Turkey's Path to Prosperity in 2023
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Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey's Kurdish Opening
Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli SILK ROAD PAPER October 2010 Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodav. 2, Stockholm-Nacka 13130, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey’s Kurdish Opening” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and ad- dresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Stockholm-based Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse commu- nity of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lec- tures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public dis- cussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of the authors only, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Joint Center or its sponsors. -
The Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Turkey
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 15272 21 April 2021 The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey Report1 Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mr Thomas HAMMARBERG, Sweden, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group, and Mr John HOWELL, United Kingdom, European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance Summary The Monitoring Committee is deeply concerned about recent developments in Turkey which have further undermined democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Procedures seeking to lift the parliamentary immunity of a third of the parliamentarians (overwhelmingly from opposition parties), the attempt to close the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the continued crackdown on its members put political pluralism and the functioning of democratic institutions at risk. The presidential decision of 20 March 2021 to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No.210, the Istanbul Convention) to combat violence against women and domestic violence is a regrettable step backwards, made without any parliamentary debate, which raises the question of the modalities of denunciation of conventions in democratic societies. The committee also urges the immediate release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Osman Kavala following the final judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. In order to reverse these worrying trends, the Turkish authorities should seize the opportunity of implementing the Human Rights Action Plan and revising the legislation on elections and political parties to take meaningful steps, put an end to the judicial harassment of opposition and dissenting voices, improve freedom of expression and media and restore the independence of the judiciary, in co-operation with the Council of Europe 1. -
Trends in Turkish Civil Society
AP PHOTO/LEFTERIS PITARAKIS PHOTO/LEFTERIS AP Trends in Turkish Civil Society Center for American Progress, Istanbul Policy Center, and Istituto Affari Internazionali July 2017 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Trends in Turkish Civil Society Center for American Progress, Istanbul Policy Center, and Istituto Affari Internazionali July 2017 TURKEY 2023 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 2 Why focus on civil society? 7 Historical background 10 Context in which Turkish civil society operates 22 Civil society and polarization in Turkey 26 The value of civil society: Priority policy areas and the challenges facing Turkey 29 How to support Turkish civil society 38 Conclusion 39 Acknowledgments 42 Endnotes Introduction and summary Turkey today is riven by internal polarization and is increasingly estranged from the West. The country faces serious social, economic, and political challenges— particularly a deep division between supporters and opponents of the current gov- ernment and its more religious, nationalist, and populist agenda. The governing party has undermined checks and balances and consolidated power in a disturbing way, and has aggressively pursued its political agenda with little attempt to seek consensus or include stakeholders from across Turkey’s diverse society. In this environment, with formal politics relegated to relative insignificance by the majoritarianism of the current government, civil society becomes increasingly important. Civil society offers one of the few remaining checks—however weak— on government overreach. Civil society activists can help address pressing social problems and provide reservoirs of knowledge that can be tapped when political conditions improve. Participation in civil society groups can bridge Turkey’s deep ethnic, religious, and social divisions, and such activity has been shown to help reduce societal tensions and increase ethnic tolerance. -
Republic of Turkey) $1,750,000,000 4.750% Notes Due January 26, 2026 $1,750,000,000 5.875% Notes Due June 26, 2031
PROSPECTUS SUPPLEMENT (To the Prospectus dated May 6, 2020) $3,500,000,000 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ (The Republic of Turkey) $1,750,000,000 4.750% Notes due January 26, 2026 $1,750,000,000 5.875% Notes due June 26, 2031 The Republic of Turkey (the “Republic” or “Turkey”) is offering $1,750,000,000 principal amount of its 4.750% Notes due January 26, 2026 (the “2026 notes”) and $1,750,000,000 principal amount of its 5.875% Notes due June 26, 2031 (the “2031 notes” and, together with the 2026 notes, the “notes”). The notes will constitute direct, general and unconditional obligations of the Republic. The full faith and credit of the Republic will be pledged for the due and punctual payment of all principal and interest on the notes. The Republic will pay interest on the notes, with respect to the 2026 notes, on January 26 and July 26 of each year, commencing on July 26, 2021, and with respect to the 2031 notes, on June 26 and December 26 of each year, commencing with a short first coupon payable June 26, 2021 (such short first coupon in respect of the period from and including the Issue Date to but excluding June 26, 2021). This prospectus supplement and accompanying prospectus dated May 6, 2020 constitute a prospectus for the purposes of Article 6 of Regulation (EU) 2017/1129 (the “Prospectus Regulation”). This prospectus supplement and the accompanying prospectus has been approved by the Commission de Surveillance du Secteur Financier of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (the “CSSF”), as competent authority under the Prospectus Regulation. -
Vanguard Economic and Market Outlook 2021: Approaching the Dawn
Vanguard economic and market outlook for 2021: Approaching the dawn Vanguard Research December 2020 ■ While the global economy continues to recover as we head into 2021, the battle between the virus and humanity’s efforts to stanch it continues. Our outlook for the global economy hinges critically on health outcomes. The recovery’s path is likely to prove uneven and varied across industries and countries, even with an effective vaccine in sight. ■ In China, we see the robust recovery extending in 2021 with growth of 9%. Elsewhere, we expect growth of 5% in the U.S. and 5% in the euro area, with those economies making meaningful progress toward full employment levels in 2021. In emerging markets, we expect a more uneven and challenging recovery, with growth of 6%. ■ When we peek beyond the long shadow of COVID-19, we see the pandemic irreversibly accelerating trends such as work automation and digitization of economies. However, other more profound setbacks brought about by the lockdowns and recession will ultimately prove temporary. Assuming a reasonable path for health outcomes, the scarring effect of permanent job losses is likely to be limited. ■ Our fair-value stock projections continue to reveal a global equity market that is neither grossly overvalued nor likely to produce outsized returns going forward. This suggests, however, that there may be opportunities to invest broadly around the world and across the value spectrum. Given a lower-for-longer rate outlook, we find it hard to see a material uptick in fixed income returns in the foreseeable future. Lead authors Vanguard Investment Strategy Group Vanguard Global Economics and Capital Markets Outlook Team Joseph Davis, Ph.D., Global Chief Economist Joseph Davis, Ph.D. -
1 the Turks and Europe by Gaston Gaillard London: Thomas Murby & Co
THE TURKS AND EUROPE BY GASTON GAILLARD LONDON: THOMAS MURBY & CO. 1 FLEET LANE, E.C. 1921 1 vi CONTENTS PAGES VI. THE TREATY WITH TURKEY: Mustafa Kemal’s Protest—Protests of Ahmed Riza and Galib Kemaly— Protest of the Indian Caliphate Delegation—Survey of the Treaty—The Turkish Press and the Treaty—Jafar Tayar at Adrianople—Operations of the Government Forces against the Nationalists—French Armistice in Cilicia—Mustafa Kemal’s Operations—Greek Operations in Asia Minor— The Ottoman Delegation’s Observations at the Peace Conference—The Allies’ Answer—Greek Operations in Thrace—The Ottoman Government decides to sign the Treaty—Italo-Greek Incident, and Protests of Armenia, Yugo-Slavia, and King Hussein—Signature of the Treaty – 169—271 VII. THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: 1. The Turco-Armenian Question - 274—304 2. The Pan-Turanian and Pan-Arabian Movements: Origin of Pan-Turanism—The Turks and the Arabs—The Hejaz—The Emir Feisal—The Question of Syria—French Operations in Syria— Restoration of Greater Lebanon—The Arabian World and the Caliphate—The Part played by Islam - 304—356 VIII. THE MOSLEMS OF THE FORMER RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND TURKEY: The Republic of Northern Caucasus—Georgia and Azerbaïjan—The Bolshevists in the Republics of Caucasus and of the Transcaspian Isthmus—Armenians and Moslems - 357—369 IX. TURKEY AND THE SLAVS: Slavs versus Turks—Constantinople and Russia - 370—408 2 THE TURKS AND EUROPE I THE TURKS The peoples who speak the various Turkish dialects and who bear the generic name of Turcomans, or Turco-Tatars, are distributed over huge territories occupying nearly half of Asia and an important part of Eastern Europe. -
Turkey's Cultural Diplomacy in Afghanistan During the AKP
Explaining Turkey's Cultural Diplomacy in Afghanistan during the AKP Era Rahmat Hajimineh Corresponding Author, Assistant Professor, Department of Communication and Social Science, East Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran, [email protected] Reza Dehghani Associate Professor of History Department at University of Tabriz and Agent to serve in Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, [email protected] Fariborz Mohammadkhani Department of Social Science, Tabriz University, Tabriz, Iran, [email protected] Abstract Turkey as one of the regional actors in the Middle East has taken the ‘Look East’ policy in its foreign policy since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has come to power. Although the relations between Turkey and Afghanistan have a historical background dating back to the Ottoman, but the geopolitical and geostrategic position of Afghanistan has doubled its significance for Turkish politicians during the Neo- Ottomanism, the situation which has emerged in Turkish politics, especially its cultural diplomacy over Afghanistan Since the rise to power of the AKP. So, in this article, the main question is, what are the objectives and tools of Turkish cultural diplomacy in Afghanistan during the AKP era? In response to this question, the main hypothesis is that Turkey's cultural diplomacy during the AKP era was based on the use of shared linguistic, ethnic and religious values to strengthen Turkey's soft power in Afghanistan as well as the hegemony of Turkey in the region. Keywords: Turkey, Afghanistan, Cultural Diplomacy, Ethnicity, AKP, Neo-Ottomanism Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs / 175 Received: 2020-12-19 Review: 2021-01-30 Accepted: 2021-02-06 Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Vol. -
There Is No “Status Quo” Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
THERE IS NO “STATUS QUO” DRIVERS OF VIOLENCE IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT NATHAN STOCK AUGUST 2019 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, write to the publisher. Copyright © 2019 The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1763 N Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 Follow MEI: @MiddleEastInst /MiddleEastInstitute There is No “Status Quo” Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Nathan Stock iv | About the author nathan stock Nathan Stock is a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute. Prior to joining MEI he spent nine years working for former President Carter’s organization, The Carter Center. He served in the Center’s Conflict Resolution Program, out of Atlanta, GA, before moving to Jerusalem to run the Center’s Israel-Palestine Field Office. Stock led Carter Center efforts to facilitate the reunification of the Palestinian political system and to assert Palestinian sovereignty via international fora. He designed and managed projects targeting the Fatah-Hamas conflict, and implemented programming to monitor and advance political solutions to the Syrian civil war. Prior to joining the Center, Stock worked in Afghanistan on a USAID-funded grant to strengthen local civil society organizations. During the Al-Aqsa Intifada, he lived in the Gaza Strip, working with a Palestinian NGO to design and fundraise for conflict resolution programs targeting the Palestinian community. -
Read Middle East Brief 140 (Pdf)
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor The Great Thaw in Arab Domestic Politics of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi David Siddhartha Patel Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Associate Director for Research t has been a tumultuous decade in the Middle East since David Siddhartha Patel Ithe beginning of the Arab uprisings in 2010–2011. Bouts Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics of popular mobilization recur and echo across borders. Six Eva Bellin long-standing Arab rulers have fallen. Civil wars erupted Founding Director and continue in Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Regional and global Professor of Politics Shai Feldman powers jockey for influence, and, throughout the region, Henry J. Leir Professor of the states interfere in one another’s internal affairs. All this is Economics of the Middle East typically described as part of a regionwide revolutionary Nader Habibi hangover—the “post–Arab Spring period”—that will Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies inevitably subside as the dust settles. Pascal Menoret This Brief argues that, on the contrary, the unrest of the past decade seems like Founding Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly an aberration only because, in several important ways, domestic political life Khalil Shikaki in Arab states was frozen from the late 1970s until the 2000s. It is that period Goldman Faculty Leave Fellow of authoritarian stability—when Arab leaders almost never fell—that was the Andrew March real anomaly. Before a huge increase in oil rents from 1973 to 1986 dramatically strengthened states and regimes, the domestic politics of the Arab Middle East Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow Alex Boodrookas were just as tumultuous as they have been since 2011. -
Turkey and Europe, a New Perspective
Turkey and Europe, a New Perspective Kemal Derviş November 2012 POLICY BRIEF 03 Turkey and Europe, a New Perspective Kemal Derviş* Executive Summary At the time, the Euro was completing its third year after a successful launch in 1999. After initially losing value with respect to the US dollar, For those who still view Turkey in Europe as producing (i) important it had appreciated by almost 6 percent by 2002 – a trend that would mutual benefits in terms of a much stronger joint influence on world continue for many years. Growth in the EU as a whole was slow, affairs, (ii) a larger zone of peace and stable democracy with the averaging about 1.7 percent in 2001 and 2002, but there was no crisis powerful “example” of a large majority Muslim country inside that in the EU or in the Euro-zone. Growth averaged 3.2 percent in Spain zone, projecting ideas and economic strength far into the Middle East, and 3.8 percent in Greece over the 2001-2002 period. Africa and Central Asia, (iii) an even larger single market encompassing a dynamic economy with stronger positive spillover effects on the Ten years have passed since December 2002. The average annual troubled southern European economies, and, (iv) potentially deeper growth rate of the Turkish economy in constant domestic prices in cooperation on defence and security issues, it is now time to make a the decade starting in January 2003,2 the first year of the Justice and new start. The economic basis for successful Turkish membership in Development Party government, which took office in November of the EU has developed very significantly over the last decade. -
Why Was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis?
ADBI Working Paper Series Why was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis? Masahiro Kawai and Shinji Takagi No. 153 October 2009 Asian Development Bank Institute ADBI Working Paper 153 Kawai and Takagi Masahiro Kawai is the dean of the Asian Development Bank Institute. Shinji Takagi is a professor, Graduate School of Economics, Osaka University, Osaka, Japan. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Samuel Hsieh Memorial Conference, hosted by the Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research, Taipei,China 9–10 July 2009. The authors are thankful to Ainslie Smith for her editorial work. The views expressed in this paper are the views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of ADBI, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), its Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. ADBI does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this paper and accepts no responsibility for any consequences of their use. Terminology used may not necessarily be consistent with ADB official terms. The Working Paper series is a continuation of the formerly named Discussion Paper series; the numbering of the papers continued without interruption or change. ADBI’s working papers reflect initial ideas on a topic and are posted online for discussion. ADBI encourages readers to post their comments on the main page for each working paper (given in the citation below). Some working papers may develop into other forms of publication. Suggested citation: Kawai, M., and S. Takagi. 2009. Why was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis? ADBI Working Paper 153. -
A Quest for Equality: Minorities in Turkey Dilek Kurban Kurdish Girl in Diyarbakır, Turkey
report A Quest for Equality: Minorities in Turkey Dilek Kurban Kurdish girl in Diyarbakır, Turkey. Carlos Reyes-Manzo/Andes Press Agency. Acknowledgements University in Istanbul. She has received her law degree from This report was prepared and published as part of a project Columbia Law School. Previously she worked as an entitled ‘Combating discrimination and promoting minority Associate Political Affairs Officer at the United Nations rights in Turkey’, carried out in partnership with Minority Department of Political Affairs in New York City. She is the Rights Group International (MRG) and the Diyarbakır Bar author/co-author of various books, reports and academic Association. articles on minority rights, internal displacement and human rights protection in Turkey. The aim of this project is the protection of the ethnic, linguistic and religious rights enshrined in European The author would like to thank Elif Kalaycıoğlu for her standards (and reflected in the Copenhagen Criteria) of invaluable research assistance for this report. minorities in Turkey. The project focuses on the problem of displacement, anti-discrimination law and remedies, and Minority Rights Group International educational rights of minorities in Turkey. Minority Rights Group International (MRG) is a non- governmental organization (NGO) working to secure the This report was prepared with the financial support of the rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities and EU. The contents of the document are entirely the indigenous peoples worldwide, and to promote cooperation responsibility of the project partners, and in no way represent and understanding between communities. Our activities are the views of the EU. focused on international advocacy, training, publishing and outreach.