f[). Here is a clear difference from the (ibid., p. 129). pagan gravefields, where ditches or fences never

72 JoRN sTAEcKER Emancipation occupation and use of churchyards, particularly the southern parts (Kieffer-Olsen 1993, pp. 118 The division of the churchyard into southern ff.). Even in northern Germany, in the St. Gertrud (male) and northern (female) halves, which only churchyard, Kiel, such segregation has been overlapped to the east and west of the church, recorded (ibid., p. 120 not"e2l5). could be seen in all the three examples. Gender In spite ofthe law text there are only a few segregation in churchyards is not unknown in examples known from Norway, as shown from Scandinavia. The phenomenon was registered excavations at Bo, Telemark and Stange, Hed- for the first time byJ. Steffensen(1943,p.229), mark (Harby 7994, pp.91 ff.)13. Such segrega- who excavated the churchyard of Skeljastaoir tion ofburials inNorwegian churcheswas already Pj6rsdoalur on Island. He stated that sexual noted by N. Nicolaysen (1870, p. 17)ra , with segregation only occurred during a certain pe- "the women lying by the northern wall and the riod, then it was abandoned. In Sweden, N.-G. men by the southern wall", and Nicolaysen Gejvall (1960, pp. 122 ff. tab. 6) registered added that the men in the churchyard were also segregation bygender at the churchyard ofVdster- buried to the south of the church. In addition to hus, Fr

pp.l23 f.)12. Gendersegregation in a more or less already abandoned in the I Oth or I 1 th centuriesr5. distinct form is also known from some places in According to Gilchrist saints-reliquaries are medieval Denmark, including Gl. Greni (Kieffer- divided in some English parish churches into Olsen 1993, p. 105), Tirup (ibid., pp. 106 ff.), male saints to the south and female saints to the Tygelsjit (ibid., p. 110), Refshale (ibid., pp. 110 norrh. ff.), Torup (ibid., pp. lt2 f.), Risby (ibid., p. B. Nilsson (1989, p. l4l) observed that 114), Rathausmarktin Schleswig (ibid., pp. 116 sexually determined segregation was concentrated ff. ), Grodby on Bornholm ('W'agnkilde I 9 9 5, pp. in the zone around the choir and nave. This 8 f.) and Ldddekdpinge (Cinthio & Boldsen separation must have its origins in the spatial 1983-84, pp. l21ff.). However, it should be division of the church, where abeady in the noted that it is difficult to make clear apostolic constitution women were allocated the interpretations, because of the repeated northernside ofthe church andmen the southern

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Fig. 7. Distribution of the medieval churchyards with sex-segregation. Sweden:1. Burs; 2. Dalhem; 3. Eskelhem; 4. Etelhem;5. Fardhem;6. Garda;7. Havdhem;8. Hejde;9. Kiillunge; 10. Stinga (all Gocland);11. Fiirslter, Osterldvsta Parish, Uppland;12. Karleby, Leksbergs Parish, Vdsterg

side (Selhorst 1931, pp. 2l ff.). According to initiated by the church and should not be seen as Nilsson this sexual segregation had its roots in the survival of a pre-Christian practicerT. In Jewish law, where there was not only a division moreexposed to the temptations of the world, between north and south but also right and left and it was therefore more appropriate for them and front and back. Sexual segregation had no to be in the north of the church (ibid., p. 32).In negative connotations; on the contraryit insdlled addition, Amalarius reported that the deacon a kind of balancer6 . Nilsson (1989, pp.l4l f.; should read from the gospels facing south to the Nilsson 1994, p.89) is certain that the segrega- congregation of intellectual novices, whilst behind tion ofthe churchyard is a conscious copy ofthe his back (that means to the north), the less arrangement inside the church andwas therefore educated women should be taught by male

74 JoRN sTAEcKER scholars (ibid., p. 33). Amalarius supplied an- Testament. This dualiry resulted in the practice other justification for this arragement, by that women stood or sat in the northern half of declaring that in order to maintain chasteness the church, where theyalso received the eucharist. within the church, especiallyduring the eucharist, Gilchrist showed that when women entered the the kiss ofpeace should be restricted to members church they were directed to the left side, but if of the same sex (ibid., pp. 33 f.). From the middle the church is regarded as a symbol of Christt of the 12th century onwards the writings of body then they were being referred to the right Honorius Augustodunensis show a change in side. This corresponds with the iconographical which the northern "female" half of the church depictions of Mary, who always stands in the is associated with negative characteristics (ibid., crucifixion at Christt right side; John stands to pp.36 f.).'Woman is now regarded as the flesh his left side. and temptation of the devil, the vehicle by way The fact that the northern half of the original sin came down to earth. On Judgement churchyard was not used later on, should not Day women should therefore be guided to the mislead us to believe that women held a lower left, the side of punishment. status than men from the beginning and were In Scandinavia it seems as if the division of therefore offered a less worthy place, as pointed the sexes within churchyards appeared in the late out by Nilsson (1989, p. 144). By way of con- 10th or early llth centuries and that it trast, Gejvall's (1960, pp. 119 ff.) study of med- disappeared in Jutland around 1200. However, ieval legal texts shows that there was nothing it was not abandoned until the 13th and l4th negative about the northern hal[, centuries in other parts of Scandinavia (Kieffer- A.-S. Grdslund (1983-85, p. 300), M. Lind- Olsen 1993, p.72I; Gilchrist 1994, p. 134). gren (1991, p. 233 note 5) and M. Vretemark The introduction of this custom is clearly (1992,pp.I25 ff.) believe that the division in the connected with the arrival of Christianity. Ve churchyard continued in the church, with a are looking in vain at the pagan gravefields for northern portal forwomen and asouthern portal this segregation, as has been noted for Gotland for men, with each sex taking a seat in their (Thunmark-Nyldn 1989, p.214)18. The origin respective areas. Each sex had a special altar to of the custom is still difficult to trace. In her pray to their respective saints, the Marian-altar review of N.-G. Gejvallt publication on Vdster- for the women and the St. Olaf- or St. Michael- hus (1960), Gisela Asmus (1962, I94) pointed altar for the men. Vretemark pointed out the out that the segregation shows an early influence Marian altars in the northern part of the nave from the Eastern Orthodox Church. She stressed were often facingtowards the choir. Thepositions the custom might have come to Scandinavia of the altars led Vretemark to the conclusion that through the contacts of the Varangians with both the northern and southern portals were Byzantium. This thesis might even get support used bywomen and men respectively. However, from Sharon Gerstel's (forthcoming) work about it must be remembered that she is referring here the frescoes in Byzantine churches. According to to Romanesque and Gothic churches. Gerstel there is an absolute correlation in the use As the timber predecessors of the three chur- of interior church space between woman in the ches I have mentioned earlier have not survived, north and men in the south in late Byzantine it is difficult to follow this thesis. Ifwe look at the churches. portals of the preserved or reconstructed stave The reason for the segregation, according to churches on Gotland, then it seems as if the first Gilchrist ( I 994, p. I 48), is the numerous dualities churches only had a portal in the western part of underlying the concept of pairs: north/south, the nave. This is definitely the case with Hemse, woman/man, moon/sun, Old Testament/New where there was a treshold cut only into the

sEARCHTNG FoRTHE uNKNowN 75 western sill beam (Ekhoff 1 14-16, pp. 80 ff. fig. 9 Timeless Phenomenon? 32-35; Lagerlc;f & Stolt 1969, pp. 181 ff. fig. t97; fig.206). This might even be the case with Furnished graves witlin consecrated ground were Eke, where Lagerl

Surprisingly, the picture which we get from to Genrich (197 | , p.202), but "contain only the Lund is completely the opposite from the one in social status symbols of the dead". If we turn Gotland. During excavations in Kattesund and away from the church graves and look at the Thuletomten a stave church was found, which churchyard, we can state that there are no clearly had a portal in the north (Mirtensson furnished graves. Instead furnished graves are 1975, p. 122 fig.94). Unfortunately the area found in the Merovingian "Reihengrdberfelder", where one could expect a portal to the south was which were established in pagan times. In several disturbed in 1883 and it was impossible for R. cases, like in Miinchen Aubing, Staubing by Blomqvist to observe a portal here (1963, pp.20 \fleltenburg, Marktoberdorf/Schwaben and tr fig. 9). However, it is remarkable that in the Kciln-Junkersdorf a simple timber building was related churchyard no segregation by sex had discovered at the edge ofthese gravefields, which taken place (Mirtensson 1975, p. 115). was probably a church or a chapel (Dannheimer Excavations ofSt. StefanandSt. Mi.rtenpresented 1966; Christlein l97I; Dannheimer 1975, pp. the same picture (M8.rtensson 1 9 8 0, p. 5 4; Car elli 229 ff .; Fehring 1979, pp.556 ff .).In these cases & Lenntorp 1994, pp.84 f.). It seems as if the the church was not at the centre of the burial conclusions of M. Vretemark (1992, pp. 126 f .) ground, and with it the death-cult; it was a are legitimate; that segregation by sex was only a secondary addition to make Christian funerals rural and not an urban phenomenon2r. possible. Excluding the nobility there was no great social distinction between burials within

76 ;6nN srencrnn the church and in the "Reihengrlberfelder" (Poulik 1963, p.33 fig. 14). It is clear that the (Christlein 1974, pp.587 f.). buried must have belonged to the retinue of the Towards the end of the Merovingian period lord of the castle, and that several members of the furnished graves disappear. During the ruling upper class and warrior-class were buried Carolingian period this custom no longer existed outside the church. Poulik (1975, pp. 198 f.) in the centre of the Empire, but instead survived observed that the Christian graves ofthe casde's on the periphery, for example in Croatia (\(er- nobility stand in direct contrasr to the ner 1978-79). The subjugated Saxons were soon contemporary grave mounds of the pagan rural forbidden to cremate their dead, but the population. In addition, Klanica (1986, pp. 120 archaeological evidence shows (Ahrens 1978) ff.) refers to several churchyards in the territory that the transition from pagan to Christian burial of former Czechoslovakia, which have richly grounds took longer than is to be believed by furnished graves. According to him, the 9th reading the laws of 782 in the Capitulatio de century graves are furnished with weapons and partibus Saxoniae (1, 7) (Lammers 1983). In all riding-equipment, whilst the lOth century buri- places, where the burial groundwas moved to the als are usually restricted to elements of clothing. churchyard, furnished graves ceased to exist. This differs from the usual practice of the -When the Gotlandic churchyard graves of Carolingian period, as normally found in the the Viking Age are studied it is obvious that a west. The question of who the driving force comparison with the Merovingian founder graves behind the mission in Slovakia was, is not easy to is inappropriate. On the one hand during the answer. The 9th century Carolingian mission Merovingian period the dead were buried in had its origin in Salzburg and was finally consecrated ground, with grave-goods that did successful, but the Byzantine mission should also not differ from the pagan graves (if we exclude be considered, which culminated in the sending horse graves in the "Reihengriiberfelder"). Ort ofthe missionaries Kyrill and Methodius in864, the other hand, these graves are inside the church as recorded in the written sources (Kloczowski and never outside. The reason lies in the social 1994, pp.889 ff.). status of the buried. On Gotland there are no Even in Hungary furnished graves from the furnished graves inside churches, instead they I 1th and 12th centuries have been recorded in are all outside, and these belong not to the upper churchyards, like in Zsid6d, Komitat Esztergom class, but only to the "middle class". Searching (Molndr 1992).Thereare also examples from the for parallels to our named examples in Sweden Byzantine empire, like Corinth, where furnished and Denmark, we must first turn to Finland. In graves from the 9th through to the 1 I th centuries the churchyards of Ristinpelto and Myllymdki, have been discovered (Ivison 1992)24. 12th-century furnished graves have been If we summarize the picture from Europe discovered. The burials from Ristinpelto were, from the 5th to the 1 lth centuries, it is striking according to Cleve (1952, p. 167) apparently that furnished graves disappear in the Frankish poorly furnished, and the unpublished material area towards the end of the Merovingian period, from Myllymdki is difficult to commenr on and that this form of burial appears in the (Kivikoski 7969, p.35). However, these are not settlement-areas of the slavic tribes and also in the only examples of furnished graves from the the Byzantine missionary sphe,'- at the same Early- and High Medieval periods. The same time. On the other hand it cannot be denied that phenomenon is found in South-East Europe, as one link is still missing ifwe want ro explain this for example the hillfort ofMikuldice in Slovakia, phenomenon, and that is Russia. The silence of where a church was surrounded by several the Russian researchers could be interpreted in furnished graves from the 9th and 1Oth centuries nvo ways. Either it is a clear omission in research,

SEARCHING FOR THE UNKNO\(TN 77 which has never been taken up or examined, or lund (1987, pp. 90 f.) and B. Sawyer (1992, pp. this type of furnished grave within churchyards 81 ff.) are of the opinion that Christianity did not exist in Russia. The problem is that the particularly attracted women, because it provided churches in the towns are never connected with a female saint - M"ry and offered a more positive a churchyard and in the villages the churchyard perspective regarding the hereafter-belief in the can lie far from the church. The close connection form of heaven. In pagan times it was only men berween church and cemetery, as in Scandinavia, who could enter Valhalla, women could only does not exist. Ifwe follow the latter suggestion, expect the less attractive equivalent ofHelt6. The that this type was not in existence, then it is sexual segregation in the North could be regarded difficult to understand by which means as an indication of the "emancipation process". Scandinavia was inspired when performing this On the other hand it seems as if this apparent type of funeral, if direct contact with the Slavic- equality was weighed with the disadvantage that Hungarian areas is excluded. Nevertheless, the image ofwoman as theweakand uneducated regarding the furnished graves on Gotland, the sex was more firmly fixed, as the scripts of concentration of this type in Eastern Europe Amalarius prove. \fhat B. Nilsson (1994, p.35) gives us something to think about. described as the "balance between the strong and theweak' mighthavebeen devastatingforwomen Rdsum6 who believed in an improvement of their social conditions through the new faith. Instead they \X/ith the arrival of Christianity in the North were forced to conform to a social pattern. One three newphenomena in Gotlandic churchyards might suspect that the change ofattitudes brought are observed. The first one is the enclosure of the about by conforming with Carolingian and burial area, the second the segregation of the Ottonian law, finally had a negative effect for sexes within it, and the third the custom of women. furnished graves. The second question is why the segregation Concerning the first point, the research done was abandoned between 1200 and 1300, and by B. Nilsson showed that the right of asylum why burials were excluded from the area to the was one of the main factors in establishing the north of the church. Is this only a chronological churchyard. The drastic limitation ofthe area for problem; that means there is an initial phase of burials restricted the possibilties which previously segregation, which after some generations de existed in gravefields for burial by family associa- facto didit exist any longer. Or is it a social tion. On the other hand it gave the upper-class a phenomenon, in which the regulations were better opportuniry to draw a clear distinction ignored from the beginning? between the classes and to demonstrate that they B. Nilsson (1994,p.90) is ofthe opinion that had the right to be buried in the zone around the the renewed interest in the southern side must be choir. seen in combination with the changed position The second point, the segregation of the of married women in society. According to him sexes, poses lwo questions.Thefirstone iswhether married women were bound more closely to a stronger or weaker position for women in their husbands from the 12th century and were VikingAge socierywas demonstrated by dividing subordinate to them from a legal point ofview the cult centre (the church) and the place of Ifso, then the sexual segregation reflects stronger burial (the churchyard) in two halves. This female independence between the 1 1th and 12th question is difficult to answer, because our centuries, whichwas lostwith the double burials knowledge of the situation of women in the of the high-medieval period, where women were Viking Age is partly speculative25. A.-S. Gr?is- more closely tied to their spouses and the ideal of

78 ydnN srercrrn Kieffer-Olsen (1993, p. 161 note 339) draws parallels with Lund, where pottery was also found in some graves (see above). In addition to the exceptional presence ofpottery in the burial 0 place from Grodby, \Testslavic earrings were also found in some of the female graves (\Tagnkilde 1996, p.8) as in Leksand (Serning 1982, pp.83 f.). This is not the place to make ethnic allocations, but it should be stressed that the islands of +olo Gotland and Bornholm, which played an a important r6le in international trade, and the relatively unimportant place of Leksand in northern Sweden, which had already lost its 0 o important r6le in trading iron ore, differ from all other excavated churchyards. It appears quite daring to postulate that there was an active RussianlByzantine missionary influence when only referring to a burial rite o which deviates from the rest ofScandinavia, but (D B we have more supportive evidence from Got- 0 3Okm land. In addition to the above mentioned three churchyards, there are finds ofcross- and crucifix Fig. 8. Distribution of the Gotlandic cross- and pendants in gravefields, hoards and loose finds, crucufixpendants with connection to the Russian- Byzantine area. A. Russian import; B. Byzantine sryle which on the basis of archaeological and art influence. 1. Oster Ryftes, Fole parish; 2. Garde, historical analysis have their best parallels in the Garde parish; 3. Havor, Hablingbo parish; 4. Russian/Byzantine area (Staecker 1995, pp. 424 Domerarve, Oja parish; Ytings, Othems parish; 6. 5. ff,). The pendants, dating from the 1 Oth to early Borge, Rone parish; 7. Sandegirda, Sanda parish; 8. l2th centuries, show a linkwith the areas around Stinga, Stlnga parish; 9. Tingstiide, Tingstdde parish; Novgorod, Kiev and Constantinople. 10. Gotland, unknown findplace. Most of them are imported (ibid., map 55-66). Interestingly, there are no parallels to the cross- marriage gained more importance. It might be rypes from the Germanic and English areas - that that HonoriusAugustodunensis' thesis, that con- means those regions where according to the demned the northern half of the churchyard, written sources the mission had its origin (Fig. found an audience in Scandinavia after some 8). Allthough a definitive answer cannot be time, which in turn lead to the abandonment of based on the material culture alone, it does the northern half of the churchyard. reflect an eastern influence unknown from the The third point, namely the custom of written sources, in the form ofRussian/Byzantine furnished graves in churchyards, is still the most finds and features, as in the case ofthe cross- and 'S7ithin difficult to solve. Scandinavia there are crucifix pendants, frescoes (Svahnstrcim 1993, examples from only three places for the 1 I th and pp. 162 ff.), woodpaintings (ibid., pp. I73 ff.), early l2th centuries: Gotland, Leksand and baptismal fonts (Roosval 1 9 I 6), the Russian and Grodby2T . Elements ofdress within burials were the St. Lars churches inVisby (Svahnstrrim 1993, recorded in all three places, but Grodby showed pp. I 5 8 ff.) and the burial rite in the churchyards. the biggest divergence in the presence ofpottery. This thesis is also supported by the sex-segrega-

sEARCHTNG FoRTHEUNKNovN 79 tion, which was probably influenced by the ney of\Tulfstan, where Gotland was included in Byzantine Church. But in contrast to the the empire of the Svear, and also in an early 12th furnished graves, the custom was spread over the century Florentine document, where Gotland is whole of Scandinavia, even in regions with a included in a list of Swedish provinces. However, recorded German or English mission. it must also be recognized that Gotlandt active Should we regard these finds and features r6le in trade, as traditionally stressed (see Nyldn only as signs of the intensive trade across the 1979, p.l2), its passive r6le in trade in the form Baltic, in which Gotland played an important of customs duties, and its political r6le in r6le? Or do these finds witness an otherwise maintaining a neutral position between the Swe- unknown, undocumented mission, which used dish and Danish power bases in the Baltic, might the established trading contacts between Russia have given the island a special position2e. and Gotlandfor its purposes, until this influence Thkingup thequestion from above, ofwhether was driven out by the bishop of Link

80 JoRN sTAECKER \Westholm towhether the churchyard graves are an expression mentioned by (1926, p. 104) and later by (1991, 166) was regarded by of an unknown (individual or organized) mis- Kyhlberg p. not Thunmark-Nyldn. She is of the opinion that there is sion, which had its starting point in Russia/ no clear indication for a churchyard grave here in Byzantium, or which got its inspiration from contrast to Kyhlberg. Thunmark-Nyldn (ibid.) there, and which made more substantial mentions Silte, which Kyhlberg does not even have on compromises than the contemporary German his lists for single finds. and English missions. This would then explain 5. Deviating from Thunmark-Nyldn Kyhlberg (1991, p. 166) only mentiones 6 churchyards with single why Adam of Bremen deliberately does not finds: Bro, Buttle, Eksta, Hamra, Klinte andTingstdde. mention the island and why there are so many 6. A complete catalogue of these pendants was last archaeological indications of another mission. done by Staecker (1995, cat. nr.66:70;75). Another reason could be that local traditions in 7. For example Kopparsvik nearby (Mdlarstedt some remote regions were stubbonlyretained for 1979) and Vinor on Firii (Greslund 1984). See A. Andrdn (1989). centuries by conservative farming communities. 8. also 9. The first part was plagiarised from Nicolaus Petrejis E. Ekhoff (1 9 12, pp. 154 f .) atthe beginning of and Lyschanders publications, therefore Strelow was century proposed that the priests "met with \Wallin this harshly critized by H. Spegel (1683) and J. stubborn resistance and compromised on the (1747) (Lithberg1933, pp.5 f.; Dittmer 1961, pp. grounds that by ignoring the lesser evil, higher 129 ff.). (Nilsson aims could be attained. This clearly happened in 10. The Borgartingslaw 1989, p. 135) relates to this. remote places and not near the centre of the 1 1. An example of a churchyard with a possible hedge mission". could be Grodby where neither postholes nor a ditch However, this again begs the question: Where were discovered (lfagnkilde 1996, p. 7 f\g. 8). are all the examples from the remote regions of 12. The churchyard from Bj6rned, Angermanland, Scandinavia? Unpublished, not excavated or which Nilsson (1994, B0-81) includes, was ignored, because Bergegird (1992, p.63) are not simply not in existence? Eriksson & sure, whether they can postulate a segregation by sex at this stage ofthe excavation. ts 13. Nilsson (1994, pp.80 f..) names three examples from Haug, Tonsberg and Hamar, where no I am very grateful for the useful comments which segregation could be registered. Anders Andrdn, Anders Carlsson and Roberta Gilchrist 14. See Kieffer-Olsen (1993, p. 120 note 216) about gave on the manuscript ofthis article. Special thanks to the churches of Oslo, Bergen and Tiondheim. Caroline Richardson and Roberta Gilchrist for the 15. Kieffer-Olsen (1993, p. 120 note 216) is of a magnificent help with translation. different opinion and doubts the existence of such segregation. 16. The segregation is not always explained as a kind of Notes balance between the sexes. In the case of the Raunds, Northamptonshire, it is 1. In contrast to the Gotlandic churchyard finds, five churchyard at that "the tendency for cremation graves were found beside furnished postulated by D.A. Hinton females to be kept at the periphery of the cemetery in inhumations in Leksand, which could indicate an older a lowering". gravefield (Serning 1982, p. 74). k has not been later phases could indicate status 17. Nilsson (ibid., pp. 142 f.) also notes that sexual possible to date these cremation graves and it is practised a few cases. He therefore not correct to draw conclusions about the segregation was only in or even rulings continuity or discontinuity of the burial place from questions, whether class-differences from led to the fact, that there was only partial pagan to Christian times. wills segregation and in fact much interchange. On the 2. Finds of coins for example in Sigtuna, see Hillbom other hand Kieffer-Olsen (1993, pp.99 ff.) tries to 1987, p.230. explain this interchange in chronological terms, with 3. See also the comment of B. Nilsson (1994, pp. 90 being abandoned in the later f.). strict separation only 4. The fact that the Frtijel find place had already been phases.

SEARCHING FOR THE UNKNO'WN 8I 18. An exception could be the gravefield ofGrodby on 28. In the Swedish literature (see Carlsson 1990, p. 6) Bornholm, where there is no archaeological evidence the term "stormdn" is used, which translates as for a church. However, rhe excavator admits that there "greatmen". This term is applied by Swedish could have been a wooden church on stone researchers to the situation in the Viking Age, because foundations which could have been ploughed out we cannot talk here about members of a nobility in (\Wagnkilde 1996, p. 7). the sense of High Medieval social structures. 19. However, in the reconstruction a clearer 29.'!we get an indication of relations between Danes interpretation with a portal in the south has been and Gotlanders by the existence ofthe Knutsguild and adopted (ibid., p. 537). the building of the St. Clemens church in Visby. The 20. To the same postuiat comes B. Nilsson (1994, pp. privilege, 1177 issued by Valdemar L for the 96 f.) in his answer on M. Lindgrens and M. Knutsguild for Danish rravellers to Gotland Vretemarks thesis. documents the Danish claim to a permanent place in 21. B. Nilsson (1994, p.78) is against rhis opinion. He Visby (\Teibull 1946, pp.85 ff.). Neither L. Veibull is convinced that the churchyards from Loddektipinge (1946), H. Yrwing (1978, pp. rI7 f.) nor E. and Schleswig Rathausmarkt indicare an urban milieu. Hoffmann (1989, pp. 210 ff.) regard this as evidence But Nisson is overlooking the fact that on both places ofpolitical influence, but rarher as proofofthe strong there is no clear sexual segregarion and that position ofthe Danes in the 12th cenrury Baltic-trade. LOddekopinge - because ofthe placename's ending - Further evidence of a Danish presence on Gotland is only had a limited urban character, which was first the St. Clemens church in Visby. E. Cinthio (1968, p. fulfilled by Lund. 1 10) has pointed out that such churches are missing 22. M. Borgoke (1985, pp. 27 ff .) rejects from a legal from the Swedish mainland and showed that they were historical point to use the concept "donatorgrave" and primarily erected in Denmark and Norwan the suggests instead the concepr "foundergrave". countries under Danish control. In the case of the 23. Interestingly the two graves of a woman and a boy church in Vsby Cinthio does not propose its existence (nr. 808 and 809) in the oratory under the choir ofthe was due to Danish influence. Cologne Cathedral are positioned in the Norrh (Doppelfeld 1964, 158-159 Beilage 5). 24.Late medieval furnished burials, as menrioned by Sources Felgenhauer-Schmiedt (1993, p. 230) and Miiller- \Wille (1977, p. 22) for \Testern Europe and Holl Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae. In Eckhardt, K.A. (1970) for Hungary, Harck (1976) and Zo\l- (ed.) 1934. Die Gesetze des Karolingeneiches 714- Adamikova (1991) for western Slavic regions and Valk 911. Bd.3 Sachsen, Thiiringer, Chamauen und (1992) for the Baltic countries, will not be discussed Friesen. Germanenrechte. Texte und Ubersetzungen here. Bd. 2. Schiften der Akademie fi.ir Deursches 25. In this context the publication ofJ. Jesch (1991, Recht. Gruppe J: Rechtsgeschichte. \7eimar. pp. 68 ff.) should be mentioned, particularly the Gutasagan 1200-talet eller 13OO-talets bdrjan. In chapter about the Christianization of women. \7essdn, E. & Lindkvisr, T. 1983. Gutasagan. In 26. In this context the presence ofcross- and crucifix Gutar och uihingar. Stockhoim. pendants, predominantly in female graves, is used as an Lex Thuringorum (Lex Angliorum et \Terinorum hoc afgument for the idea that women were more attracted est Thuringorum). In Eckhardt, K.A. (ed.) 1934. to the new faith. I have shown elsewhere (Staecker Die Gesetze des Karolingerreiches 714-91 I. Bd. 3 1995, pp. 38 f.; pp. 431 f.) rhat this is more of a Sachsen, Thiiringer Chamauen und Friesen. fashion statement, which provides no information as to Germanenrechte. Tbxte und Ubersetzungen Bd. 2. the mens' readiness to be amongst the first to be Schriften der Akademie ftir Deutsches Recht. \Weimar. baptized. Gruppe 5 : Rechtsgeschichte. 2T.Regarding the example from Grodby, Bornholm, an interpretation as a churchyard seems to be iustified. Despite the absence ofan enclosure and archaeological References evidence for a church, the clues however argue against a gravefield. Kieffer-Olsen (1993, pp. 159 ff.) pointed Ahrens, C. 1978. Die Leute von Ketzendorf. In out that sexual segregation, unusual overlapping of Ahrens, C. (ed.), Sachsen und Angelsachsen. graves and the coffin rypes provide clear indications of Ausstellung des Helms-Museums. Hamburgisches a churchyard. Museum fiir Vor- und Frtihgeschichte 18.

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