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Michael Polanyi and Early Neoliberalism
MICHAEL POLANYI AND EARLY NEOLIBERALISM Martin Beddeleem Keywords: Friedrich Hayek, Louis Rougier, Michael Polanyi, Mont-Pèlerin Society, neoliberalism, planning, Walter Lippmann ABSTRACT1 Between the late 1930s and the 1950s, Michael Polanyi came in close contact with a diverse cast of intellectuals seeking a renewal of the liberal doctrine. The elaboration of this “neoliberalism” happened through a transnational collaboration between economists, philosophers, and social theorists, united in their rejection of central planning. Defining a common agenda for this “early neoliberalism” offered an opportunity to discard the old laissez-faire doctrine and restore a supervisory role of the state. Ultimately, post-war dissensions regarding the direction of these efforts led Polanyi away from the neoliberal core. Between the publication of his pamphlet on the failures of economic planning in the Soviet Union in 1936 (CF, 61-95) and that of The Logic of Liberty in 1951, Michael Polanyi progressively lost interest in chemistry and started to investigate the political and sociological conditions necessary to scientific freedom and the pursuit of truth. During that time, he became involved with a group of scholars who, equally, perceived the democratic collapse of Europe as a wake-up call for a restatement of its liberal tradition. Whereas the values of individual dignity and social progress that liber- alism carried were needed then more than ever, they agreed that the method to achieve these ideals had become obsolete. Therefore, they focused their efforts on revamping a science of liberalism, which could answer the scientific claims of plannism and totalitar- ian ideologies. Tradition & Discovery: The Journal of the Polanyi Society 45:3 © 2019 by the Polanyi Society 31 For two decades, Michael Polanyi took part in the inception and the consolida- tion of “early neoliberalism” (Schulz-Forberg 2018; Beddeleem 2019), a period that predates the later development of neoliberalism from the 1960s onwards. -
Ryley, Peter. "The English Individualists." Making Another World Possible: Anarchism, Anti- Capitalism and Ecology in Late 19Th and Early 20Th Century Britain
Ryley, Peter. "The English individualists." Making Another World Possible: Anarchism, Anti- Capitalism and Ecology in Late 19th and Early 20th Century Britain. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 51–86. Contemporary Anarchist Studies. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 24 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501306754.ch-003>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 24 September 2021, 12:22 UTC. Copyright © Peter Ryley 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 3 The English individualists There is a conventional historical narrative that portrays the incremental growth of collectivist political economy as something promoted and fought for by popular movements, an almost inevitable part of the process of industrial modernization. Whether described in class terms as the ‘forward march of labour’ or ideologically as the rise of socialism, the narrative is broadly the same. The old certainties had to give way in the face of modern mass societies. This poses no problem for anarcho-communism. It can be accommodated comfortably on the libertarian wing of collectivism. But what of individualism? It seems out of place, a curiosity; the last gasp of a liberal England that was about to die. Perhaps that explains its comparative neglect. Yet seen as part of the radical milieu of the time, it seems neither anomalous nor a fringe movement. It stood firmly in the tradition of a left libertarian radicalism that was a serious competitor of the collectivist left. There were two main groupings of individualists in late Victorian Britain. -
Republicanism in Nineteenth Century England
NORBERT J. GOSSMAN REPUBLICANISM IN NINETEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND To one familiar with the attitude of "near devotion" accorded the monarchy by the majority of Englishmen today, it may come as a shock to discover a lack of this devotion in mid-Victorian England. A sampling of comments from the radical press is a striking example. Trie-regular arrival of Victoria's progeny evoked this impious sug gestion in the Northern Star: That, rather than reciting national prayers of thanksgiving, congregations should sing "hymns of despair for their misfortune in being saddled with another addition to the brood of royal Cormorants." 1 The National Reformer referred to "our good kind, and dear Queen, who... could easily dispense with the allowance which her loyal subjects make her... unless she desires to be the last of England's monarchs..." 2 Yet criticism of Victoria was mild in comparison with the criticism directed toward her immediate predecessors. Upon the death of George IV in June 1830, the Times had the following comment: "The truth is... that there never was an individual less regretted by his fellow- creatures than this deceased King... If George IV ever had a friend, a devoted friend - in any rank of life - we protest that the name of him or her has not yet reached us." 3 This attitude toward the monarchy can be explained partly by the personalities of some of the Hanoverians - George IV, for example, 4 partly by objections to the growing expense of monarchy, but it might also be explained by the feeling in some radical circles that the institution of monarchy was incompatible with the growth of demo cracy. -
Hayek's the Constitution of Liberty
Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty An Account of Its Argument EUGENE F. MILLER The Institute of Economic Affairs contenTs The author 11 First published in Great Britain in 2010 by Foreword by Steven D. Ealy 12 The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Summary 17 Westminster Editorial note 22 London sw1p 3lb Author’s preface 23 in association with Profile Books Ltd The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve public 1 Hayek’s Introduction 29 understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society, by analysing Civilisation 31 and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Political philosophy 32 Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2010 The ideal 34 The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a PART I: THE VALUE OF FREEDOM 37 retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. 2 Individual freedom, coercion and progress A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. (Chapters 1–5 and 9) 39 isbn 978 0 255 36637 3 Individual freedom and responsibility 39 The individual and society 42 Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate or to reprint should be sought from the Limiting state coercion 44 Director General at the address above. -
Mundella Papers Scope
University of Sheffield Library. Special Collections and Archives Ref: MS 6 - 9, MS 22 Title: Mundella Papers Scope: The correspondence and other papers of Anthony John Mundella, Liberal M.P. for Sheffield, including other related correspondence, 1861 to 1932. Dates: 1861-1932 (also Leader Family correspondence 1848-1890) Level: Fonds Extent: 23 boxes Name of creator: Anthony John Mundella Administrative / biographical history: The content of the papers is mainly political, and consists largely of the correspondence of Mundella, a prominent Liberal M.P. of the later 19th century who attained Cabinet rank. Also included in the collection are letters, not involving Mundella, of the family of Robert Leader, acquired by Mundella’s daughter Maria Theresa who intended to write a biography of her father, and transcriptions by Maria Theresa of correspondence between Mundella and Robert Leader, John Daniel Leader and another Sheffield Liberal M.P., Henry Joseph Wilson. The collection does not include any of the business archives of Hine and Mundella. Anthony John Mundella (1825-1897) was born in Leicester of an Italian father and an English mother. After education at a National School he entered the hosiery trade, ultimately becoming a partner in the firm of Hine and Mundella of Nottingham. He became active in the political life of Nottingham, and after giving a series of public lectures in Sheffield was invited to contest the seat in the General Election of 1868. Mundella was Liberal M.P. for Sheffield from 1868 to 1885, and for the Brightside division of the Borough from November 1885 to his death in 1897. -
Paolo Silvestri Anthropology of Freedom and Tax Justice: Between Exchange and Gift
Paolo Silvestri Anthropology of Freedom and Tax Justice: between Exchange and Gift. Thoughts for an interdisciplinary research agenda1 1. Introduction The way in which fiscal institutions and fiscal policies are conceived and imple- mented raises problems at the intersection of so many ethical, institutional, legal, political and philosophical issues, both practical and theoretical, that a unified framework of all these rather fragmented issues seems to be quite impossible. Let us consider just a few of these issues. The performance of fiscal institutions is crucial for its effects on equality, inclusiveness and social mobility. Tax issues, or, rather, tax injustices are at the core, if not the origin of modern democratic and legal-political (and not only economic) institutions. The arrangement of fiscal institutions touches salient political-social issues, many of them at the heart of a sound and democratic good governance both at local and global level: transparency, accountability, efficacy, legitimacy, and trust. Last but not least, taxation is ambivalently connected to citi- zens’ trust/distrust relationships: among themselves as well as toward political, legal, and administrative institutions, since taxation is often perceived as the most immedi- ate presence (for better or for worse) of such institutions in their lives. 1 This little essay is dedicated to a great man, a man who one day gave me a great gift, rekindling my hopes for the future. At the time when I received that gift, I immediately felt an immense sense of gratitude, and an immediate boost to find ways to be able to pay my debts and honour, at my very best, the credit and trust I was given. -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Alastair Paynter (2018) “The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914”, University of Southampton, Department of History, PhD Thesis, pp. 1-187. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2018 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERTARIAN CONSERVATISM IN BRITAIN, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
Percentage Tax Designation Institutions. on Sugden's
International Review of Economics (2021) 68:101–130 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12232-021-00364-2 RESEARCH ARTICLE Percentage tax designation institutions. On Sugden’s contractarian account Paolo Silvestri1 Received: 12 September 2020 / Accepted: 27 January 2021 / Published online: 27 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract “Percentage Tax Designation Institutions”, also known as “Percentage Philanthropy Laws”, are fscal institutions through which taxpayers can freely designate a cer- tain percentage of their income tax to organizations whose main activity is of public interest: churches, third-sector organizations, political parties, etc. A comprehensive explanation of such systems is still lacking. In The Community of Advantage, Robert Sugden provides an original theoretical account of the Italian “8 × 1000” institution as one of those forms of regulation that “would be justifed as ways of expanding opportunity for mutually benefcial transactions” and, more particularly, as a lib- eral and “contractarian approach to the provision of public goods”. This article is an attempt to expand and deepen the understanding not only of the 8 × 1000 but also of the 5 × 1000 and 2 × 1000 institutions, by refecting on and possibly refning Sug- den’s contractarian account, at least with regard to the part that relies on and devel- ops the voluntary exchange tradition (Wicksell, Lindahl and Buchanan). To remain faithful to two normative premises of Sugden’s approach—the opportunity criterion and the correlated freedom of choice—we must introduce some theoretical adjust- ments to take into due account the way in which taxpayers’ freedoms—not only freedom of choice but also autonomy—are afected by default rules and the related redistribution procedures. -
James M. Buchanan Jr. [Ideological Profiles of the Economics Laureates] Niclas Berggren Econ Journal Watch 10(3), September 2013: 292-299
James M. Buchanan Jr. [Ideological Profiles of the Economics Laureates] Niclas Berggren Econ Journal Watch 10(3), September 2013: 292-299 Abstract James M. Buchanan Jr. is among the 71 individuals who were awarded the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel between 1969 and 2012. This ideological profile is part of the project called “The Ideological Migration of the Economics Laureates,” which fills the September 2013 issue of Econ Journal Watch. Keywords Classical liberalism, economists, Nobel Prize in economics, ideology, ideological migration, intellectual biography. JEL classification A11, A13, B2, B3 Link to this document http://econjwatch.org/file_download/718/BuchananIPEL.pdf ECON JOURNAL WATCH James M. Buchanan Jr. by Niclas Berggren6 James M. Buchanan (1919–2013) was born in rural Tennessee under rather simple circumstances: “It was a very poor life,” he says (Buchanan 2009, 91). Still, he ended up, in 1986, as a recipient of the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel. The Prize was awarded “for his development of the contractual and constitutional bases for the theory of economic and political decision-making.” Buchanan earned his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Chicago in 1948 and was thereafter a professor at the University of Tennessee, Florida State University, the University of Virginia, UCLA, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, and George Mason University. In spite of his academic accomplishments, Buchanan felt himself to be apart from an established elite—academic, intellectual or political—and he even regarded that elite with suspicion. The attitude can be connected to Buchanan’s ideological convictions and how these changed over the course of his lifetime. -
Is Neoliberalism Consistent with Individual Liberty? Friedman, Hayek and Rand on Education Employment and Equality
International Journal of Teaching and Education Vol. IV, No. 4 / 2016 DOI: 10.20472/TE.2016.4.4.003 IS NEOLIBERALISM CONSISTENT WITH INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY? FRIEDMAN, HAYEK AND RAND ON EDUCATION EMPLOYMENT AND EQUALITY IRIT KEYNAN Abstract: In their writings, Milton Friedman, Friedrich August von Hayek and Ayn Rand have been instrumental in shaping and influencing neoliberalism through their academic and literary abilities. Their opinions on education, employment and inequality have stirred up considerable controversy and have been the focus of many debates. This paper adds to the debate by suggesting that there is an internal inconsistency in the views of neoliberalism as reflected by Friedman, Hayek and Rand. The paper contends that whereas their neoliberal theories promote liberty, the manner in which they conceptualize this term promotes policies that would actually deny the individual freedom of the majority while securing liberty and financial success for the privileged few. The paper focuses on the consequences of neoliberalism on education, and also discusses how it affects employment, inequality and democracy. Keywords: Neoliberalism; liberty; free market; equality; democracy; social justice; education; equal opportunities; Conservativism JEL Classification: B20, B31, P16 Authors: IRIT KEYNAN, College for Academic Studies, Israel, Email: [email protected] Citation: IRIT KEYNAN (2016). Is neoliberalism consistent with individual liberty? Friedman, Hayek and Rand on education employment and equality. International Journal of Teaching and Education, Vol. IV(4), pp. 30-47., 10.20472/TE.2016.4.4.003 Copyright © 2016, IRIT KEYNAN, [email protected] 30 International Journal of Teaching and Education Vol. IV, No. 4 / 2016 I. Introduction Neoliberalism gradually emerged as a significant ideology during the twentieth century, in response to the liberal crisis of the 1930s. -
The Essential Rothbard
THE ESSENTIAL ROTHBARD THE ESSENTIAL ROTHBARD DAVID GORDON Ludwig von Mises Institute AUBURN, ALABAMA Copyright © 2007 Ludwig von Mises Institute All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of reprints in the context of reviews. For information write the Ludwig von Mises Institute, 518 West Magnolia Avenue, Auburn, Alabama 36832 U.S.A.; www.mises.org. ISBN: 10 digit: 1-933550-10-4 ISBN: 13 digit: 978-1-933550-10-7 CONTENTS Introduction . 7 The Early Years—Becoming a Libertarian . 9 Man, Economy, and State: Rothbard’s Treatise on Economic Theory . 14 Power and Market: The Final Part of Rothbard’s Treatise . 22 More Advances in Economic Theory: The Logic of Action . 26 Rothbard on Money: The Vindication of Gold . 36 Austrian Economic History . 41 A Rothbardian View of American History . 55 The Unknown Rothbard: Unpublished Papers . 63 Rothbard’s System of Ethics . 87 Politics in Theory and Practice . 94 Rothbard on Current Economic Issues . 109 Rothbard’s Last Scholarly Triumph . 113 Followers and Influence . 122 Bibliography . 125 Index . 179 5 INTRODUCTION urray N. Rothbard, a scholar of extraordinary range, made major contributions to economics, history, politi- Mcal philosophy, and legal theory. He developed and extended the Austrian economics of Ludwig von Mises, in whose seminar he was a main participant for many years. He established himself as the principal Austrian theorist in the latter half of the twentieth century and applied Austrian analysis to topics such as the Great Depression of 1929 and the history of American bank- ing.