COMPARING AND CONTRASTING DIFFERENT RESEARCH APPROACHES ON SEMI AND UNCULTIVATED FOOD PLANTS.
Proceedings of a workshop held in Harare, Zimbabwe 4-6 September 2001.
Compiled by Victoria Machakaire Community Technology Development Trust
1 Table of contents Item Page List of abbreviations and acronyms 4 Acknowledgements 5 List of appendices 6 1.0 Executive summary 7 1.1 Specific workshop objectives 9 1.2 Structure of the workshop 9 2.0 Welcome address by T. A. Mushita 11 3.0 Keynote Address 15 4.0 Summary of workshop proceedings 11 4.1 Theme 1:Research on African Indigenous Vegetables 31 4.1.1 Research methodological Issues 41 4.2 Theme 2: Landscape Approaches 33 4.2.1 Identified research gaps 34 4.2.2 General discussion –Day 1. 36 4.3 Theme 3: Crosscutting Issues 37 4.3.1 Socio-cultural 37 4.3.2 Issues of abundance and resource management 37 4.3.3 Nutritional issues 38 4.4 The synthesis session 38 4.4.1 Identified key discussion points 38 4.4.2 Identified challenges 39 4.5 Key discussions 39 4.5.1 Food security 39 4.5.2 Transfer of indigenous knowledge 20 4.5.3 Marketing 40 4.5.4 Commercialization 40 4.5.5 Food supply systems and nutrition 41 5.0 Conclusion 42
2 6.0. Presented and submitted papers 44 Theme 1: Research on African Leaf Vegetables 45 6.1 Enhancing Bambara Groundnut (Vigna subterranean (L) Verdc.) germplasm conservation through research: Potential Role of Indigenous Knowledge 46 6.2 Indigenous vegetables in Uganda 50 Theme 2: Landscape Approaches 57 6.3 Leaves, lifestyles and landscapes: people and ecological factors in leafy vegetable use 58 6.4 Community biodiversity development conservation program 76 6.5 Uncultivated foods and the Landscape Approach: The SANFEC Experience 79 Theme 3: Crosscutting Issues 85 6.6 Women at the Center: ‘wild plant food use, gathering rights and management in disturbed farming environments 86 6.7 Ensuring diversity and nutritional adequacy of rural diets through maintenance of biodiversity: implications and research methodologies 104 6.8 Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits & Vegetables – Potential For Marketing 115 7.0 Appendices 123
3 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ALVs African Leafy Vegetables ARDA Agricultural and Rural Development Authority AVRD Asian Vegetable Research and Development Centre CET Centro de Education Technologia CSB Community Seed bank CTDT Community Technology Development Trust IDRC International Development Research Centre IK Indigenous Knowledge IPGRI International Plant Genetic Resources Institute IPR Intellectual Property Rights NGB National Gene Bank SANFEC South Asian Network for Food, Ecology and Culture
4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere gratitude to all those who participated and devoted their valuable time to share their experiences and ideas with others. My hope is that this initial initiative will be instrumental in harmonizing methodological approaches to research and help solve the identified gaps for the benefit of the African community. It is also hoped that this will go a long way in ensuring biodiversity and species conservation.
I would like to congratulate the organizers of the workshop, Ms. I. Magumise and Mrs. S. Arnott who worked tirelessly to make this workshop a success.
Lastly, many thanks to IDRC who provided financial assistance to make this initiative a success.
5 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendices Page Appendix 1. Workshop program 124 Appendix 2. List of participants 126
6 1.0 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The workshop drew participants from Africa, Asia and Latin America, all of whom had a rich and diverse background related to working with leafy vegetables. The group of scientists from different parts of the world had a wealth of experience working on semi-and uncultivated food plants. These plants provide diversity in local food systems, reinforce culture and introduce diversity in farming systems, practices and traditions which are so critical for household food security, medicinal purposes, nutrition and income generation throughout the developing countries.
Despite the fact that these food plants have sustained generations for centuries, they have not in the past years received the attention they so deserve. Their role is often undervalued because they are, generally, regarded as ‘agricultural weeds’ and, consequently, not much value is attached to them compared to cash crops. They are also undervalued due to modern science and western influences that place a lot of emphasis on commercialized agriculture. This influence has apparently gained ground in a lot of developing countries’ national agricultural policies. In this context, there are no specific national strategies, frameworks, policies, research and development initiatives designed to promote and strengthen activities related to increasing the production and economic importance of African Leafy Vegetables.
With the introduction of improved varieties, governments’ policies have placed great emphasis on the improvement and promotion of same at the expense of local materials. The best resources in terms of regions with good soils and high reliable rainfall patterns are reserved for cash cropping and experimentation at the expense of the African leafy vegetables. Human expertise and financial resources are also allocated for extensive research and varietal development of modern commercialized exotic vegetables. Cultivation of high–input, high- tech and high management exotic, vegetables has been introduced to smallholder farmers without prior consultations with
7 them to ascertain their needs and preferences.
Ironically, in spite of the proliferation and vigorous promotion of exotic vegetables by a combination of policy makers and private concerns, smallholder farmers still have a keen interest in local leafy vegetables. The assumption is, therefore that, the introduction, promotion, production, commodification and commercialization of the African leafy vegetables will result in increased adoption. In fact, the starting point should have been to find out from farmers the socio-cultural, economic and food value, of the local leafy vegetables and related indigenous knowledge systems and practices. This would have provided the requisite information and background, which have made these vegetables survive, in a world that has deliberately chosen to sideline local materials.
However, farmers have continued to cultivate and depend on local vegetables for their livelihoods and there is a growing interest in semi- and uncultivated vegetables and food plants. Scientists, NGOs, policy-makers, and academics are beginning to take a keen interest in these vegetables and food plants. It is also being realized that, a lot of research work needs to be carried out in order to understand the nature of these plants with reference to African food systems. The other aspects to be considered are the medicinal and nutritional values, indigenous knowledge systems, gender and the socio-cultural practices of the diverse communities throughout the developing countries.
It is against this background that this workshop was organized so that it could contribute to the development of ALVs and be a launch pad to forge partnerships and map the way forward. The goal of the workshop was to share and exchange information, identify common areas of concern and develop appropriate approaches to leafy vegetables research and development as well as discuss the role of semi and uncultivated food plants in African food systems. This was considered essential in order to identify key research gaps
8 and improve on methodological approaches to research related to leafy vegetables. Particular emphasis was placed on exploring gender issues inherent in the access and control of these important resources.
1.1 Specific workshop objectives The specific objectives of the workshop were to: • Identify the major research approaches essential to promote and strengthen the production and increased utilization of African Leafy Vegetables; • Identify research gaps and common areas of concern (policy, research and development, conservation, indigenous knowledge etc) to all stakeholders pertaining to ALVs; • Examine implications of current research and development programs on ALVs through a “gender lens”; • Examine biodiversity conservation implications of the research approaches; and • Explore complementarities and ways of working together between the formal and informal sectors.
1.2 Structure of the workshop The workshop was officially opened by Mr. T. A. Mushita the Director of CTDT who welcomed all participants and highlighted the importance of harmonizing research approaches in development. He expressed hope that the outcome of the workshop would reflect the expertise in attendance and that it would map out the way forward in ALVs research and development for the benefit of the African small-holder farmers.
Thereafter, there was a keynote paper by Dr. E. Dulloo of IPGRI. This paper highlighted the role or importance of indigenous vegetables in the African community. The paper focused on the current status of research pertaining to ALVs, capacities, and gaps in the various disciplines on the African continent.
9 Despite playing a major role in the lives of the majority of Africans, research and extension have neglected ALVs research and development, the paper exposed. It also noted with concern the effects of negative attitudes towards biodiversity conservation. Unless people stop thinking of ALVs as the ‘poor men’s crop’ biodiversity will be threatened and risks of extinction for some crops increase. However, it was also interesting to note that despite the aforesaid neglect and negative attitudes stakeholders now realize that ALVs could be a panacea for the resource poor people in securing food security and alleviating malnutrition hence the convening of this workshop.
Day one and day two’s programmes were divided into specific themes related to research on African Leafy vegetables, landscape approaches and crosscutting issues. Papers highlighting the thematic issues were presented in plenary sessions followed by group discussions in light of the key papers presented. On day two a field trip was undertaken to Muzarabani and Murewa and this provided workshop participants with an opportunity to meet the participating farmers and discuss the CTDT’s supported vegetable production and processing activities.
Workshop participants together with farmers had the chance to visit a seed multiplication garden at ARDA Muzarabani Estate where all the visitors were exposed to seed multiplication efforts by CTDT. The initiative came after a germplasm collection mission undertaken by CTDT in collaboration with HRC and farmers. Seed of different indigenous vegetables is not readily available on the market, hence the initiative to multiply it so as to enable farmers to access seed of the local vegetables. The different accessions collected were being multiplied after which, some materials will be distributed for cultivation by farmers, ex-situ and on-farm conservation activities.
Day three was mainly a synthesis session which sought to wrap up and formulate strategies on the way forward in ALVs research and development.
10 2.0. WELCOME ADDRESS BY T. A. MUSHITA (Director CTDT)
Chairperson, IDRC Representative, Distinguished Scientists, Ladies and Gentlemen: It gives me pleasure to welcome you all to Harare, Zimbabwe for the “Comparing and Contrasting Different Research Approaches” workshop. The subject of under-utilized crops and plants has become a topical issue across the globe as it dawns on us all that these plants have a significant role to play in the achievement of food security and increasing income as a way of uplifting the standard of living of communal people and to increase the production of raw materials for agro-based industries. I understand that some of you are working on the Sustainable Use of Biodiversity (SUB) IDRC supported programme designed to strengthen research in the area of uncultivated foods in agricultural systems. This workshop, provides an opportunity for scientists to (sharpen their skills??) share and exchange experiences in uncultivated foods and under-utilized plants research.
The Community Technology Development Trust (CTDT) strongly feels that it is critical and desirable to improve uncultivated foods in the agricultural systems that are mostly produced and or collected by small-holder farmers and sustain their livelihoods. Food production and food security in these areas are adversely affected by inadequate rainfall and periodic droughts and these uncultivated foods play a pivotal role in filling in the gap. One of the ways to increase food security at the communal household level is through the development of appropriate methodologies, approaches and technologies to enhance the utilisation of uncultivated foods. These foods offer a variety of advantages which need to be investigated and systematically exploited, for the benefit of communities and these are in such areas as: • Agronomic characteristics - some of them are adaptive to varying eco- climatic conditions;
11 • High nutritive value compared to domesticated and cultivated food plants; • High market value if adequately produced, processed and packaged thereby offering a dependable source of income to the local communities; • Provision of food security through diversity farming of such food plants; • Potential for medicinal properties of the food plants and treatment of a number of diseases need to be assessed.
Traditionally, these food plants are considered poor men’s crops and not enough has been done to develop them, even though smallholder farmers have historically relied on them to feed their families.
I wish to congratulate IDRC in taking the lead by supporting a number of institutions to initiate research on these food plants and I would like to hope that there will be other donors willing to support research in this area as well. There are a number of gaps which need to be focussed on starting with the following: • the need for an enabling policy environment; • research capacity for uncultivated foods in agricultural systems; • increased infrastructure and human resource development; • training of scientists at various levels to enhance their research capacities and skills in this area is fundamental; • production of specific cultivars or products of uncultivated food plants, their release and increased production is needed; • processing and packaging technologies and market development for the products; • achieving cross-regional cooperation in uncultivated food plants research will be a milestone; • seed technologies of most of the uncultivated plants has not been researched upon and no systematic approaches or methodologies have been developed.
12 In many countries there are no released cultivars of uncultivated food plants adapted to farming conditions of the farmers. Shortfalls in the availability of seed for the farmer preferred food plants remains a challenge which needs to be addressed.
The need for the scientists to develop technologies which are user friendly and easily accessible to the beneficiaries need to be collectively discussed and strategies developed. The active participation of farmers during the development process should be considered. Once these new technologies have been developed, they need to be tested in the farmers’ fields away from the research stations. These technologies should be evaluated carefully for farmer acceptance. Real impact will be realized when uncultivated food plants food production and security improves at household level. Still within the same context, experience has taught us that domestic food security can be achieved only when consumers of these foods are able to produce them at farm household level. Therefore, there is need to continue to work with smallholder farmers to ensure that available or developed technologies benefit them fully.
Chairperson I call upon all stakeholders to work with smallholder farmers in the research, development, production and marketing of uncultivated food plants. It is my sincere hope that, at the end of the day, you will be able to come up with common areas of interest which need to be tackled. This is important if the production and increased use of uncultivated foods is going to be realized positively.
Finally, what is let for me is to wish you the best in these deliberations and I am confident that there will be significant exchanges of experience and sharing of information by the different parties involved. I am also sure that there will be some consensus on the relevant and appropriate methodologies and approaches to be applied in this field of research.
13 It is with great appreciation that I would like to thank IDRC for funding this workshop. I am confident their support will go a long way in assisting us to find common areas of approaches and research methodologies conducive to apply in order to get the desired results. I have great expectations from this workshop, and I wish you fruitful discussions. I hope that the facilities we made available to you are adequate and conducive to serious work.
With these remarks it gives me great pleasure to declare this workshop officially opened.
THANK YOU
14
3.0. KEY NOTE ADDRESS:
15 Research Approaches in the Conservation and Use of African Leafy Vegetables Dulloo M.E., Maundu P., Gaudette C. and Grum M.
International Plant Genetic Resources Institute Regional Office for Sub-Saharan Africa C/o ICRAF, P.O Box 30677, Nairobi, Kenya.
INTRODUCTION: African leafy vegetables have long been considered an important resource in the diet of many African communities (Chweya and Eyzaguirre, 1999), providing the essential vitamins, trace elements and other nutrients, which are vital for good health. Some people have thought that they are important only in times of shortage, as “famine foods”. But work by IPGRI and its partners show clearly that these species are not only a regular and important source of food for local communities in the developing world, but they also offer the poorest people a chance to generate income (Pouboum, 1999; Maundu et al., 1999; Seck et al., 1999).
Being accessible to the low-income communities, they play a crucial role in food security and in improving the nutritional status of poor families. Despite these good attributes, African leafy vegetables have been generally neglected by research and extension services. This neglect is one of the reasons why the diversity of African leafy vegetables has become threatened. In addition, African leafy vegetables are associated with poor rural lifestyle and are thus regarded as a low status food. Cultural changes and urbanization have further led to the neglect of these plants in many parts of Africa. It is perhaps not strange therefore that these resources have not been given adequate attention in national agricultural programmes. This may also be due to the large number of species involved, their very localized use, their wild, semi-wild or weedy nature and the fact that it is very much a women’s crop. African leafy
16 vegetables are renown as a crop being grown, processed and sold by women. In Cameroon, for instance, leafy vegetables constitute important sources of income for rural women who can be either farmers themselves or middle men (buyam-sellam) (Pouboum, 1999). In Zimbabwe, Ngwerume and Mvere (1999) reports that female members of the family are the ones responsible for maintaining, harvesting and preparing traditional vegetables. In Kenya the situation is similar but men have been known to take over and dominate the market when production becomes large scale. This has been witnessed in the peri-urban areas of Nairobi and in Kisii highlands, the hub of traditional vegetable growing in western Kenya.
There is evidence that the plight of traditional leafy vegetables is not that gloomy. Much work has been done to conserve and enhance the use of the vegetables in Africa. IPGRI’s interest in the leafy vegetables goes back a long way. As far back as 1977, IBPGR (now IPGRI) published a comprehensive review on tropical vegetables entitled “Tropical vegetables and their genetic resources” (IBPGR, 1977). IPGRI has since been supporting the collection of indigenous vegetables and the ex situ conservation in genebanks specially established for vegetable conservation (Nkhoma et al., 1995; Mighani and El Tahir, 1995)). In the SADC region over 1200 germplasm collections of local traditional vegetables including ALVs were collected through IPGRI (then IBPGR)-funded collection missions in the late 1970s to mid 1980s (Nkhoma et al., 1995). IPGRI also has helped several partners in Sub-saharan Africa to set up conservation facilities for vegetable germplasm conservation and co- operate to enhance the value of neglected leafy vegetable species (Chweya and Eyzaguirre, 1999). More than 200 such species are used across the region, and most recently have been studied in detail in a project co-ordinated by IPGRI and funded by the Dutch government. Results are already making a difference. IPGRI has also been very active in publishing directories, descriptor lists and monographs on several vegetable species.
17 More recently we are witnessing a revival in the awareness of the importance of leafy vegetables and their production on the continent. In Burkina Faso, farmers are cultivating seedlings of Boabab (Adansonia digitata) for use as leafy vegetables (Zoungrana, pers com.). In Kenya, leafy vegetables are being intensively cultivated around major towns at the coast, near Nairobi and in Kisii area and in some cases even replacing export crops for their production and sale on local markets. It has been shown that in these areas, the annual profit margin generated from a unit land is two to three times that of maize, the staple crop of many African households. We are also witnessing an increased participation of many players on traditional vegetables from many different fields ranging from production, marketing and research. These are having positive impacts on the overall perception of African leafy vegetable, as evidenced by the increase amounts of traditional leafy vegetables found in the market.
The role of leafy vegetables in nutrition One of the reasons why traditional leafy vegetable is gaining more interest more than ever before is the belief that ALV may be a panacea for the resource poor people in securing food security, undermining under-nutrition and alleviating malnutrition. Malnutrition may arise from a number of factors, which are essentially linked to poverty and disease. These are in turn interrelated with the social and ecological environments.
Three micronutrient deficiencies have captured most of the world’s attention in the last decade: vitamin A deficiency (VAD), iron deficiency anaemia (IDA) and iodine deficiency disorders (IDD). According to the World Health Organization (WHO), a total of 3580 million people suffered of iron deficiency in developing countries in 1995; 740 millions suffered of IDD, and VAD affected between 100 and 140 million children. Three major types of interventions are currently used worldwide to combat micro-nutrient deficiencies: supplementation, food fortification and dietary
18 diversification. Reminiscent of the Green Revolution paradigm, the first two approaches reinforce the decline in the diversity of food that is grown and consumed and assumes that nutrient-deficiencies occur one at a time. It also ignores the uncertainty that exists as to the actions of specific nutrients in the diet and the interactions between one nutrient and others. Food-based approaches make use of a greater diversity of available food and promote intakes of a whole range of micronutrients at the same time. They are also more accessible, particularly in agricultural communities. Focusing on the underlying causes of malnutrition, dietary approaches hold the key to addressing the problem of micronutrient deficiencies both in the short and long term. A study in Indonesia demonstrated that ownership of a home garden showed a positive correlation with the intake of vitamin A from plant foods (De Pee et al., 1998).
Leafy vegetables are usually accredited with making major contributions of two important micronutrients to the diet: Vitamin A and Iron. But there are doubts that exist in their actual contribution in combating malnutrition. While some document improvement of vitamin A intake with ALVs’ consumption (Greiner and Mitra, 1995; Agte et al., 2000), others have found no enhancement at all. In fact, bioavailability1 of vitamin A in ALVs has been questioned after some research results have shown that it is lower than previously thought (Ruel and Levin, 2000). For example, for a group of women who were breastfeeding a child, a daily additional portion of ALV has been given for research purposes. Another group was given a wafer enriched with beta-carotene, iron, vitamin C and folic acid. The results demonstrate that ALV supplement did not improve vitamin A status, whereas a similar amount of beta-carotene from a matrix produced a strong improvement. It is worth noting that these studies do not mention the species of leafy vegetables involved, though very large differences in beta-carotene have been found
1 Bioavailability is defined as “the proportion of a nutrient ingested which becomes available to the body for metabolic processes” (De Pee and West, 1996).
19 among species. Agte et al. (2000) found that the content of beta-carotene varied from less than 1000 µg per 100 g (cabbage and onion stalks) to more than 5,000 µg per 100g (Cassia tora and Colocassia antiquorum).
Indigenous knowledge can also bring vital information on the nutritional values of leafy vegetables. Useful leads have been gained for example when locals say that one gains strength when she or he consumes a particular local vegetables. Among the Kisii of Kenya for example, Cleome gynandra is recommended to pregnant women and women recuperating from childbirth. The vegetable has been known to be rich in iron. The development of recipes is also another important aspect of nutrition research in relation to leafy vegetables. In Kenya, an NGO, Rural Outreach Programme is using local women groups to improve on the local recipes and to develop new ones that better conserve the nutritional content of the leafy vegetables. The result is better recipes that are at the same sensitive to the local cultures and using locally available material.
Conservation methodologies for plant genetic resources The various strategies for conserving plant genetic resources are well known and have been widely discussed in the literature (Maxted et al., 1997; Damania 1996). It is recognized that no single conservation technique applied alone adequately conserves the full range of genetic diversity of a target species or genepool (Hoyt, 1988; Maxted et al., 1997). Each method has its own advantages and disadvantages and complementary strategies are required for effective sustainable conservation of the maximum range of genetic diversity (Dulloo et al., 1998).
It has been the mandate of IPGRI since its creation in 1974 to collect and store plant germplasm in recognition of the threat of massive genetic erosion to crop plants. These collected germplasm have been put in ex situ storage in national and international genebanks and together constitute one of the
20 world’s largest international ex situ collection of plant genetic resources (FAO, 1998). The storage facilities are well established for many of globally important species such as maize, rice and wheat species, with orthodox seeds. Other conservation methods have been used to conserve species that produce recalcitrant seeds, or perennial species that produce small amounts of seeds or have long life cycles. Such species are often conserved in field genebanks, as living plants. Over the years various kinds of storage technologies have been developed. With the advent of biotechnology, progress in developing novel conservation techniques for plant genetic resources were also made. In vitro storage either by slow growth or as cryopreservation techniques are being used as a complementary method for relatively small number of crops including cassava, potatoes, sweet potatoes, forage grasses, banana and plantain and others. Alternative method of conservation involving pollen storage and DNA storage have also been proposed, but these are still in the preliminary stages and much is still needed to develop these methods for long- term plant genetic resources conservation.
IPGRI is now focussing on the development of improved conservation technologies that are cost effective, robust and reliable, which can be applied widely under variable circumstances and to many different species by national plant genetic resources programmes. This has been necessary in view of the changes in policies brought about by the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), which recognized the sovereignty rights of States to their own biological resources (UNCED, 1992). It has thus become a priority to develop national capacities for the conservation of genetic resources, particularly in developing countries which do not have the storage technologies for genetic resources conservation and if they have, are difficult to maintain due to lack of trained personnel, proper refrigeration system, unreliable electricity, high operating costs etc. (FAO, 1998). This development process necessarily involves the undertaking of research activities with partners in developing and developed countries to better
21 understand the various storage behaviour aspects of plant germplasm materials, whether seeds, pollen, whole plants or vegetative tissues. These research activities have allowed advances to be made in various seed conservation techniques and procedures for genebanks, including the storage of ultra-dry seeds at ambient temperatures, protocols for the conservation of tissues and embryos under slow growth conditions as well as for cryopreservation.
Compared to ex situ conservation in situ conservation has often been said to be a more sustainable and dynamic option in the long term and which allows on going processes of evolution and adaptation of crops to continue (Maxted et al., 1997). In situ conservation has traditionally been used for conservation of forests, wild species and areas valued for their wildlife or ecosystem (Brown, 2000; Jarvis et al., 2000). The in situ conservation on farm or on farm conservation, defined as “The continuous cultivation and management of a diverse set of populations by farmers in the agroecosystem where a crop evolved” (Bellon et al., 1997), is an approach that gained recognition only in the last decade when the Convention on Biological Diversity was negotiated. The conservation of the surroundings where domesticated and cultivated species have developed their distinctive properties is contained in the CBD definition of in situ conservation. As a conservation approach, in situ conservation methodologies for wild plants and their habitats is much more developed than for domesticated and cultivated species and even less developed for species which occurs in semi-wild, disturbed habitats adjacent to farm land. In the last five years, IPGRI has been focusing much its on farm conservation research in trying to understand the scientific basis of on farm conservation and identifying the complex range of factors that influence the level of crop genetic diversity on farm. (Jarvis, 1999).
Progress has been considerable and IPGRI has published a training guide for in situ conservation on farm (Jarvis et al., 2000). Many of the African Leafy
22 Vegetables falls in the third category of habitats, which are neither completely wild nor are managed by man. These habitats occur around farmers field, along roadsides or abandoned landscape and harbours many weedy species. The approaches for in situ conservation of these habitats have not been studied and constitute a major research gap. The conservation of species that occur in such habitats still poses enormous challenges to the plant genetic resources community for their long term conservation (Eyzaguirre, 1995).
Connected to on farm conservation is the idea of community gene-banks that is gaining popularity with time. These have the advantage of accessibility by the very users of the genetic resources but have the disadvantage of being short-term and prone to natural disasters. Communities have been known to eat their last seeds in extreme food shortage such as during famine.
Another concept that has been gaining popularity is that of seed exchange fairs. In such fairs, farmers display the full range of their diversity and may trade their unique varieties with others, which they do not have. Seed fairs are important after long periods of food shortage as they give some farmers a chance to get back varieties they might have lost. In one project supported by IPGRI, farmers have gained access to cultivars of Lagenaria siceraria (bottle gourd) that they had not seen for decades.
Concept of Conservation through use Another complementary element of the overall conservation strategy has been proposed by Eyzaguirre in 1995, namely conservation through promotion and increase use. This approach focuses on the production and consumption systems for traditional crops and looks at the agronomic, economic and cultural factors that constrain the expansion and competitiveness of these crops. This new conservation strategy is fundamentally concerned with identifying and overcoming these constraints to extend the use of traditional crops, as a means to conserve them, with African leafy vegetable very much
23 in mind (Eyzaguirre, 1995). By enhancing the use of resources, we are creating more demand for it thereby triggering more production of the resource. This in turn will lead to the conservation of more diversity within the genepool required for improving the productivity and use of the resource. In the case of the leafy vegetable the approach was to work with producers within existing production and consumption systems, to maintain local knowledge about the diversity and uses, to document genetic diversity of key priority species and to demonstrate potential for improvement and competitiveness vis à vis introduced commercial vegetable species.
Eyzaguirre (1995) recognizes several factors, which affects the conservation and use of the traditional vegetables. These include biological, cultural factors and factors pertaining to production and use. Our knowledge of the large of number of species of traditional vegetables is still inadequate. The taxonomy of African nightshade is one case in point. In the literature these nightshades are mainly referred to as Solanum nigrum but it is now known that there is a complex group of 30 species that are morphologically not very distinct and they cause confusion even amongst professional botanists. Many of them are believed to be toxic and this is a problem for genetic enhancement and popularization of this otherwise cheap and healthy vegetable (Schippers, pers. com.). IPGRI is now collaborating with the Universities of Greenwich, Nijmegen, Wageningen and Gatersleben to better understand the taxonomy of this complex group using molecular techniques. It is also important to realize that local people hold much information about these species that they have grown and consumed and any research approaches should include documentation of such indigenous knowledge.
It is also important to consider the gender and human cultural diversity for understanding the uses of plant diversity at the species and genetic levels (Eyzaguirre, 1995). The cultural changes associated with development can radically affect the farming practices, stewardship and the replacement of
24 traditionally grown crops like leafy vegetables, often considered as low status food. For example if the commercial value of traditional leafy vegetables increases, women are rapidly displaced from marketing them.
In the production and use system, research approaches should focus on genetic diversity studies and developing post harvest techniques for enhancing the use and marketability of these crops. In the first phase of the IPGRI Leafy vegetable project (1996-1998), it was observed that farmers actively cultivated leafy vegetables and managed them according to the diversity they knew was within the species. For example, bitter leaf (Vernonia amygdalina) has several distinct genotypes with different degrees of bitterness that different cultural groups prefer. Farmers would select the material they planted depending on who would be buying and eating the leaves. The first phase also indicated that there were major gaps in the processing of leafy vegetables that would conserve the nutritional value of the food, seed quality, seed availability and supply.
Research approaches on African leafy vegetables The objectives of research on traditional leafy vegetables should focus on the needs of improving the use of traditional leafy vegetables and its competitiveness with introduced species. It is clear that the neglect by research and development on leafy vegetables has caused major gaps in knowledge and the capacity to conserve and improve them. Little is known about their agronomy, genetic diversity, nutritive value, germplasm management, keeping quality characteristics and improvement in yield. There is an urgent need to identify the most effective commercialization, marketing and policy frameworks to promote their use and maximize their economic value. All these factors represent at various levels, bottlenecks for successful promotion of leafy vegetables. This requires the better understanding of the factors that affects the conservation and use of traditional vegetable described above. Research is required to answer the following key questions:
25 • How much genetic diversity is present within and between traditional species? How are they distributed? Making use of the diversity within key species is considered as an essential element in improving the competitiveness of African leafy vegetables. • What are the constraints for use within the varieties? For each priority species, there is a need to identify and deploy varieties and traits with disease resistance, high yield, consumer appeal, market value, easier and more economical production and processing methods. • How to improve seed supply system and availability of good quality seeds? The availability of preferred seeds and poor seed quality are major constraints to enhance the use of African leafy vegetables. Research in this area should also consider aspects of germplasm management both ex situ and on farm, impact on gender and policy aspects. • Can domestication of semi-wild and wild leafy vegetable be a viable option? How far have traditional leafy vegetables been domesticated? • How does the wild and weedy species of ALV maintain themselves in situ? It is also important to better understand the ecology of wild and weedy species. How are they dispersed? What is the ecological dynamics of the microenvironments in which they grow? What are the threats to the habitats? What are the impacts of development on these microhabitats? To what extent are they managed? • What is the effects of source and processing on the nutritional contents of ALVs ? Different factors need to be investigated: The expression of the nutritional content of ALVs differs from source to source. Most of the time, and when it is specified, it is done referring to raw leaves, which completely ignores the effects of processing and cooking on ALVs. Many studies have been carried out to determine the content of nutrients after using different methods. And many of the results are contradictory. However, as specified by Booth, Johns and Kuhnlein (1992), a number of factors complicate the comparisons between them,
26 like the different analytical techniques and the natural sources of variations (pH, rainfall, seasonality, genetic diversity and stage of maturation). • What is the effect of genetic variation on nutritional content of leafy vegetables? Genetic variation for nutritional content of leafy vegetables needs to be given more attention. Variation within species is a particularly neglected area of study, as is the variation in anti- nutritional factors affecting the uptake of Vitamin A and iron.
To ensure success in enhancing the conservation and use of traditional leafy vegetables, IPGRI in its programme has involved a wide range of disciplines, notably, sociologists, botanists, gene-bank specialists, agronomists, horticulturalists, market specialists and nutritionists. Many of the crops are under-researched and therefore the researchers have relied heavily on local or indigenous knowledge and participatory research.
Each of these disciplines has tended to bring with it its traditional research approaches and methodologies. Socio-cultural scientists and ethnobotanists make the use of extensive questionnaires, personal observations and even participation in local activities to get a better insight. The latter has been used in cooking of traditional vegetables and recipe development. Agronomists and horticulturalists as well as breeders are moving from what was purely on- station research and trials to on farm participatory research where the farmer is involved as well. This has been shown to achieve better results more quickly. In Kisii area of Kenya, researchers jointly with local farmer groups have been able to develop fertilizer/local manure rates that are optimal and specific to particular soils and species. Such participatory research methods have also been used to determine spacing and to compare yields from techniques such as broadcasting with sowing in lines. Participatory on-farm research owes its success due to the fact that it addresses the farmer and it is tailored to suit the farmer’s local conditions such as for soil, moisture and
27 climate. It also takes in to account the farmer’s indigenous knowledge, which is vital in this field given that only minimum research has been done on these species. Participatory methods have also been used in characterization of traditional vegetables and in breeding.
In conclusion, what we see is a mix of approaches, which are achieving better results than if they were on their own. Such complementarily in our research approach is necessary if we are to achieve an effective conservation of the diversity that is particularly rich in African leafy vegetables.
REFERENCES Agte, V.V., K. V. Tarwadi, S. Mengale, and S. A. Chiplonkar. 2000. Potential of Traditionally Cooked Green Leafy Vegetables as Natural Sources for Supplementation of Eight Micronutrients in Vegetarian Diets. Journal of Food Composition and Analysis, 13(6), Dec., 885-891.
Bellon M.R., J.-L. Pham and M.T. Jackson. 1997. Genetic conservation: a role for rice farmers. Pp. 261-289 In Maxted N., Ford-Lloyd B.V. and Hawkes J.G. eds. Plant genetic conservation: the in situ approach. Chapman and Hall.
Booth, SL., T. Johns, and H.V. Kuhnlein. 1992. Natural food sources of vitamin A and provitamin A. Food Nutr Bull. 14, 6-19.
Brown A.H.D. 2000. The genetic structure of crop landraces and the challenge to conserve then in situ on farms. Pp29-48 In Brush S.B. ed. Genes in the field : on farm conservation of crop diversity. Lewis Publishers, Boca Raton, FL, USA.
Chweya J.A. and P.B. Eyzaguirre, editors. 1999. The Biodiversity of Traditional Leafy Vegetables. International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome, Italy.
Damania A.B. (1996). Biodiversity conservation: a review of options complementary to standard ex-situ methods. Plant Genetic Resources Newsletter 107: 1-18.
De Pee, S. and C.E. West. 1996. Dietary carotenoids and their role in combating vitamin A deficiency: a review of the literature. Eur.J. Clin. Nutr. 50 (suppl.), S38.
28 De Pee, S., M.W. Bloem, J. Gorstein, M. Sari, M. Satoto, R. Yip, R. Shrimpton, and D. Muhilal. 1998. Reappraisal of the role of vegetables in the vitamin A status of mothers in Central Java, Am J Clin Nurt. 68, 1068.
Dulloo M.E., L. Guarino, F. Engelmann, N. Maxted, H.J. Newbury, F. Attere and B.V. Ford Lloyd. 1998. Complementary conservation strategies for the genus Coffea: a case study of Mascarene Coffea species. Genetic Resources and Crop Evolution 45: 565- 579.
Eyzaguirre P.B. 1995. Conservation through increased use: complementary approaches to conserving Africa’s traditional vegetables. Pp. 17-19 In: Guarino L. editor 1995. Traditional African Vegetables: Promoting the conservation and use of underutilized and neglected crops.16. Proceedings of the IPGRI International workshop on genetic resources of traditional vegetables in Africa : Conservation and use , 29-31 August 1995, ICRAF-HQ, Nairobi , Kenya. Institute of Plant Genetics and Crop Plant Research, Gatersleben/ IPGRI. Rome Italy.
FAO (1998). The state of the world’s plant genetic resources for food and agriculture. FAO, Rome.
Greiner, T. and S.N. Mitra. 1995. Evaluation of the impact of a food-based approach to solving vitamin A deficiency in Bangladesh. Food and Nutrition Bulletin 16(3).
Hoyt E. (1988). Conserving wild relatives of crops. IBPGR/IUCN/WWF, Gland, Switzerland.
IBPGR 1977. Tropical vegetables and their genetic resources. International Board for Plant Genetic Resources, Rome, Italy.
Jarvis D. 1999. Strengthening the scientific basis of in situ conservation of agricultural biodiversity on farm. Botanica Lithuania (Suppl.) 2: 79-90.
Jarvis D., L. Meyer, H. Klemick, L. Guarino, M. Smale, A.H.D. Brown, M. Sadiki, B. Sthapit, and T. Hodgkin. 2000. A training guide on in situ conservation on-farm. Version 1. International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome, Italy.
Maundu P.M., E.I. Njiro, J.A Chweya , J.K. Imungi, and E.N. Seme. 1999. Chapter 4 Kenya. In: Chweya J.A. and P.B Eyzaguirre, editors. The Biodiversity of Traditional Leafy Vegetables. International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome, Italy.
29 Maxted N., B.V. Ford-Lloyd and J.G. Hawkes (1997). Plant genetic conservation: the in situ approach. Chapman and Hall.
Mighani K.A and I.M El Tahir , 1995. Indigenous vegetables of Sudan: production, utlization and conservation. Pp 117-121. In: Guarino L. editor 1995. Traditional African Vegetables: Promoting the conservation and use of underutilized and neglected crops.16 Proceedings of the IPGRI International workshop on genetic resources of traditional vegetables in Africa : Conservation and use , 29-31 August 1995, ICRAF- HQ, Nairobi , Kenya. Institute of Plant Genetics and Crop Plant Research, Gatersleben/ IPGRI. Rome Italy.
Ngwerume F.C and B. Mvere. 1999. Chapter 6 Zimbabwe. In Chweya J.A. and P.B Eyzaguirre, editors. The Biodiversity of Traditional Leafy Vegetables. International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome, Italy.
Nkhoma C.N., G.Y Mkamanga and T.J. Ruredzo. 1995. Conservation of traditional vegetable germplasm in the SADC region. Pp. 122-127 In: Guarino L. editor 1995. Traditional African Vegetables: Promoting the conservation and use of underutilized and neglected crops.16. Proceedings of the IPGRI International workshop on genetic resources of traditional vegetables in Africa : Conservation and use , 29-31 August 1995, ICRAF- HQ, Nairobi , Kenya. Institute of Plant Genetics and Crop Plant Research, Gatersleben/ IPGRI. Rome Italy.
Pouboum C.F.N, 1999. Chapter 3. Cameroon. In Chweya J.A. and P.B Eyzaguirre, editors. The Biodiversity of Traditional Leafy Vegetables. International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome, Italy.
Ruel, M.T. and C.E. Levin. 2000. Assessing the potential for food-based strategies to reduce vitamin A and iron deficiencies: a review of recent evidence. FCND Discussion Paper No. 92, International Food Policy Research Institute.
Seck A., I. Sow, and M. Niass. 1999. Chapter 5A Senegal. In: Chweya J.A. and P.B Eyzaguirre, editors. The Biodiversity of Traditional Leafy Vegetables. International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome, Italy.
UNCED (1992). Convention on Biological Diversity. United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, Geneva.
30 4.0. SUMMARY OF WORKSHOP PROCEEDINGS
DAY 1 4.1 Theme 1:Research on African Indigenous Vegetables Discussions in this subject were guided by two major assumptions: • African Leafy Vegetables are disappearing • Habitats are changing.
4.1.1 Research methodological Issues Issues surrounding research methodological approaches pertaining to ALVs were discussed. Current and possible future methods were examined and the following were found to be of major importance: • How to gather Indigenous Knowledge and the level of participation of the custodians of such knowledge. What are the complementarities between scientific and indigenous knowledge? (What is the relationship between researchers and farmers? Whose responsibility is it to drive the research process? Who owns the research results?) • What kind of research intervention on ALVs is necessary (How does the research positively or negatively impact on existing producers, marketers and consumers?)
It was found that there are a lot of unclear subject areas surrounding ALVs and intensified research work is necessary to clarify these. The major research areas highlighted therefore, included:
1. Community Seed Banks -How to promote, disseminate and sustain community seed banks (CSB). CSBs should complement national systems like the National Gene Bank (NGB). -Access to Community Seed banks- who is in charge, who has access and how?.
31 -How can vegetatively propagated vegetables and non-cultivated species be conserved and what storage facilities are required at the community level?
2. What are the potential impacts of commercialization? -Indigenous foods should be promoted on the basis of their inherent values as a means of promoting their commercialization. However, women are likely to lose control as soon as indigenous vegetables are commercialized and this may lead to loss of indigenous knowledge and biodiversity. As soon as commercialization takes role, custodians of IK may choose not to open up for fear of losing out their precious knowledge to the giants who may never acknowledge their role.
3. What is the status of ALV`s in terms of cultural preservation and identity for the African people? What role do ALVs have in protecting and conserving culture and the environment? There is need to establish all these aspects and document them as a strategy for ALVs conservation.
4. How do current research approaches impact on biodiversity? There is no capacity to research on all semi and uncultivated food crops. A few have to be targeted at a time. In that view, what is the impact of research on those that remain uninvestigated? This may result in their being underutilized and becoming extinct. There is need therefore to design approaches that ensure conservation of those yet to be investigated.
5. How do ALVs contribute to nutrition? What are their nutritional and anti- nutritional factors? How do they impact on the human health? There is need to establish how anti-nutritional factors in other foods affect the nutritional qualities of ALVs eaten together with, for example, phytates in maize. How does agronomy affect nutritional content?
32 There is need to understand existing production systems (reproductive biology, seed supply channels, processing, marketing, consumption, seasonality of the ALVs) and quantify their effects on nutrient content.
6. There is need to formulate a protocol for IPR in a participatory way. How do farmers get recognition and ownership of their indigenous knowledge systems. There should be a protocol that ensures protection and acknowledgement of the source of this information.
9. How do farmers value indigenous food plants? This has a bearing on germplasm conservation and use. ALVs as a form of cultural identity have suffered from cultural dynamics and there is need to consientise people on the value of cultural identity. What is the impact of modern science and technology on the farmers’ perception of ALVs. What is the impact of HIV/AIDS on the value of ALVs?
4.2 Theme 2: Landscape Approaches After, some lengthy and informed discussions, the workshop resolved that ALVs were disappearing both in space and use because habitats are changing. It was also agreed that there are cases where ALVs have disappeared due to overuse on one hand and underutilization on the other which necessitates the need for harmonized research approaches to solve the landscape problems. Common with Asia, Africa and Latin America is the fact that the majority of traditional leafy vegetables are uncultivated, with a smaller percentage being semi-domesticated. Leafy vegetables are a product of anthropogenic and domesticated landscapes. Landscape level approaches provide a crucial context for work on ALVs including research relevant to policy development on agriculture, genetic resource conservation, urban planning and health. Enabling these policies is better when tailored to the local context. A few approaches to solving the landscape problems were discussed including the SANFEC and the CBDC methodologies. The SANFEC approach, although
33 designed for South Asia it can be useful in the African context because of the similarities of the problems faced. This approach conceptually separates five “forms of landscape” : • Natural landscapes, • Cultural landscapes, • Ecological landscapes, • Social landscapes and • Political landscapes which can be used as entry points for solving biodiversity issues. The CBDC approach on the other hand considers biological aspects at the ecosystem or landscape level together with related cultural aspects as well as specific perceptions of a culture about their environment and social relationships within this.
The CBDC and SANFEC approaches both, start at the small spatial scale of the home or home garden area as a unit of analysis, then work outwards (or upwards) in spatial scale to wider spatial levels within the local context of agroecosystems. Consensus in each presentation (dealing with Asia, Latin America and Africa) was the need for design and implementation to take the specific characteristics of local systems into account and as such the following research gaps were identified:
4.2.1 Identified research gaps • Indigenous knowledge: How much knowledge is available and on which crops. How much has been documented so far and how was it gathered. Who are the custodians of such information? Which is the best way of gathering and documenting IK in view of globalization. How will this information be accessed by the different users (scientists, future generations and farmers etc)? • Possible solutions to declining biodiversity. The role of cultural dynamics in preserving biodiversity. What is the role of
34 industrialization and urbanization in preserving/destroying biodiversity. What is the entry point of research in solving the problem of declining biodiversity. • Nutritional qualities in relation to phyto-chemical qualities. What is the role of agronomy in ensuring maximum nutritional and reduced phyto-chemical qualities of the ALVs. What is the beneficial balance between nutritional and antinutritional factors. What is the role of processing in destroying or enhancing nutrition? • There is need for a protocol on Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). This will ensure the protection of farmers’ intellectual properties. • How do ALVs maintain themselves in the natural environment? What happens when they are domesticated (changed habitats)? How does agronomy and plant requirements change (nutritional requirements, exposure to plant pests and diseases and harvesting?) • Market patterns: Marketing has a bearing on conservation hence there is need for market searches/studies to identify viable local and external markets and their requirements. Producers/farmers to take a leading role in analyzing and solving the marketing problem. • Why ALVs are disappearing. There is need to study the socio-cultural and economic dynamics vis-a-vis disappearance of ALVs. What are the impacts of the changing environments and habitats? • Transfer of knowledge. There is need to identify the best ways of transferring IK from the custodians to the recipients. IK is surrounded by a great deal of secrecy hence there is need for a tactful and participatory way of drawing from the knowledge base. Farmers are an equal development partner. The dissemination of the knowledge should ensure protection of IPR and farmers need the guarantee that their knowledge will be protected. • Identify overlaps with food and other uses. Most or some of the ALVs have other uses that include medicinal, industrial and esthetic values. There is need to study the overlaps and establish their beneficial
35 effects. • Funding and its effects on research. The availability of funds has a bearing on the quality and amount of research that goes on. It has a bearing on biodiversity conservation.
It was agreed that research beneficiaries need to be clearly identified and that farmers be active partners in research. The need to communicate was found to be an overriding requirement and as such there is need to revisit communication strategies.
4.2.2 General discussion –Day 1. It was agreed that the use of ALV’s is dynamic and declining. There is need to carry out more research in order to understand why? While it may be true in some localized communities that diversity is declining some participants felt that on a continental scale biological diversity was not threatened. The threat was so much on the declining level of use (which could lead to declining biodiversity) in some communities. There is therefore need to transfer (from the older generation) and revitalize knowledge. It was found necessary to domesticate uncultivated crops because land use is dynamic and there is need to conserve resources which may be affected by the changes in land-use types and eventually landscapes.
Commercialization was seen in two ways, as a way of promoting biodiversity conservation by creating demand or as a way of destroying it when women lose control yet they are the custodians of IK. There was also another school of thought that as soon as there is widespread commercialization, small scale farmers lose control to multinationals. However, the group felt that farmers have always been engaged in surplus farm produce trading without serious problems. There is need therefore, to study the markets and work on sustainable market options and strategies.
36 DAY 2 Field trip to Murewa and Muzarabani. Workshop participants had the chance to meet farmers who work with CTDT on the indigenous vegetables project. There was a lot of personal and useful interaction between the farmers and the visitors and a lot of information exchange took place between the two parties. At the Muzarabani seed multiplication garden, farmers were exposed to an increased biodiversity of the collections made in May 2001. They did a preliminary characterization of the germplasm and noted what they perceived as good or preferred characteristics of the vegetables in relation to their geographical and economic environments.
DAY 3 4.3 Theme 3: Crosscutting Issues 4.3.1 Socio-cultural issues These are crosscutting issues and as the name herein used, the issues were discussed in all the other sessions as well. They provide the socio-cultural dimension to development systems (paper by P. V. Satheesh). Who owns the land and who has rights to use it or who has both (i.e. access and control of resources)? Who has the social voice and authority over resources? At a household level, whose responsibility is it to market and allocate cash earnings? How does this impact on household food security and biodiversity? There is need to research on all these and provide the answers.
4.3.2 Issues of abundance and resource management: Regular use of resources may ensure that species level and density does not fall below sustainable levels. Selective harvesting and transplanting may be a strategy to conserve diversity. A Thailand example where women are the land owners was given (paper by Mrs A. Celis). Ownership has implications on diversity conservation and use. The whole issue of entitlements and its effects on seed availability, farm production, diversity conservation and on-farm decision making was discussed. It was found that women in most African
37 cultures do not own land, they only have rights to use it otherwise it belongs to their husbands, male relatives or even their sons. All these scenarios have a bearing on Food availability and Security. Development was said to be a tapestry which included all sectors such that if one thread was pulled off, development would lose shape (paper by P. V. Satheesh).
4.3.3 Nutritional issues Studies in the area of nutrition need to focus on micronutrient and vitamin quality and quantity (paper by Mrs. F. Smith) under different conditions of production and processing. Packaging, also, has an impact on nutrient content of stored products. There is no need to concentrate on macronutrients since these are already available in abundance in other staple foods although some anti-nutritional factors (phytates in maize for example) can make some elements like calcium unavailable. The environment also affects the availability of phyto-chemicals and some nutrients.
4.4 THE SYNTHESIS SESSION This was a wrap up session which sought to synthesize the workshop proceedings. It focused on the key gaps identified during the workshop.
4.4.1 Identified key discussion points • Food security • Transfer of indigenous knowledge • Marketing • Biodiversity conservation/commercialization • Food supply systems/Nutrition • Gender/Social issues
At this point in time it was agreed that the product of the workshop should reflect the needs of Africa in terms of ALVs and that there is need to network for the benefit of the farmers or the target group.
38 4.4.2 Identified challenges A few challenges which could pose problems in development were identified. It was therefore necessary to think about ways of addressing these, plan, and formulate specific methodological strategies designed to promote and increase ALVs productivity and use. Some of the identified challenges include:
• How to ensure partnerships between farmers and researchers in specific areas of interest. • Overlap between food and medicinal values of the semi-and uncultivated food plants. What are the effects of these overlaps to development and conservation. • Environmental and food health issues and how they affect individuals and nations. • How do economic and marketing aspects relate to research on ALVs?
4.5 KEY DISCUSSIONS 4.5.1 FOOD SECURITY There is need to change the food habits of people in general. Rural and peri- urban environments are important centers of biological and cultural diversity and there is need to study them in depth. There is therefore an increased diversity of food crops in these areas. An indigenous vegetable marketing study by Horticultural Research Centre in Zimbabwe showed that people of all calibers bought and used indigenous vegetables as relish. The need to identify oneself culturally seems to be making major contributions to biodiversity conservation as seen by more Africans preferring to eat African compared to Western foods. This increases the food options and consequently food security for the individual households. • Cultural pride and identity is a necessary tool in promoting the use and conservation of ALVs. • Studies and data/information documentation of ALVs is necessary in order to enrich the wider community about the value of ALVs and
39 make their perceptions of same positive. • There is need for vigorous marketing of ALVs as a status symbol. National activities using ALVs should assist in promoting them. • Overally, there is an economic potential for rural people and even the nation in ALVs.
4.5.2 TRANSFER OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE There is need to gather, make use of and acknowledge the vast amount of indigenous knowledge vested in the senior smallholder farmers especially women. To transfer this knowledge, there is need to: • advertise and hold village level cooking competitions to demonstrate how ALVs are prepared for food as a way of promoting them. These should be covered and shown in national media. • carryout exchange visits with farmers and researchers in and around countries of residence to recreate the image of ALVs. • The pairing of older and younger enumerators in collecting IK is vital in getting cooperation from the elders. • The need to document IK concisely overrides. Documentation will ensure a wider coverage of the community and knowledge continuation. • Schools can also be used as a channel for IK transfer where IK can be included in the curricular and specific projects involving IK carried out. Schools that provide meals can include ALVs in their menu. Hospitals are also another avenue through which ALVs could be promoted especially when nutritional information is available. • Scientists to include and test IK in research programs and ensure farmers’ participation from the problem identification level.
4.5.3 MARKETING There is need to promote local marketing and reduce food miles (that is the distance to the nearest food source). Distant marketing on the other hand is
40 also seen as an enhancer of biodiversity. Advertisement is an important marketing tool. There is need to identify an appropriate media which reaches a wider community. The compilation, publication and dissemination of ALV recipes is an important and vital way of marketing same. However, economic aspects also come in with vigorous marketing and the protection of IPR may not be guaranteed.
4.5.4 COMMERCIALIZATION There is need to establish local and distant markets for commercialization of ALVs to be sustainable. The commodity has to be reliably available. This may however, lead to large scale production of a few preferred vegetable types which in turn may result in women losing access and control. The rest of the ALVs may be lost because of neglect and concentration on the commercialized few for cash income. Furthermore, soon as there is value addition women are likely to lose control to the men because of the cash income implications. There is therefore need to consider the scale of production/commercialization. The general assumption was that local marketing conserves biodiversity compared to large scale or distant marketing.
Commercialization/distant marketing may reduce biodiversity management at family/garden level as it demands more on female labour on a few crops. The overall dietary biodiversity is therefore reduced. Even income spent on families gets reduced as soon as men get involved. There is need to capacity build women’s organization at both local and national levels in order to increase women’s access and control of resources hence resource conservation.
4.5.5 FOOD SUPPLY SYSTEMS AND NUTRITION The major drawback is in understanding the food supply systems. The household was defined as those who share a cooking pot. There is need for
41 research to understand the following when it comes to food supply systems and nutrition: • food frequency lists. How much and what type of food is eaten and how often per household. This gives information on which ALVs are utilized and what role they play in household food security and nutrition. There is need to know what is called a meal in African households. • What goes into the cooking pot and how it is shared. This gives information as to who eats what and in what amounts. This information has a bearing on household nutritional requirements. • Effects of food habits on biodiversity are not fully understood. How diverse is what goes into the cooking pot? This will give information on the locality of diversity in food . There is need to know how people gather and measure their food portions. How does this link with or affect biodiversity conservation. • Seasonal changes in availability of food has effects on which, ALVs are used and consequently conservation. It also affects diversity in the cooking pot. Land redistribution changes land use types and habitats and consequently diversity in the field and cooking pot. Human health is as a result affected. • Health and its effects on food supply system. The general health of the nation affects its ability to provide nutritious food as it affects both mental and physical abilities of human beings.
5.0 Conclusion It was agreed that farmers are equal development partners and should therefore be considered as such. The older generations are the custodians of indigenous knowledge that is so vital in ALVs research and development and food security issues. There is need to gather that knowledge, learn from local level lessons and document the information for the benefit of all. Gender is an important component of biodiversity therefore, roles should be considered in
42 all conservation programs. Land ownership and types of use are an important component of biodiversity conservation because they affect what grows and how it is used. Harmonization of research approaches will solve the identified gaps hence contribute to the conservation and utilization of ALVs. This workshop was just the beginning of the process and communication/networking to share information was prioritized by all.
43
6.0. PRESENTED AND SUBMITTED PAPERS
44
Theme 1: Research on African Leaf Vegetables
45 6.1. Enhancing Bambara Groundnut (Vigna subterranean (L) Verdc.) germplasm conservation through research: Potential Role of Indigenous Knowledge
(David N. Mbewe and Davis M. Lungu)
1. Paper presented at the Workshop on “Research Approaches to Semi and Uncultivated Food Plants: A Comparison,” Harare, Zimbabwe, September 4-6 2001: International Development Research Centre IDRC and the Community Technology Development Trust (CTDT), Harare 2. University of Zambia, School of Agricultural Sciences, P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka-Zambia
Email: [email protected]; [email protected]
INTRODUCTION Bambara ground (Vigna subterranean (L.) Verdc.) is one of the important food legumes grown in many regions in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Zambia. It ranks third among the pulse crops in importance after groundnut (Arachis hypogea L.) and cowpea (Vigna unguiculata L.) (Karikari, 1972, Linemann, 1991). Its advantages include adaptability to marginal lands, a balanced nutritional composition and a relatively high tolerance to diseases and pests. Nutritionally, Bambara groundnut has been referred to as a balanced food. The seed makes a complete food, as it contains sufficient quantities of proteins (19%), carbohydrate (63%) and fat (6.5% oil), as average seed nutritional composition (Owusu-Donfeh et al., 1970; Oluyemi et al., Olliveira, 1976; Linemann, 1987). Recent unconfirmed field observations seem to suggest that the crop may have the ability to suppress Striga spp.
Another known advantage of Bambara groundnut is its capacity to fix atmospheric nitrogen. This attribute makes it a good choice crop in intercropping production practices with cereals, e.g. maize, sorghum. This is more important for resource – poor small-scale farmers in most parts of Africa, who can not afford the high cost of inorganic – N fertilizers.
Inspite of its numerous advantages, the crop’s potential has remained essentially unexploited. This is mainly due to the very poor yields of about 300kg/ha, generally obtained under field conditions (Kannaiyan et al., 1989; Duke, 1981; Lungu and Mbewe 1986) On the other hand, high yield levels of over 3 tons/ha have been reported elsewhere (Mulila – Miti et al., 1990; Johnson, 1968; Begemann, 1988; Mtonga, 1998). The low yields of Bambara groundnut have been attributed to a number of reasons, including poor or inappropriate management practices and absence of improved varieties (Mulila – Miti et al., 1990). Other indirect contributing
46 factors include lack of official market infrastructure and restricted utilization alternatives.
The continued low yield levels, perpetuate the crops underutilization, which can lead to reduction in its biodiversity and if not checked can mean complete genetic erosion for Bambara groundnut. On the hand, there is sufficient empirical evidence to show that yield under small-scale farmer’s field conditions, are much higher than under research and genebank germplasm multiplication programs. There is therefore, need to find out the production practices used by small scale farmers and related information that contribute to the higher yields of Bambara groundnut by small scale farmers by examining their indigenous knowledge (IK).
Loss of Biodiversity There are no known studies on the causes of loss of biodiversity in Bambara groundnut in Zambia or elsewhere. However, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO, 1996) has documented eleven (11) causes of loss of biodiversity or genetic erosion, namely: legislative policy matters, civil strife, population pressure, pests/weeds/diseases, environmental degradation, land clearing, overgrazing, reduced fallow, over exploitation of plant species, changes in agricultural systems and the replacement of land races by improved varieties. The relative importance of these factors will vary with the type of genetic resources being considered and the geographical location of the material. The major cause of loss of biodiversity of land races (which constitute the Bambara groundnut genotypes) is considered to the presence of high yielding varieties that are introduced into the local agricultural systems (Ford – Lloyds and Jackson, 1986; Hoyt, 1992). The loss of land races occurs in different farming systems because farmers get rid of their landraces which are agronomically poor, in preference for the improved and better performing new varieties. A number of examples clearly demonstrate the negative impact of improved varieties on the existence of landraces in different farming systems. Ford-Lloyd and Jackson (1986) make reference to the loss of 95% of local wheat varieties in Greece in the previous 40 years as a result of the introduction of improved varieties. In Zambia, Pearson (1992) reported a 100% adoption of improved maize varieties in one district (Mazabuka). This adoption of improved maize varieties was associated with the loss of maize landraces in the study area. Hammer et al. (1996) found that the average loss of land races of different crops in Albania between 1941 and 1993 was 72% while that for Italy between 1950 and 1986 was 86%. In some of the crops they studied, genetic erosion was reported to be 100%, indicating that the farmers had completely abandoned some landraces within a period of 40 years. Similar findings were reported in India, where Mooney (1983) found that only about ten (10) improved rice varieties would replace most of the local varieties.
47 In the case of Bambara groundnut, the immediate threat to this biodiversity is not from the use of improved varieties, but competition from the improved varieties of related food legumes. For example, in Zambia, there are currently four (4) improved varieties of groundnuts, four (4) of cowpea and eleven (11) of beans (MAFF, 2000). The impact of these new varieties has been that more farmers (including small-scale farmers) are growing more groundnuts, cowpeas and beans, at the expense of other food legumes like Bambara groundnut, thus contributing the threat to its biodiversity.
Role of Indigenous Knowledge As pointed out above, the greatest threat to the biodiversity of Bambara groundnut comes not from the use of improved varieties ( of which there are none), but from competition from the increased production (through varieties) of competing food legumes. One way to reduce the threat is to increase the yields of Bambara groundnut through research. However, current evidence indicates that here is still a wide gap in yield levels between small-scale farmers and research fields, where the small-scale farmers on the average obtain higher yields.
In order to bridge the yield gap, researchers need to study the indigenous knowledge on the production of the crop from the small scale farmers followed by field verification and relevant basic research studies in order to scientifically refine the technologies which will contribute to increased production and consequently help in conserving the biodiversity of Bambara groundnut. The type of IK to be gathered should include the time of planting, type of cultivars, method of cultivation, uses, major constraints to cultivation, among others.
Conclusion The immediate threat to the biodiversity of Bambara groundnut (hence contributing to its genetic erosion) lies in its low yields, especially under research conditions, in contrast to the higher yields obtained under small- scale farmer’s field conditions. There is an urgent need to investigate the indigenous knowledge among the small scale farmers that can be used to increase yields of the crop and thereby increase utilization, which in turn will minimize the risk of biodiversity.
REFEREES Begemann, F. 1988. Ecologeophical differentiation of Bambara groundnut (Vegna subterranean (L) Verdc.) in the collection of the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA). Wissenchftlicher Fachverlag, Dr. Fleck, Niederkleen, Germany, 153pp. Duke, J.1981. Handbook of grain legumes of world economic importance. Premium Press, New York FAO, 1996. State of the World’s Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture. FAO Rome, Italy
48 Ford-Lloyd, B. and M. Jackson, 1986. Plant Henetic Resources: An introduction to their conservation and use. Edward Anorld (Publishers) Ltd, London. Goli, A.E. 1997. Bibliographical Review. Heller J. F. Begemann, and J. Mushonga. eds. 1997 Bambara groundnut (Vigna subteraanea (L) Verde.). Promoting the conservation and use of underutilized and neglected crops. 9. Proceedings of a workshop on Conservation and Improvement of Bambara groundnut (Vigna subterranean (L) Verdc), 14-16 November, 1995, Harare-Zimbabwe, Institute of Plant Genetics and Plant Research, Getersleber/Department of Research and Specialist Services, Harare- Zimbabwe, International Plant Genetic Resources Institute, Rome Italy. Hammer, K., Knupffer, L.Xhuveli and P.Perrino, 1996. Estimating Genetic erosion landraces two case studies. Genetic Resources and Crop Exolution 43, p.329-336 Hoyt e.1992. Conserving the wild relatives of crops. IBPGR, IUCN and WWF, Rome. IBPGR (1993). Report of second meeting of IBPGR Advisory Committee on Seed Storage. IBPGR, Rome John E.1992. The Bambara groundnut. A review Rhodesia Agric. J.65: 1-4 Karikari, S.K. 1972. Correlation studies between yield and some agronomic characters in Bambara groundnut (Voendezeia subterranean (L)Thoucer). Acta Horticulture. 53: 195-199 Limemann, A.R. 1987. Bambara groundnut (Vigna subterranean (L) Verdc): a review Abstract on Tropical Agriculture 12 (7). Linemann, A.R. 1991. Preliminary observations on photoperiod regulation of phonological development in Bambara groundnut (Vigna subterranean (L) Verdc.). Field crop Research 26:295-304 Lungu, D.M. and D.M.N. Mbewe. 1986 Characterization of yield and nutritional quality of bambara groundnut (Vigna subterranean (L) Verdc.). Progress Report, SACCAR Research grant SRG-03. University of Zambia, Lusaka-Zambia MAFF. 2000. Variety Register. Seed Control and Certification Institute (S.C.C.I). Chilanga, Zambia Mooney, P.R. 1983. The law of the seed: Another development and plant genetic resources. Development Dialogue, 1-2, p14 Mtonga, B.M. 1999. Yield, biological nitrogen fixation, nitrogen partitioning and production constraints of Bambara groundnuts. PhD. Thesis, Michigan State University, U.S.A Mulila-Miti, J., J. Kammaiyan, and Kanenga. 1990. Bambara groundnut in Zambia. In: F. Begemann (ed). Proceedings of the First National Workshop on Bambara groundnut in Zambia, 5 May, 1990, Lusaka, Zambia Olivera, J. S. 1976. Grain legumes of Mozambique. Trop. Grain Legume Bull. 3:13-15 Oluyeni, J. A., B. L. Fetuga and H. N. L. Endelay. 1976. The metalizable energy value of some feed ingredients for young chicks. Poultry Sci. 55: 611-618. Owusu-Domfeh, K., D. A. Cgristensen and B. D. Owen 1970. Nutritive value of some Ghanaian feed-stufs. Can. J. Anini. Sci. 50: 1-14 Person. L. 1993. A study on adoption of improved maize varieties among farmers in Zambia. Working paper 224, Sweedish University Of Agriculture Sciences, UPPSALA
49 6.2. Indigenous vegetables in Uganda (Paper presented by Dr. B. T. Kiremire)
Introduction 1. Location: Between longitudes 300 and 350 East and between latitudes 40 and 10 South. Shares common boarders with Kenya to the East, the DRC to the West, Tanzania and Rwanda to the South and the Sudan to the North. 2. Area: 241,.39 sq km, of which 43,942 sq km is open water and swamps. 3. Population: Presently estimated at 22 million and the annual growth rate 3.1%. 4. Economy: Based on agricultural products, which account for about 69% of export earnings and 44.7% of gross domestic product in 1996/97.
5. Why study indigenous food plants 1. High nutrition problem - for the majority food lacks the essential nutrients e.g. prevalence of vitamin and micronutrient related disorders. - Vulnerable groups suffer from malnutrition e.g. 147,000 die before their 5th birthday - 38% of children (1-5 yrs) stunted because of poor nutrition
World wide interest because of disappearing biodiversity III. Most IFP disappearing with increasing urbanization IV. Evidence that some IFP have higher nutrients than exotic fps e.g. based on a study of a sample of 50 indigenous vegetables (IVs):
- most IVs had higher contents of protein, Ca, P, Fe, carotene and vitamin A, B and C. - Some IVs had traditional sources of oil for cooking and lighting - Sources of natural dyes -curative properties
6. Selected Previous work on IFP Goode: distribution of 22 cultivated and non-cultivated species of vegetables of Uganda and local names in different areas.
Schippers: African Indigenous vegetables-cultivated species. Noted: -Some local vegetables are produced in home gardens - Only few regarded as cash crops - Ignored by policy makers i.e. regarded as minor crops - Never serve as staple foods thus ignored by donor community
50 - Urban people, especially in East Africa consider traditional food crops as old fashioned and unfit for modern people - Little has been document thus African lectures only teach how to grow European types of vegetables Kavuma: Kumali blindness and vitamin A deficiency Survey -that lack of vegetables may lead to very low hemoglobin levels in both infants and pregnant women - lack of vegetables may lead to increasing the prevalence of night blindness - the diet of the average rural dweller in Uganda is deficient in iron, calcium, vitamin A, riboflavin, vitamin C and often iodine
Katende: Useful trees and shrubs for Uganda: identification, propagation and management for Agricultural and pastoral Communities. Of the 1991 nplants, 14% are used for food. The rest are used for wood (44%), fodder (7%), environment aspects (24%) and a variety of other uses (10%).
Inventory of wild food plants and mushrooms Bukenya-Ziraba Inventory of 2000 species of edible non-cultivated plants belonging to 62 families
7. Baseline survey 1. Objectives: Id of IFP in the area Document indigenous knowledge on utilization, including processing and preservation. Id constraints in the utilization of IFPs
Methodology - study area Household questionnaire 116 households
Interviews selected by local community leaders on the basis of expertise on IFPs
Nature of respondents 57% male, 43% female Two major ethnic groups, one minor ethnic group Land owners: range 0.25 to 150 acres of land. Average 17 acres Coverage: general to include exotic and IFPs Categories of food plants: Vegetables, fruits, root tubers, pulses and cereals
51 Species identification Collection and comparison with herbarium collections Establishment of an experimental plot at KARI Plot Results Most used category of food belonged to vegetables 80% used vegetables 80% used fruits; % varied depending on the types of fruits 47-53% used pulses
Species distribution 40% of the species were used as vegetables 29% of the species were used because of medicinal properties 34% of the species had fruits used as snacks
Research and future work General: Workshops to sensitize hoteliers and public in order to create an internal market Train farmers in selection of LVs for better yields and taste. Assist farmers to create an association Identify IFPs for the non-traditional export market Part of the research team Bukenya-Ziraba, Rubaihayo Elizabeth and Esther Nakamatte:
Taxonomy and genetic enhancement of selected IFPs G. B. Mpango, B. T. Kiremire and R. Byamukama: Evaluation and identification of oil composition and anthocyanins J.K. Kikafunda and E. Musinguzi: Proximate composition, vitamins, preservation and evaluation of local methods of food preparation C. Bukenya: Needs assessment and market survey
Indigenous food plants workshop, Victoria Inn Kabale Findings from feasibility study Group A: District Staff/administrators Definition of indigenous food plants Plants that have been identified, classified and used as food by the natives within their localities and were in existence before the introduction of exotic food plants Whether any extension assistance/advice on indigenous food plants is extended to farmers in one district (and reasons for the status quo) Little extension advice, mainly on Amaranths spp. (by K./(B). Y. ) in all the three districts. This advice is mainly provided with the support of local councils and NGOs such as CARE, AFRICA 2000, PAPCA?
52 and H.P.I (Even for these efforts the activities are limited to mere sensitization) These plants have been ignored because: Perceived low commercial value (arising from their low status) Ranked low as food in comparison to carbohydrates and proteins (interpretation) Low shelf-life (symptom of) Little available literature/knowledge (information) on these crops e.g. the agronomic practices, crop husbandry Some of their natural habitats were destroyed by human activities (the rate of swamps)
(Potential?) constraints/hindrances (to the extension service) in providing extension advice on the indigenous food plants Little (inadequate) knowledge (agronomy, pests and disease, seed production, nutritive value, post harvest handling and preservation Government policy that tends to emphasize high value crops such as coffee and vanilla (for example the emphasis of the PMA on crops with commercial value-commercial production) (*Unfavorable policies) Accorded low priority by farmers when allocating their land resources (relative to crops considered of higher commercial value) Lack of market (for these crops?)
Specific information and skill needs of district level staff to effectively deliver on indigenous food plants Rating Information and skill needs Soil nutrient requirement Essential Agronomic and husbandry practices Essential Taxonomy Essential Pest and diseases (control?) Essential Nutritive value (Chemical composition) Essential Marketing information Essential Input markets Relevant Specialized training Relevant Seed collection, handling, preservation Essential Nursery preparation and management Relevant Appropriate processing and storage Essential technology Communication skills Relevant Leadership skills Essential Marketing strategies (promotions, Essential advertising, packing. Lobbying, mobilization) Utilization (various forms/ways)
Suggestions towards improving the role of/status of indigenous food plants Sensitization (use of radio talks, press, gatherings, congregations, agricultural shows/exhibits
53 Research/demonstration (training?) *Incorporate in the educational curriculum Establishment of mother gardens in every district (seemingly district level?) Funding to get “things” moving
Group B: Field extension staff (govt. and NGOs)
Definition of indigenous food plants As food plant species which have been surviving since the time of our ancestors Common mode of acquisition Mode Examples of such plants Cultivation Ensoji Dodo Entuutu Entonga Collection Eswhiga Eshenda Enkyerere Amatunguru (amatehe) Entunga basheija embweija
Constraints to farmers in utilizing (production/cultivation, processing, storage, marketing) the indigenous food plants in ones area of work lack of seed/seedlings (human?) Interference with the natural environment (habitats) inadequate knowledge on the growing (production?) of indigenous food crops inadequate knowledge on the food value of the indigenous food plants shortage of food plants Negative attitudes towards the traditional/indigenous food plants Lack of market information Lack of storage and processing technology (noting that these plants are perishable)
Whether any extension assistance/advice on IFPs is extended to farmers in ones area of work
Little, because: Inadequate knowledge about propagation, food value, agronomy…… Not given priority in both district and national level plans Lack of market Negative attitudes-few people want to eat IFPs Inadequate facilitation (?) Little or no research (information?)
54
Specific information and skill needs of district level staff to effectively deliver on indigenous food plants Rating Information and skill needs Nutrient requirements Essential Propagation methods (multiplication?) Relevant Production potential Essential Pest and disease control Essential Species identity Relevant Food (nutrition) value Relevant Post harvest handling (technology) Relevant Preparation methods Relevant Market information Essential Medicinal value Periphery
Suggestions towards improving the role/status of IFPs (Relevant) training to FEWs (necessary) facilitation to FEWs (Relevant) research Demonstration of indigenous food plants Sensitization and mobilization of farmers and youths Political will/support (implications for favourable environment) Relevant market information (Relevant ) knowledge on utilization Clear channels (of) information dissemination
Group C: Farmers Definition of indigenous food plants IFPs are plants that were grown or collected for food by our ancestors and some are still in existence (used according to age groups)
Major locally available FPs (prioritized according to use) Food plant Utilizatio Ratin Mode of n g acquisition Food Nutrition Income Medicin Cultivation Collection security source e Oburo X X X X X Amatekyeker X X X X X e Eswiga X X X X X Eshogi X X X X Enyabutongo X X X X Enkoore X X X Ekicuragyen X X X yi Eshaaga X X Omuriri X X X X Entutu X X X X X Ebitunta X X X Obukanja X X X munete Obuntunda X X X X X X
55 Amapeera X X X X X Doodo X X X X Emiyembe X X X X X X Ebituzi X X X X X X Obuzariraha X X X X mwe Amoozi X X X X X X warugu X X X X amashaza X X X X
Whether any extension advice to farmers on IFPs Little, due to Inadequate knowledge of IFPs amongst staff Biases against the IFPs amongst staff The effect of modernization that tends to favour/promote the exotic plants
Constraints/hindrances to utilization of the IFPs Financial (lack of production capital), (lack of) technical knowledge/skills, pests and diseases, inadequate awareness (of role), Natural calamities?, Poor means of transport, Biases and taboos (against the indigenous food plants), Lack of seed, Insecurity, Destruction by both wild and domestic animals, Poor management skills
Information and skills needs by farmers (to address the constraints Community sensitization? (relevant) researched information relevant information of pest and disease and easy access to means of control (e.g. pesticides) relevant training? Provision of seed
Suggestions towards improving the role/status of indigenous food plants Training to farmers (through workshops, mass media, and publications)? Availing farmers with seed/planting materials Relevant training on processing and packaging Relevant training on post harvest handling More government emphasis on (herbicidal) medicine??
56
Theme 2: Landscape approaches
57 6.3. Leaves, lifestyles and landscapes : people and ecological factors in leafy vegetable use
(Paper presented by A B Cunningham)
1.0 Introduction Internationally, due to their nutritional benefits, there is a great deal of interest in the dietary use of leafy vegetables (LV's) by people. Considerable research effort has been gone into studies on nutrient values of different LV's and factors influencing the bio-availability of these micro-nutrients from a chemical and nutritional perspective (e.g.: Lewis et al, 1968, Hennessy and Lewis, 1971; Santos-Oliviera and Carvalho, 1975). Nutritionists and epidemiologists in many parts of the world have teamed up in studies linking the effects of intestinal parasite infections on reducing the nutritional benefits (such as Vitamin A intake) derived from increased leafy vegetable intake. Socio-demographic studies based on random surveys of households (Al- Shammari et al, 2001) or within schools (Jinabhai et al., 2001)based on stool samples have given a good perspective on where and why parasite infection rates are highest. We also have a reasonable understanding of how parasite loads vary with climate, particularly across densely populated landscapes. In Bali, Indonesia, for example, rural people in wet highland areas had a much higher parasite infection rate (46.3%) than in wet lowlands (27.7%), dry highlands (14.2%) or dry lowlands (10.9%) (Bakta, Widjana and Sutisna, 1993). A valuable result of this cross-disciplinary work has been practical recommendations on improved implementation of food-based vitamin A programmes (treatment with anthelmintics, health education and sanitary improvement for intestinal parasite control), such as in Tanzania (Kidala, Greiner and Gebre-Medhin, 2000) and Nepal Yong et al., 2000).
This paper suggests that an hierarchical approach to the ecological, social and marketing aspects of LV use would add to existing primary health care programmes. This needs to start at the broader scale of African ecosystems and landscapes, then consider the population biology of different life-form tegories of plant species used as LV's and in some cases (such as Solanum nigrum), take intra-specific factors into account . In doing so, I suggest that three things have largely been lacking in past studies of LV use in Africa. Firstly, the development of a thorough understanding of LV ecology and use at a broader spatial and longer time scales in order to complement studies of gender, socio-economic, nutritional and parasitological influences on the use of non-cultivated leafy vegetables across both rural and urban landscapes.
Secondly, apart from some notable recent exceptions in Africa (Chweya and Eyzaguire, 1999;Bukenya et al., 1999; Ogle and Grivetti, 1985; Ogle et al, 1990) and elsewhere (Mapes, Basurto and Bye, 1997), insufficient use has been made of well-established theory and cross-disciplinary methods
58 functional ecology, economic geography, ethnobotany, epidemiology) to shape current research and policy related to LV use.
Thirdly, I suggest that a synthesis of cross-disciplinary studies at this broader landscape-level can provide a perspective over longer time-scales that is important not only in terms of peoples health or income at a local or national level, but also at a cross-cutting policy level. The practical links to policy, including policies on agriculture, genetic resource conservation, urban planning and health so that these policies can be better tailored to local context.
2.0 Checking on assumptions, asking questions & developing hypotheses This workshop is focussed strongly on what research approaches and methods are most relevant to studies of leafy vegetable use. Levels of relevance and priority can vary greatly from one ecosystem to another. The first step in choosing the most appropriate methods is therefore to do a thorough literature review. This can help clarify your own ideas, help you build on what work has been done before and avoid repeating what may already have been done. I realise, however, that access to libraries is difficult in many parts of Africa - and even then there is no guarantee that the relevant journals will be there. What is encouraging, however, is that internet access is increasingly available, even in minor towns, making on-line searches a more and more practical option. Twelve examples of relevant websites are given in Appendix 1 of this paper.
The second step is to check on your (and other peoples) assumptions before you start developing hypotheses or choose what methods to use. Make sure you’re asking the right questions. If we don’t ask the right questions, a considerable amount of time, funding and effort can be misdirected. Tropical biologist Daniel Janzen (1973) gave a great example of this relating to landscape disturbance, shifting agriculture and “weed” populations (many of which are leafy vegetables):
“In shifting agriculture, fields are commonly left fallow after 2-5 years of farming. The standard explanation for this is exhaustion of nutrients in the soil. However, the real cause is lowered yield, and pest insects and competing weeds probably contribute as much or more than soil depletion does to lowered yield. Magnificent stands of native weeds grow in the abandoned fields - and often in fields before they are abandoned. It is a very great mistake to analyse the adaptive significance of subsistence cultivation patterns in the tropics solely in terms of soil nutrient depletion. Ruthenberg's (1971) detailed description of tropical agriculture contains not one sentence analysing pest problems. The literature of tropical agriculture is replete with fertiliser trials, and there is almost no information on the dynamics of field
59 colonisation by insect and weed faunas [based on Janzen's analysis of published literature from 1962-1972]."
The above example illustrates how a commonly held, but simplistic assumption about soil nutrients and shifting agriculture strongly influenced the direction of research for many years. This occurred despite work in the 1960's (Nye and Greenland, 1960) which pointed out that increasing weed populations were the primary factor leading farmers to shift fields. Although the need for research focussed on the link between weeds populations and shifting agriculture in the tropics discussed by Janzen (1972) has since been corrected. Good examples are subsequent studies by Moody (1975), Arnason et al. (1982) and de Rouw (1995). We need to avoid the pitfalls of incorrect assumptions in future studies on the use of leafy vegetables.
Drawing on the experience gained from previous research through a thorough literature review is an essential first step. This provides us with a useful basis against which we can mentally compare our own field observations, hypotheses and assumptions. Learning from published studies also stimulates us to ask questions relevant to "our" particular study area. Some of the questions related to the theme of this paper would be : What biological, social or economic factors influence the availability of LV's at wide spatial or over longer time scales? How do these factors influence LV availability in time and space? How are LV's affected by age and stage of disturbance (such as by fire, farming, livestock)? How are these disturbance factors in turn affected by different types of :tenure; soil type, rainfall, land form, vegetation type or farming system? What are the links between changes human population density and LV use and nutritional values? How do we make sense of diversity of African wild or semi-cultivated LV's in terms of these responses within the many (>100 species) from six main plant families? Can these be divided into "plant functional types" as a conceptual and research tool to help us predict the response of different groups of LV species based on common ecological strategies? Can grouping into plant functional type give us insight into why different African LV species have (or have not) been domesticated, managed, tolerated and are merely harvested as wild, weedy by-products of anthropogenic disturbance? What social, cultural or economic factors lead to intensive production and continued use of these LV's? What methods can lead to a better understanding of the informal sector trade in LV's? How can a synthesis of this type better inform future research directions on LV's and finally, can these links between biological, social or economic factors lead to better informed policy in terms of health, urban planning, agriculture and genetic resource conservation
60
BOX 1. Key factors to take into account in the overlay of methods which lead to a fuller understanding of leafy vegetables ecology and use.
• What plant species and life forms are leafy vegetables harvested from? These range from short- lived weedy species (Amaranhaceae, Chenopodiaceae, Urticaceae), forbs (Tiliaceae, Pedaliaceae, Malvaceae, tuberous rooted climbers (Cucubitaceae) and long-lived trees (Bombacaaeae, Moringaceae, Moraceae)-which influences growth rate, harvesting method (e.g.: uprooting (Amaranthus), plucking (e.g.: Solanum) vs. branchlet/branch lopping (Moringa) and whether the shift to cultivation takes place (likely to popular fast growing species, less for slow growing trees (although these are often dispersed by people across anthropogenic landscapes); · · In terms of sustainable harvest and response to disturbance, think about their :reproductive strategies and biological factors influencing persistence (reseeders, resprouters) and resilience (e.g. : to defoliation in the case of Moringa); geographical distribution at different spatial scales, influenced by response to habitat disturbance, dispersal (including by people), soil type, disturbance regime (farmed fields (whether fallow or cultivated); old livestock pens; abandoned homesteads, roadsides), vegetation types and in the case of climbers with edible leaves, the availability of "trellises" (whether fences or trees) on which to climb and topography (e.g.:seasonal and permanent wetlands vs. drier hill-slopes); · · How do tenure, tillage, land-use and land-form affect LV availability: Zimbabwe, with the stark differences between communal, commercial and resettlement areas makes this an interesting place to discuss this issue. In urban areas, this tenure issue is equally important and dynamic (in terms of harvesting and production of leafy vegetables. In some cities in Asia and Africa, this includes the location of LV source areas close to sources of potential pollutants affecting leafy vegetable quality from roads (lead, cadmium), wood preservation factories (arsenic, chromium), chloralkali plants (mercury) or the use of sludge from water treatment plants as a fertilizer (cadmium). · · How is LV availability and nutritional value affected by human population densities? These not only influence tenure and therefore incentives for more intensive production of perennial species of some species (e.g.: Solanum in NW Cameroon) and possibly the selection and early start of the domestication process for others. Human population densities also have a direct bearing, however, on health issues (such as internal parasite infestation) which also influence the health issues that consumption of leafy vegetables is trying to address.
3.0 Know what species you are dealing with! Different leafy vegetable species vary according to nutritional value. It is important, therefore, to know which species you are dealing with, not only by local name, but by botanical name as well. Knowing the botanical name also enables you to searching for what has already been done on the species elsewhere in Africa (or even on other continents - for example using the websites given in Appendix 1). It is not sufficient to know that a plant is called mowa, gusha or derere, for example. Mowa is could be any of three species : Amaranthus hybridus, Amaranthus spinosus or Amaranthus thunbergii, which differ according to availability and popularity (Amaranthus spinosus is spiny (as its name suggests, so is less favoured while Amaranthus hydridus is more favoured). Gusha and derere, on the other hand, are Shona names used respectively in Eastern and Central Zimbabwe, referring to a range of species in three different plant families (the Malvaceae, Pedaliaceae and Tiliaceae) which one common characteristic - their edible leaves become glutinous and "slimy" when they are cooked. Examples are Corchorus tridens and Corchorus trilocularis, Triumfetta annua and T. rhomboidea (all Tiliaceae), Sesamum angustifolium (Pedaliaceae) and okra (Abelomoschus esculentus) in the Malvaceae. More knowledgeable local people avoid
61 confusion by applying a more specific term to "generic" names such mowa or derere. Knowing that a wild leafy vegetable is called mowa danga, mowa sena, mowa guru or mowa remakura is more useful, but again it is good to avoid confusion. As you probably know, the first two names refer to one species (Amaranthus spinosus) and the second two to another (Amaranthus hybridus). The "generic" term derere can also be qualified : derere re nyenje refers to Corchorus tridens and Corchorus trilocularis, derere re chipudzi to Abelomoschus esculentus, derere re nama to Triumfetta annua, derere na chijonga to Triumfetta rhomboidea and so on. It is important, therefore to know how plants are classified locally, so that when someone talks about "mowa" or "derere", you can ask them to be more specific.
Local names are certainly crucial to local communication and a good guide to what the species might be. It is also useful to get the correct botanical (or scientific) name for plant species as well. To do this you need to collect good plant specimens and have them identified at the National Herbarium at the Botanical Garden in Harare. Guidelines to collecting good quality plant specimens are given in Martin (1995) and Cunningham (2001). Bear in mind that there may be several local names for one scientifically named species. Cleome gynandra, for example, which is a popular leafy vegetable, is called nyehve (Central Shona), rune, tsuna or bangara (Eastern Shona) in different Shona speaking areas, yet is one species. In some cases, however, local folk taxonomy can be more accurate than scientific classification. In the early 1980's, for example, I collected voucher several specimens of a commonly eaten wild spinach in the Ingwavuma district, South Africa. These were all identified scientifically as Asystasia gangetica, yet locally identified as two separate species with different habitat preferences and local Tembe-Thonga names. The first, known as isihobo, was widespread, growing in fallow fields and along forest margins, with thin leaves that were not particularly tasty. The second local name, umaditingwane, referred to a robust, fleshy-leaved type growing on coastal dunes with leaves "as good as meat" to eat. These were even selected for cultivation at home because they were so tasty. A few years later, on the basis of this local knowledge, umaditingwane was more carefully examined and described as a "new" separate species, Asystasia pinguifolia, a regional endemic along the Mozambique coastal plain, conforming to the local folk taxonomy (Cunningham, 2001).
With species such as Solanum nigrum, which is widely used as a leafy vegetable in southern Africa, the situation becomes even more complicated. Known as mukundanyama or musungusungu in Shona and umsobo in siNdebele, Solanum nigrum is what is known as part of a "species complex", one of which may be the Solanum nigrum variety introduced as a weed from Europe, where it is known as the "deadly nightshade", which is virtually indistinguishable from the African species, yet has toxic leaves. The effects of eating the African variety of S. nigrum may be more subtle. In a study in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa, with 100 patients with cancer of the
62 esophagus and 100 controls matched for sex, age, and educational level the most significant risk factor was found to be use of Solanum nigrum as a food (relative risk, 3.6), followed by smoking (relative risk, 2.6) and use of traditional medicines (relative risk, 2.1) (Sammon, 1992). This illustrates how complex things can be and "knowing your plant" is just the first step. In all of this, bear in mind a second ethnobotanical factor : that a high proportion of plants used a leafy greens are also used medicinally (Stepp and Moerman, 2001).
4.0 Long time-scales, short-lived plants : lifestyle, disturbance and domestication Apart from a few notable exceptions such as use of leaves from the ancient Gymnosperm genus Gnetum in Central and West African forests, from some fern species (for example Ophioglossum) and a few savanna trees (Moringa, Adansonia), most edible leafy vegetables in Africa are from short-lived (annual or biennial) plants often considered to be "weeds". These "weeds" are primarily in the families Amaranthaceae, Acanthaceae, Capparaceae, Chenopodiaceae, Compositae, Cruciferae, Polygonaceae, Solanaceae and Urticaceae. The situation in SE Asia is similar : of the 225 plant species primarily used as vegetables in their review of SE Asia, Siemonsma and Piluek (1994) record that 100 species are weeds. They suggested that in SE Asia, wild weedy species accounted for about 15% of home-consumed vegetables and 5% of marketed volume of vegetables. Judging from a range of studies in Africa, the use of wild or weedy species is far greater in Africa.
Understanding the links between lifestyles, land-use and the ecological factors promoting or suppressing the production of different categories of LV's is very important. As far as possible, research and primary health care programs linked to LV use have to be tailored to the local context. There is tremendous variation in the diversity of plant species used as LV's across ecological zones, even at a relatively small spatial scales (Cunningham, 1985) as well as with social and economic factors and variation in species use obviously also affects nutritional intake.
Throughout the world, there is a close link between the ecology and use of wild (and introduced) "weeds" used as LV's and the history of domestication of animals and crop plants. Appreciation of this fact, highlighted by Young and Evans (1976) in their paper on human ecology and weeds, provides an important context for future research and policy implementation related to LV use. Most importantly, the context of the close link between subsistence farming and agro-pastoral lifestyles and their related disturbance patterns with LV ecology and use (in cropped or fallow fields or cattle kraals). By comparison with use by subsistence farmers and agro-pastoralists, LV use by hunter-gatherer societies is minimal compared to the use of fruits, edible
63 tubers, fungi and bush meat. The most widespread evidence for this is shown by studies using various ways of recording dietary intake amongst people from different lifestyles, for example Koppert et al's (1993) work in Cameroon and Tanno's (1981) studies in the DR Congo. In his study of Mbuti pygmy plant use, for example, Tanno (1981) recorded the use of 20 species of edible wild fruits and berries and 23 species of fungi compared. By comparison, he recorded just 5 leafy vegetable species (Amaranthus dubius, A.tricolor, Momordica foetida, Solanum nigrum and asede, an unidientified species) which :
"were said to be used for food, but I have never observed them actually cooking these leaves. The herbs are weeds which are not seen on the forest floor but are found growing around the field or in open ground. It may be considered that leaf eating habit is of villagers and that the Mbuti did not originally have such a habit" (Tanno, 1981. P. 15).
Marshall's (2001) recent work with Piik ap Oom Okiek people, who have been adopting small scale agriculture in the Mau forest area of south-eastern Kenya since the 1940's, came to a similar conclusion, suggesting that :
"The Okiek of Siratet probably ate more wild greens as farmers than they did as hunters and gatherers. Their use of greens was strongly associated with a settled lifestyle and the disturbed habitats associated with the adoption of agriculture. The use of wild greens was apparently part of the agricultural complex adopted from the neighboring Kipsigis farmers over the last 60 years" (Marshall, 2001, p. 44).
This historical and contemporary perspective on LV use related to lifestyle is particularly interesting in the African case for several reasons. Firstly, due the long history of people-plant interaction in the continent where our human species, Homo sapiens originated. Secondly, it is the continent where after about 200 000 years of low impact hunter-gatherer interaction with vegetation, came a period of increasingly rapid cultural and environmental change due to animal and plant domestication and changes disturbance regimes with pastoralism and agriculture from about 3000 years ago. By comparison, agriculture developed 6000 - 8000 years ago in the Indus valley, south-east Asia, northern China and Europe and 7000 years ago in Central America (Fagan, 1990). Even more rapid changes followed establishment of European settlement 500 years ago and the rapid urbanization of the past 40 year. Prior to plant domestication, plant production was manipulated with fire as a tool, resulting in "domestication of the landscape" (in the sense of Hynes and Chase (1982) based on their studies in Australia) rather than domestication in the usual sense of modification of individual species. The close links between human ecology, disturbance and LV population dynamics make the concept of culturally "domesticated" landscapes highly relevant to studies of LV use.
64 One consequence of the change from a migratory lifestyle to a more sedentary agricultural one was more intensive, extensive and frequent disturbance of vegetation, increasing the abundance of weedy LV's (Cunningham and Davis, 1997). Differences in extent of LV availability and use is consequently apparent in different lifestyles across Africa, with a lower frequency of LV by hunter-gatherers compared to agricultural and agro-pastoral communities who create disturbed habitats for these "weedy" species at cattle posts or in fallow fields. In addition, the intensity, frequency and type of disturbance are closely related to changes in land tenure and farming systems. This range of farming types and their different disturbance patterns is clearly seen across Zimbabwe and other parts of Africa : ranging from the use of hoes, to tractors and in commercial farming systems, the most dramatic change of all : the shift to zero-tillage farming using pre-emergence herbicides aimed at removing existing vegetation and allowing the sowing of crops. These changes in farming systems lead in turn to major changes in the population ecology of leafy vegetables (Froud-Willams, 1988; de la Fuente et al., 1999; Ghersa and Martinez-Ghersa, 2001). Methods for understanding are within the fields of landscape ecology and functional ecology.
5.0 Landscape ecology and disturbance Landscape ecology is a well established field of study influenced by geography and the biological sciences, which has emphasized the dynamic nature of natural processes (Turner, 1989). Most landscapes have been influenced by people as well as natural disturbance, often over long periods of time. As a result, vegetation patterns reflecting complex interactions between physical factors such as topography, rainfall and geology with biological and socio-economic factors. Cultural factors are also a dynamic factor influencing landscapes and vice-versa, leading Nassaeur (1995) to suggest four broad principles proposed which I feel are useful to take into account :
- human landscape perception, cognition and values directly affect the landscape and are affected by the landscape; - cultural conceptions of nature powerfully influence landscape - pattern in both inhabited and apparently natural landscapes; - cultural concepts of nature are different from scientific concepts of ecological function; - the appearance of landscapes communicates cultural values.
Aerial photographs, satellite images and topographic maps are extremely useful tool in understanding land tenure, natural and culturally derived disturbance patterns and vegetation types. The same applies to the "mental maps" that plant harvesters carry inside their heads - although these may be at a different scale. Local resource users often have important insights into processes of vegetation change. Participatory methods, such as mapping, transect walks and timelines with knowledgeable local people combined with use of aerial photographs are a useful step in this process (Pretty et al., 1995;
65 Cunningham, 2001). Using aerial photograph series from different years can also give a useful historical perspective on changes in agroecosystems over time. These can reflect changes in "weed" flora and that of edible leafy vegetables (Froud-Williams, 1988).
On an Africa-wide scale, the production and use of LV not only varies across different rural farming areas but also within and between different urban populations. In some cases, urban use of wild or semi-domesticated LV's is in decline. In other areas, such as in urban East Africa (Uganda, Tanzania)or West Africa (Cameroon, s-e Nigeria) LV's are widely consumed in cities which generate the commercial demand which stimulates labour intensive cultivation of Amaranthus (Kampala, Dar es Salaam, East Africa) and Solanum (Bamenda, NW Cameroon). With non-weedy, slower growing perennials which produce edible leaves, such the tropical lianas Gnetum africanum and G. buccholzianum, urban demand (including an international demand from West Africans living in Europe) stimulates large scale wild harvest and international trade from SW Cameroon, SE Nigeria and the DR Congo. In Kenya, however, the introduced crop locally known as "sukumawiki" (Brassica)in the cabbage family dominates the urban trade in the Kikuyu highlands near Nairobi.
5.1 Urban landscapes A good knowledge of which species are sold to urban areas and where these come from can be very significant from a health care viewpoint. The great difference between the Gnetum based "eru" trade within West Africa (and from West Africa to Belgium and France) and the Amaranthus-based trade in East Africa (Uganda, Tanzania) are good examples of this, as differences in supply source and production area can have very different health implications. Although Gnetum production on an agroforestry basis has been attempted in Cameroon, virtually all Gnetum production still comes from wild populations in forested areas away from highways and high traffic and human density urban landscapes.
With Amaranthus, however, the situation can be very different. In some cases, Amarathus production takes place in intensively cultivated vegetable production systems away from cities and major highways, with no addition of sewage sludge. Production in drained wetland systems near Kabale or near Kampala are examples of this. In other cases, such as in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, intensive production of Amaranthus for the local market takes place immediately adjacent to (or sometimes between) major city roads and in some African cities, make take place with the addition of sewage sludge. Relatively little work has been done on this issue in Africa with work by Tumbo-Oeri (1988) on lead and cadmium levels in some leafy vegetables sold in Nairobi vegetable markets in Kenya as one exception and Ado-Ekiti's (1995) study in Nigeria as another. In the study in Nigeria, the lead content of leafy
66 vegetables and tomatoes were determined for over a period of four months at a local market. The result shows a higher lead content for the samples taken along the major roads when compared with the samples taken away from the major roads (Ado-Ekiti, 1995).
A further characteristic of urban or peri-urban landscapes compared to rural ones, are sewage treatment plants. Efficient sewage treatment is an important way of protecting river quality in and around urban areas. Sewage sludge is a by-product of this process which commonly used in some countries as a cheap fertilizer of agricultural land. The question is what levels of heavy metals are transferred from this sludge to the leafy vegetables that are grown there? The significance of cadmium soil accumulations depends on its availability for crop uptake. Davis (1986) has done research to identify and to determine the availability of forms of cadmium in soil and found that the highest concentrations of cadmium occur in tobacco, lettuce, spinach and other leafy vegetables. On the basis of crop uptake data from field trials Davis (1986) related potential human dietary intake of cadmium, which influences health risk, to soil concentrations of cadmium, providing an objective basis for limits for cadmium concentrations in soils receiving sludge. On the basis of this work, Davis(1986) suggested that that a loading rate limit of 5 kg Cd/ha (equivalent to a soil concentration of about 3.5 mg Cd/kg) affords adequate protection to the food-chain where sludge is used on agricultural land. I suggest that in areas of Africa where sludge is used as a fertilizer, this requires further study.
6.0 Ethnobotanical studies of markets Rural people, moving from a subsistence lifestyle to a cash economy, have relatively few options for generating income. They can sell agricultural or pastoral produce, work for a cash wage in agriculture or industry, or retail goods in local or regional marketplaces. For the rural poor without land or livestock, harvesting of wild plant resources is a common option, particularly for people in ecosystems with leached, sandy soils. A growing demand from urban areas catalyses this trade, drawing in resources from rural areas to towns and cities, often for favoured fuelwood, building materials, medicinal or edible wild fruit species. Many people harvesting and selling wild plants are from what is termed the informal sector: self-employed people, generally unrecognized in official statistics, who have little access to capital, and who earn money from labour-intensive enterprises. From first harvest to final sale, the trade in wild or naturalized plants for local, national or regional trade forms part of an informal sector "hidden economy". International trade in these plant products is more obvious, as middlemen link the informal sector to an export sector for which export or import records are sometimes kept.
This trade provides a important opportunity for systematic ethnobotanical surveys and a rich source of information for conservation, rural development
67 and resource management programmes. There are several reasons for this. First, the species that are sold are a "short-list" of a much wider range of species that are available which can be cross-checked to information from social surveys. If demand for a species or resource category such as fuel, basketry fibre or herbal medicine is high, then these species or resource categories will be sold in many marketplaces. Conversely, a species or category of plant use in low demand would be less common in marketplaces. Systematic ethnobotanical surveys of local markets not only of classifying the species on sale, but also of arranging them into hierarchical levels which reflect their relative demand - with an important exception : some of the most useful and popular species no longer feature in markets due to over- exploitation.
Second, the shift from subsistence use to commercial sale can have important implications for resource management as it results in larger volumes being harvested, a higher frequency and intensity of harvesting and can affect resource tenure. In some cases, commercial harvesting strengthens resource tenure and the incentive to conserve and/or domesticate particular species. In other cases, the shift from subsistence use to commercial harvesting weakens resource tenure and undermines customary controls of resource use. Harvesters are often people with low incomes and few resources in reserve. A result is that in some cases, the species producing the tastiest fruits, strongest fibres, the most effective medicinal plants or finest timbers -- those with the greatest value to local people and with potential for national or international horticultural or industrial development as new crops -- are those most likely to be over-exploited. This has happened to the medicinal tree muranga (Warburgia salutaris) in Zimbabwe, for example.
At first sight, marketplaces may seem to be totally chaotic. To local people, however, there is a clear pattern in the crowded market; indicated by types of sellers, what they are selling, where they come from and by the location of particular categories of goods or sellers within the marketplace. Mbare market near Harare is a good example. In addition to these patterns within marketplaces, there is generally also a pattern to where markets are located within rural or urban areas, and when these markets are held. Before deciding on how or where to do detailed ethnobotanical surveys in markets, it is useful to view markets in a stepwise, systematic way, first from the perspective of an economic geographer or anthropologist and then as a botanist. The question is where do we start (or stop)collecting information? In this case, the tools used to understand how markets are organized are derived from central place theory, commonly used by geographers, and G William Skinner's (1964, 1965) the seminal studies of markets in China. These analytical tools form the basis of a hierarchical approach which can be applied to classifying market areas, types of marketplaces and the sellers involved in selling wild plant resources, including LV's (Bye, and Linares 1986; Cunningham, 2001; Trager, 1995; Smith, 1995).
68 To understand market networks as systems, we need to step back from the exotic and seemingly chaotic and crowded market and work downwards from a regional landscape (or even global scale in the case of the international export trade) into finer levels of detail at smaller spatial or time scales. Survey methods will also depend on whether you are doing a short or long-term survey, on the gender of the sellers with whom you will be working and on the types of products and markets on which your survey will focus. Detailed surveys can cross-reference with information collected from other methods such as participatory mapping, seasonal calendars and ranking of products (Pretty et al., 1995; Cunningham, 2001). If you are working in a large study area, you will need to decide on which markets to survey, when to survey them and what to survey. You will notice factors that influence your survey. For example:
* Markets are often located at predictable places in the landscape, such as at stopping-off points on transport routes along major rivers or roads, in villages and at predictable sites within urban areas (taxi ranks, bus stops). They will also vary according to biological factors, centred on the harvesting sites for favoured resources. * Within markets, sellers are often distributed according to the type of goods they are selling. Their location within markets and the types of goods they sell is also a good indicator of their socio-economic status. * The timing of markets will vary according to a variety of factors, including the size of the village, seasonal availability of the resource or daily activity. For this reason, you need to be well aware of the bias that can occur due to poorly timed surveys. * Observe, discuss and think carefully about what units you will use to monitor which products in more detailed surveys. Survey forms may also need to be designed according to the literacy levels of people involved in monitoring; * Where do plant resources sold in the market come from? Some items, and the people selling them, may travel long distances from other vegetation types, with very specific products. * Is species substitution occurring and if so, why? In some cases, less scrupulous harvesters mix in similar looking species to bulk up bundles of harvested plant material when they sell to unsuspecting traders. In other cases, species substitution is a warning "flag" for increasing scarcity.
You should also carefully consider not only where to survey, but over what time period (Box 2). As the volume of products sold varies from one market to another, as well as by season or on a daily and weekly basis, quick surveys may indicate the main products sold but may miss out important details such as competition between different products.
69
BOX 2. ETHNOBOTANY OF MARKETPLACES AND MARKET NETWORKS
Whether you are dealing with the rural harvest ("supply") end or the urban retail ("demand") end of the marketing chain, a systematic approach is useful in developing an understanding of marketplaces and the networks of resource supply and demand that support them. This checklist assumes a stepwise process, from a regional "coarse grain" approach downwards to more detailed surveys. The cut-off point will be determined by time and funding. In some cases, you may be starting from scratch. In others, you may already have background information on which species are commercially harvested, either from field observation in local markets, discussions, Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) methods, standard interview surveys or informant indexing methods of species/vegetation utility or cultural importance. This can be useful in putting information from field observations, rapid, broad-scale (PRA, RRA) or detailed (interview, informal indexing) methods into geographical perspective. The following steps are recommended:
1. Map the location and names of marketplaces in your study area This should be transferred onto an appropriate scale map which shows transport networks and topography. Regional studies may be 1:500000 - 1:250000 scale, smaller studies 1:50000 scale. Urban studies may require 1:10000 or smaller. Make a preliminary note on market location compared to size of settlement ("central place"). Are these likely to be regional, central, intermediate, standard or minor markets? Are any of the bulking centres for international trade? International trade for export markets needs to be distinguished as a special (and often anomalous) category. If so, could you get trade statistics, such as from private companies, customs or forest departments?
2. Record market schedules for each market Record the time of day, week and month. Local knowledge is very useful in this process, for example from traders or buyers, or according to boat schedules or timing of markets at periodic cattle sales. Plan your visits according to these market schedules. Are they periodic or permanent, daily markets? If they are periodic markets, which days are they open and on what frequency ? On open days, what time of day would market activity peak?
3. Visit the marketplaces before designing survey forms. Have a look at what is being sold, by whom, where. Bear in mind that this is an initial visit that will give you a good idea of the scale of sale and the time/funding commitment that would be required. If possible, meet the person controlling the market to explain the reason for your visit. If the focus of your study is trade only marginally legal (e.g.: contravening forestry or conservation regulations) you will need to plan even this initial survey well in advance with local support and credibility. Do wild or managed plant resources feature at all and if not, why not? Are they sold at small specialist sale points (e.g.: charcoal, building materials, fuel) or in larger markets dominated by goods such as clothing or foodstuffs? If you are in large markets, it would be too time consuming to count all sellers at this stage, although you may be able to count the number of people selling the products that are the focus of your study (herbal medicines, wild fruits, crafts). Where are sellers positioned in the market: in permanent stalls, under temporary shelters, on the ground in the market or outside of the market (where they may not have to pay fees)? Are the sellers men or women ? Are they harvester-sellers, long-distance traders, itinerant traders, travelling merchants or permanent sellers? Do the quantities look as if this is a bulk sale centre (wholesale) or bulk-breaking centre (retail)? Would it be possible to categorize a range of "standard" bundles/bag/bottle sizes? Keep in mind criteria that characterize different types of markets and sellers.
4. Logistics, project planning Plan your work on the basis of available time and funding. At this stage, you may already start to wonder whether you are being too ambitious or not. Using information from 1-3 (above), make an initial grouping of markets according to location, size and market schedule. You will then have a more realistic basis on which to plan more detailed work. Are you being too ambitious regarding the number of marketplaces? If so, you have two options:
(a) focus on wholesale (bulk buying) markets and sub-sample retail markets or (b) scale down the size of the study area.
Have you allowed for seasonal differences that affect wild plants on sale and the prices for them? You may be doing all the records yourself in a broad-scale survey or if you have the funds, you may decide to recruit reliable local assistance with the market surveys. Work out practical forms for the survey. Depending on the sensitivity and credibility of your study, you may/may not want to record uses and prices at this stage – they create suspicion (for example the fear of taxation!). Prices are also likely to be inflated for outsider researchers and are best recorded by local researchers/assistants. Follow up initial visual survey with more, longer-term detailed work. Count and categorize sellers. Categorize type of market. Survey species being sold by each seller, collecting voucher specimens, parts of plant used, local names and recording whether the material is sold fresh or dried. Compare with data from other survey methods. Select key species: you need to decide what your focus will be: value, volume or vulnerability, or a combination of these. Key issues in group/individual interviews are the interrelated issues of price, scarcity and popularity, source areas and long-distance trade. Is there a "moving front" of depletion or not?
5. Choose "indicator" species for field assessment and/or monitoring This is not a practical option at the plant population level for most LV sources, which are weedy species and where tenure, disturbance and domestication processes need to be viewed at a wider spatial scale. The only LV cases where a focus on populations of species that are indicators of demand exceeding supply would be relevant would be for slow growing species such as Gnetum in West Africa. In such a case, it is useful to field check harvester-seller or trader perceptions of scarcity in the following different sites:
(a) the major harvest areas where resources are considered to be "finished"; (b) "frontier" sites which have recently become a focus of harvest; and (c) "indicator species" populations beyond the "frontier", where commercial harvest has yet to take place.
70 7.0 Conclusion
On the surface, studies of leafy vegetable use would seem to be straightforward. However, if we are to be effective in developing practical, locally or nationally specific programmes that are effective (and cost- effective), then we need all the methodological tools we can get - including ecological and ethnobotanical approaches that start of at an ecosystem level and work downwards to more specific issues.
8.0 References Al-Shammari S, Khoja T, El-Khwasky F, Gad A. 2001. Intestinal parasitic diseases in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia:prevalence, socio-demographic and environmental associates. Trop Med Int Health 6(3):184-9 Asaolu S S. 1995. Lead content of vegetables and tomatoes at Erekesan market, Ado-Ekiti. Pakistan Journal of Scientific & Industrial Research. 38(11-12) : 399-401. [abstract only] Arnason, T, JDH Lambert, J Gale and H Vernon. 1982. Decline of soil fertility due to intensification of land use by shifting agriculturalists in Belize, central America. AgroEcosystems 8 : 27-37. Bakta IM, Widjana ID, Sutisna P. 1993. Some epidemiological aspects of hookworm infection among the rural population of Bali, Indonesia. Southeast Asian J Trop Med Public Health 24(1):87-93 Bye, R A and E Linares. 1985. The role of plants found in Mexican markets and their importance in ethnobotanical studies. Journal of Ethnobiology 3 : 1-13. Bukenya, Z. R., Tabuti, J.R.S.,Schippers,R., Ssenteza, J and Fereday,N. 1999. Social- economic importance of indigenous vegetables in the peri-urban area of Kampala (Uganda). Lidia,4: 121-132 Chweya, J.A and P.B. Eyzaguirre (eds.) 1999. The biodiversity of African leafy vegetables. ISBN: 92-9043-404-X. IPGRI, Rome. Froud-Willams, R.J., 1988. Changes in weed flora with different tillage and agronomic management systems. In: Altieri, M.,Liebman, M. (Eds.), Weed Management in Agroecosystems : Ecological Approaches. CRC Press, Boca Raton, FL, pp. 213- 236. Cunningham, A.B. 1985. The resource value of indigenous plants to rural people in a low agricultural potential area. Faculty of Science, University of Cape Town. Cunningham, A.B. 1988. Collection of wild plant foods in Tembe Thonga society : a guide to Iron Age gathering activities? Annals of the Natal Museum 29(2) : 433 - 446 Cunningham, A B. 1996. Landscape domestication and cultural change : human ecology of the Cuvelai-Etosha region. Madoqua 20: 37-45. Cunningham, A B. 2001. Applied ethnobotany : people, wild plant use and conservation. Earthscan, London. Cunningham, A B and G Davis. 1997. Human use of plants. Chapter 20 (pp. 474-506) in : R M Cowling, D M Richardson and S Pierce (eds) Vegetation of southern Africa (Cambridge University Press). Davis RD. 1986. Cadmium in sludges used as fertilizer. Experientia Suppl 50:55-65 de la Fuente, E., Suarez, S.A., Ghersa, C.M., Leon, R.J.C., 1999. Soybean weed community: relationships with dultural history and crop yield. Agron. J. 91, 234-241. de Rouw, A. 1995. The fallow period as a weed-break in shifting cultivation (tropical wet forests). Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 54 : 31-43. Froud-Willams, R.J., 1988. Changes in weed flora with different tillage and agronomic management systems. In: Altieri, M.,Liebman, M. (Eds.), Weed Management in Agroecosystems: Ecological Approaches. CRC Press, Boca Raton, FL, pp. 213-236.
71 Hennessy E F and O A M Lewis 1971. Anti-pellagragenic properties of wild plants used as dietary supplements in Natal (South Africa). Plant Foods in Human Nutrition 2, 75 - 78. Janzen, D. 1973. Tropical agroecosystems : these habitats are misunderstood by the temperate zones, mismanaged by the tropics. Science 182 : 1212-1219. Jinabhai CC, Taylor M, Coutsoudis A, Coovadia HM, Tomkins AM, Sullivan KR. 2001. A health and nutritional profile of rural school children in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Ann Trop Paediatr 21(1):50-8 Kidala D, Greiner T, Gebre-Medhin M. 2000. Five-year follow-up of a food-based vitamin A intervention in Tanzania. Public Health Nutr 3(4):425-31 Mapes, C. 1997. Ethnobotany of Quintonil: knowledge, use and management of edible greens Amaranthus spp. Amaranthaceae) in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, Mexico. Source Info: Economic botany.July/Sept 1997. v. 51 (3) : p. 293-306. Marshall, F. 2001. Agriculture and the use of wild and weedy greens by the Piik ap Oom Okiek of Kenya. Economic Botany 55 : 32-46. Moody, K. 1975. Weeds in shifting cultivation. PANS 21 : 188-194. Nassasauer, J I. 1995. Culture and changing landscape structure. Landscape Ecology 10 : 229- 237. Nye, P H and D J Greenland. 1960. The soil under shifting cultivation. Technical Communication no. 51, CAB, Farnham Royal, UK. 156 pp. Ogle B R and L E Grivetti 1985. Legacy of the chameleon : edible wild plants in the Kingdom of Swaziland, southern Africa. A cultural, ecological, nutritional study. Part 4 - nutritional analysis and conclusions. Ecology of Food and Nutrition 17, 41 - 64. Ogle, B, L Malambo, D Mingochi, A Mkomesha and I Malasha. 1990. Traditional vegetables in Zambia : a study of procurement, marketing and consumption of vegetables in selected rural and urban areas in Zambia. Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Uppsala. Pretty, J N, I Guijt, J Thompson and I Scoones. 1995. Participatory Learning & Action : a trainers guide. IIED, London. Richards, A. 1939. Land, albour and diet in northern Rhodesia : an economic study of the Bemba tribe. International Institute of African Languages and Cultures, London. Sammon AM. 1992. A case-control study of diet and social factors in cancer of the esophagus in Transkei. Cancer 69(4):860-5 Santos-Oliviera, J and F M de Carvalho. 1975. Nutritional value of some edible leaves used in Mozambique. Economic Botany 29: 255 - 263. Scudder, T. 1962. The ecology of the Gwembe Tonga. Kariba Studies 2, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Siemonsma, J S and K Piluek (eds). 1994. Plant Resources of South-East Asia (PROSEA). 8. Vegetables. Prosea Foundation, Bogor. Skinner, G W. 1964. Marketing and social structure in rural China. Part 1. Journal of Asian Studies 24: 3-43. Skinner, G W. 1965. Marketing and social structure in rural China. Part 2. Journal of Asian Studies 24: 195 - 228. Smith, C A. 1985. How to count onions: methods for a regional analysis of marketing. p. 49 - 77 in: Stuart Plattner (ed) Markets and marketing. Society for Economic Anthropology, University Press of America. Stepp, J R and D E Moerman. 2001. The importance of weeds in ethnopharmacology. Journal of Ethnopharmacology 75 :19 23 Tanno, T. 1981. Plant utilization of the Mbuti pygmies - with special reference to their material culture and use of wild vegetable foods. African Study Monographs. Vol. 1: 1-53. Tumbo-Oeri AG. 1988. Lead and cadmium levels in some leafy vegetables sold in Nairobi vegetable markets. East Afr Med J 1988 Jun;65(6):387-92
72 Trager, L. 1995. Minimum data sets in the study of exchange and distribution. pp. 75-96 in Moran, E. F. (ed): The Comparative Analysis of Human Societies, Lynne Rienner Publishers. Yong TS, Sim S, Lee J, Ohrr H, Kim MH, Kim H. 2000. A small-scale survey on the status of intestinal parasite infections in rural villages in Nepal. Korean J Parasitol 38(4):275- 7 Young, J A and R A Evans. 1976. Responses of weed populations to humans. Weed Science 24 : 186-190.
Appendix 1 : Examples of websites which are useful for literature reviews before you start new research on leafy vegetables.
1. People and Plants webpage: www.rbgkew.org.uk/peopleplants , which contains reviews of ethnobotanical literature for East and West Africa in both French and English. 2. IPGRI webpage : www.ipgri.cgiar.org/themes/human/home.htm 3. The proceedings of the workshop "Developing Needs-Based Inventory Methods for Non-Timber Forest Products", methods held in Rome 4-5 May 2000, which has athoprough review of, can be downloaded from: ttp://www.etfrn.org/etfrn/workshop/ntfp/index.html 4. IUCN Red List web site http://www.redlist.org/ : which contains the database on threatened plant species. 5. SEPASAL is now up on the web at: http://www.rbgkew.org/ceb/sepasal/ The SEPASAL (SURVEY OF ECONOMIC PLANTS FOR THE ARID AND SEMI-ARID LANDS) database is developed by the Centre for Economic Botany, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. It is a major source of information on the flora of arid and semi arid regions and a valuable resource for people involved in biodiversity conservation , germplasm collection and storage and environmental management. It contains information gathered from various sources on some 6000 useful dryland species. The data include detailed botanical description, geographical distribution, conservation status and climatic preferences, and uses of different plant parts(following an international standard classification). You need to apply for a password, but use is free. 6. http://www.nal.usda.gov/general_info/agricola/agricola.html This is a bibliographic database compiled and maintained by the US National Agricultural Library, Beltsville, Maryland. The database contains over 3 million records of the post- 1970 publications and provides particularly extensive coverage of US literature not covered by other agricultural databases. The records describe publications and resources encompassing all aspects of agriculture and allied disciplines, including plant and animal sciences, forestry, entomology, soil and water resources, agricultural economics, agricultural engineering, agricultural products, alternative farming practices, and food and nutrition. It is made available to users through online and
73 CD-ROM vendors DIALOG, DIMDI, FAXON, MICROINFOR, SILVER PLATTER and others. 7. www.nlm.nih.gov/pubs This is a very useful, free database of 11 million references which can be searched on the basis of keywords, including botanical names, at the National Library of Congress in Washington. http://www.biosis.org/htmls/common/biosis.html BIOSIS, established in 1926, is a not-for-profit organization whose mission is to foster the growth, communication and use of biological knowledge. The database presently contains over 12 million citations.
BIOSIS processes approximately 550,000 items each year, from primary research and review journals, books, monographs, and conference proceedings. These information is available in several formats. These include Biological Abstracts© (BA), the leading printed reference publication for life science information and Biological Abstracts/RRM© (Reports, Reviews, Meetings) (BA/RRM), the companion printed reference to Biological Abstracts. BIOSIS also publishes Zoological Record, supplying a comprehensive collection of references to zoological research articles worldwide. These print products are also available in CD-ROM formats, along with BIOSIS Previews© on CD, BIOSIS GenRef© on CD, Foods Intelligence© on CD and TOXLINE Plus. In addition to print and compact disc formats, BIOSIS' extensive database of citations can be accessed via an online service. Online products consist of BIOSIS Previews©, BioBusiness©, Zoological Record Online©, BasicBIOSIS , and TOXLINE.
http://faowfs_h01.fao.org/library/caris.html CARIS is the Current Agricultural Research Information System. It was created by FAO in 1975 to identify and to facilitate the exchange of information about current agricultural research projects being carried out in - or on behalf of - developing countries. It is therefore an international cooperative system in which participating countries input references to the research conducted within their boundaries and, in return, draw on similar information provided by other participants. The System identifies projects dealing with all aspects of agriculture: plant and animal production and protection; post harvest processing of primary agricultural products; forestry; fisheries; agricultural engineering; natural resources and the environment as related to agriculture; food and human nutrition; agricultural economics; rural development, and agricultural administration; legislation, information, education and extension. . http://www.biol.soton.ac.uk/ildis/general.html This database being compiled by the International Legume Database and Information Service ILDIS) is a major source of information on leguminous plants, many of which have medicinal uses. The database consists of an exhaustive checklist of species of the Fabaceae with names and synonyms,
74 geographical distribution, life-form and conservation data, known economic uses and key literature citations. Combining of taxonomic data from this database with phytochemical data from the Chapman & Hall Dictionary of organic compounds has led to the publication of the book Phytochemical Dictionary of the Leguminosae. Further expansion of this database by including root nodulation data and interlinking it with ethnobotanical and molecular biological datasets is planned. Subscriptions for online searches of the online version Legumeline, are available through BIDS at Bath University, UK . http://www.bib.wau.nl/prosea/ PROSEA is an international programme focused on the documentation of information on plant resources of South-East Asia; covering the fields of agriculture, forestry, horticulture and botany. It is a research programme, making the knowledge available for education and extension. Ecologically it is focused on promoting plant resources for sustainable tropical land-use systems and it is committed to conservation of biodiversity as well as to rural development through diversification of resources and application of farmers' knowledge. . http://www.nalusda.gov/) The National Agricultural Library (NAL), part of the Agricultural Research Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, is one of four National Libraries in the United States. NAL is a major international source for agriculture and related information. This Web site provides access to NAL's many resources and a gateway to its associated institutions
75 6.4. COMMUNITY BIODIVERSITY DEVELOPMENT CONSERVATION PROGRAM Paper presented by Mrs Angelica Celis
A synthesis of cross-disciplinary studies of uncultivated, semi-domesticated and domesticated leafy vegetable used at a landscape-level can provide a perspective over longer time-scales that is important not only in terms of peoples health, income, social networks and cultural processes at a local, national level and Africa-wide scale, but also at a cross-cutting policy level. Although the CBDC approach (Ceils, 2001) in Latin America and Kenya deals with uncultivated and semi-domesticated leafy vegetables rather than crops and the SANFEC (Sothic, 2001) approach focuses on uncultivated leafy vegetables, there are important common elements to the African context, where some indigenous species have been fully domesticated (for example Solanum and Vernonia amygdalina in NW Cameroon). It should be recognised, however, that in common with Asia and Latin America, the majority of African leafy greens are uncultivated, with a smaller percentage being semi-domesticated. The great common factor across all three continents is that with few exceptions (Gnetum being one), leafy vegetables are a product of anthropogenic, “domesticated” landscapes. The primary reason for this close link due to the close link between leafy vegetable ecology (as short lived “weeds” of early successional stages) and the domestication of animals and crops (Young & Evans, 1976).
An historical perspective on the dynamic nature of LV use related to lifestyle is particularly interesting in the African case for several reasons. Firstly, due the long history of people-plant interaction in the continent where our human species, Homo sapiens originated. Secondly, it is the continent where after about 200000 yr of low impact hunter-gatherer interaction with vegetation, came a period of increasingly rapid cultural and environmental change due to animal and plant domestication and changes disturbance regimes with pastoralism and agriculture from about 3000 yr ago. By comparison, agriculture developed 6000 - 8000 yr ago in the Indus valley, south-east Asia, northern China and Europe and 7000 yr ago in Central America (Fagan, 1990). Even more rapid changes followed establishment of European settlement 400 yr ago and the rapid urbanization of the past 40 yr. Prior to plant domestication, plant production was manipulated with fire as a tool, resulting in "domestication of the landscape" (in the sense of Hynes and Chase (1982) based on their studies in Australia) rather than domestication in the usual sense of modification of individual species. The close links between human ecology, disturbance and LV population dynamics make the concept of culturally "domesticated" landscapes highly relevant to studies of LV use.
Landscape level approaches provide a crucial context for work on LV’s, including research relevant to policy development on agriculture, genetic resource conservation, urban planning and health, enabling these policies can be better tailored to local context. The SANFEC (South Asian Network for
76 Food, Ecology & Culture) approach (Satheesh, 2001) in conceptually separating out five “forms of landscape”, provides a useful way in which different processes can be viewed in an Africa context as much as in the South Asian one for which it was developed. These are : - natural landscapes; - cultural landscapes; - ecological landscapes; - social landscapes; - political landscapes.
As the CBDC approach points out, apart from the biological aspects at the ecosystem or landscape level (on which much research is usually focussed), cultural aspects include specific perceptions of a culture about their environment and social relationships within this. The CBDC and SANFREC approaches both start at the small spatial scale of the home or home garden areas a unit of analysis, then work outwards (or upwards) in spatial scale to wider spatial levels within the local context of agroecosystems. Consensus in each presentation in this session (dealing with Asia, Latin America and Africa), was the need for design and implementation to take the specific characteristics of local systems into account.
Time scales and the dynamic nature of these systems (across all five levels mentioned above) is an additional factor common to LV use across continents, raising questions on:
What biological, social or economic factors influence the availability of LV's at wide spatial or over longer time scales? How do these factors influence LV availability in time and space? How are LV's affected by age and stage of disturbance (such as by fire, farming, livestock) ? How are these disturbance factors in turn affected by different types of: tenure; soil type, rainfall, land form, vegetation type or farming system? What are the links between changes human population density and LV use and nutritional values? How do we make sense of diversity of African wild or semi-cultivated LV's in terms of these responses within the many (>100 species) from six main plant families? Can these be divided into "plant functional types" as a conceptual and research tool to help us predict the response of different groups of LV species based on common ecological strategies? Can grouping into plant functional type give us insight into why different African LV species have (or have not) been domesticated, managed, tolerated and are merely harvested as wild, weedy by-products of anthropogenic disturbance? What social, cultural or economic factors lead to intensive production and continued use of these LV's? What methods can lead to a better understanding of the informal sector trade in LV's? How can a synthesis of this type better inform future research directions on LV's and finally, can these links between biological, social or economic factors lead to better informed policy in terms of health, urban planning, agriculture and genetic resource conservation?
77 What is required is for researchers in this field to rise to the challenge raised by SANFEC : “to take a fresh look at the issue of uncultivated foods and determine their importance from a different and larger perspective which includes all five categories of landscape” and try to see whether : people’s agriculture can survive on their own strengths; whether food securities can be ensured within natural resources; answers can be found for food plenty in local farming systems and whether there is a way of achieving food and nutritional security within the same system.
REFERENCES 1. Celis, A. 2001. Non-domesticated and semi-domesticated biodiversity : the CBDC experience in Latin America Paper presented at the CTDT/IDRC workshop. 2. Cunningham, A B. 2001. Leaves, lifestyles and landscapes : people and ecological factors in leafy vegetable use 3. Satheesh, P V. 2001. Uncultivated foods and the landscape approach. Paper presented at the CTDT/IDRC workshop. 4. Young, J A and R A Evans. 1976. Responses of weed populations to humans. Weed Science 24 : 186- 190.
78 6.5. Uncultivated foods and the Landscape Approach: The SANFEC Experience
By p v satheesh, director, deccan development society, hyderabad, india. India Animator, SANFEC [South Asian Network for Food, Ecology & Culture]
Landscape approach widens your challenges of understanding the Uncultivated Foods It lessens the dangers of confining the issue of uncultivated foods to farms and forests and thereby limit our understanding of it. In our work with the uncultivated food at SANFEC, we have tried to look at a number of landscapes to help expand our perception of the uncultivated foods.
· Natural landscape · Ecological landscape · Social landscape · Cultural landscape · Economic landscape · Political landscape
The constantly overlaying, intersecting dynamic character of these landscapes make it a fascinating approach to understand the complexity of uncultivated foods.
NATURAL LANDSCAPE The SANFEC approach demands that we look at the landscape as a whole; what parts of the landscape offer what elements of food and what their interrelations are. This needs to be done at the several levels. In the fragmented rural communities of South Asia, we need to do this exercise, both at the intra community level and inter community level. At the level of entire villages and village networks. At the ecosystems level and at the sub-continental level. At the community level, in the flood plains of Eastern India and Bangladesh, the hedges, fields, roadsides, ponds, streams and rivers offer different varieties of uncultivated food plants. Each of these plays a critical role in the food systems of people. More significantly, none of these can probably survive at the expense of the other. In the hilly and forested areas of both Eastern and Western Ghats, Central Indian forests, Himalayas of Nepal, Chittagong hill tracts of Bangladesh and the highlands of Sri Lanka, homesteads, farms and forests complement each other by forming an amazing continuum and offering a wide variety of leafy vegetables, wild vegetables, tubers etc. In the vast rainfed plateaus of the Deccan and other semi arid parts of the sub continent, farming systems and common lands erase their boundaries to create a vast pool of uncultivated food sources. Rainfed farms, irrigated systems, tree
79 crops, hedges, all of these constitute an uncultivated food chain that contributes prominently to the food and nutritional security of people. Therefore the landscape approach, for us, appears as a very valid approach. The complex interconnections and the continuity between different elements must be recognized as a vibrant base for uncultivated food plants. Farms depend upon forests and common lands, ponds survive on farming systems and the entire landscape thrives on a symbiotic relationship. The cultivated and the uncultivated form a continuum and cannot be fragmented. If this aspect is missed out of our discourse, our understanding of UF may remain incomplete.
THE ECOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE The intimate relationship that UF has with the farming practices is an inalienable principle that defines its character and survival. If ecological farming systems are destroyed, uncultivated food plants may not be left with any base to survive upon. In the Deccan women farmers define weeds as an outcome of the introduction of chemical fertilisers on their farms. Until the arrival of chemical fertilisers, women argue, there was no weed on their farms. All the plants that grew along with the cultivated crops were either food or medicine for the humans and their cattle. It is interesting to understand why. The uncultivated food plants which germinate from tiny seeds need a soft toplayer of soil to sprout. In the ecological farming system with the application of natural manures the soils are rendered soft and porous. The seeds of the uncultivated food plants which lie dormant in the upper soil layers find this soil structure highly advantageous for their germination and survival. On the other hand when chermical fertilisers are applied onto the dryland soils, the upper layers of the soil start crusting up. The seeds of the uncultivated food plant find it very hard to break open this crust and germinate. They die under the soil, ungerminated. This is the reason why women rightly identify chemical fertilisers as the cause of the destruction of uncultivated food plants on their farms. Another contribution made by synthetic fertilisers for the disappearance uncultivated plants from the farmscape has to do with the cycle of their growth. The seeds of uncultivated food normally get collected in the family compost heap as the family recycles its kitchen waste into the compost heap. These dormant seeds germinate on the farm once the heap is transferred onto the farm. Similarly when biomass from the commons is added to the fields, they bring with them several uncultivated food plants onto the farm and help them germinate. But when chemical fertilisers are added on the farm in place of natural fertilisers, both these processes get subverted and result in the disappearance of the uncultivated food plants from the farm. In this manner, chemical fertilisers created condiitons for the absence of uncultivated foods from the farmscape. Similarly introduction of tractors in place of the plough also contributed to the disappearance of the uncultivated foods from people's farms. The farmers' plough is fashioned in such a manner that it does not upturn the soil to too
80 much of depth. changed the depths up to which soils are upturned and again impacted UF presence on the farm. Since the seeds of uncultivated foods are tiny they cannot germinate and come out if they are pushed by tractors into deeper layers of the soil. In Bangladesh, the use of pesticides on farms made people stop eating the uncultivated because of the fear of the presence of the Beesh [poison, which is the local name for pesticides]. Moreover, the pesticides which leached onto ponds also destroyed the small fish population which was another major sources of food for people. Besides chemicals the changing farming landscape also was a cause of the destruction of the uncultivated foods. UF which is always a result of diversity on the farming which results in a host of interactions with other plant communities on the farm, and have a still-to-be-clearly-understood mutual influence. Therefore UF cannot survive in a monocropped farm.
Many of the ecological nightmares mentioned above, which came into agriculture gradually removed the uncultivated foods from the farmscape.
CULTURAL LANDSCAPE Food, for the South Asian communities is culture. It is not a commodity which people eat to survive. Food is revered as God in all the religions of South Asia. People have a spiritual relationship with their earth in the South Asian agrarian communities. There are many festivals which joyously celebrate diversity. And several of the uncultivated foods are an important component in the celebrations. Two festivals in the Deccan area of South India are celebrated as a tribute to the crop diversity present on the farms and combine rituals that nurture this diversity. Soonyam Panduga The Soonyam Panduga celebrated in December is heralded with a visit to the farm by the entire family. They go around the farm singing. Several versions of the songs are available. Songs like Olega Sagam Olega urge the sorghum to grow well. Such songs are to soothen Bhootalli (the Mother Earth), who is pregnant at that time., full of crops: sorghum, pigeonpea, other pulses, a host of vegetables (sabbanda Kooragayalu). It is that time of pregnancy, when the Mother Earth craves to taste different things. To satisfy her craving is cooked Bajjikoora, a fascinating dish in which all the avilable vegetables (leafy and otherwise) and tender grains are cooked together and offered to the Mother. The singing also is to please the Mother.
The expected result of all this is that : the mother should think that these people are making such an effort to keep me happy. Therefore I also should keep them happy by making the harvest bountiful. Though this is the expected result, it is not treated as a businenss act. It is act of love. An act of worship. An act of celebration.
81 Endlagatte Punnam The festival which joyously celebrates diversity is Endlagatte Punnam, is a festival which precedes the harvest of winter crops. On this day, the women take the fresh produce from their farm in the form of various earheads of crops and offer it to the village deity. Simultaneously each housefront is adorned with a string of earheads tied on top of the front door. The larger the diversity of the earheads, the prouder the house feels. It is the most fascinating and creative manifestation of the urge for diversity.
In many parts of South Asia, farmers, especially women, see themselves as the children of Mother Earth and hence violently oppose the induction of chemicals into their farming. They describe this as putting poison into mother's milk. Can anyone do this heinous act? they question. Plants are life for them. Therefore the idea of killing plants by the act of using weedicides or herbicides is an abhorrent notion.
It is quite easy to see how all these cultural determinants have played a key role in the survival of uncultivated foods within the rural communities of South Asia.
SOCIAL LANDSCAPE Most of the rural communities in South Asia, especially in India, are fractured communities. Along several lines caste, class and religion they have been fragmented. This in turn in has had a dynamic influence on the relationship between uncultivated foods and the farming systems they demand.
The levels of poverty within the villages also determine the presence or absence of farming systems, which support uncultivated foods. There are large sections of people within the rural communities of the subcontinent for whom day to day survival itself is a great challenge. People like these have great stake in the uncultivated foods. [See Hajara Apa's story in the box below]. For them it is an important tool of survival. The more vulnerable one is in the community, the greater is one's dependence on UF. Women in general and single women in particular the poorest and the destitutes have always depended on uncultivated foods.
The meal that Hajara cooked Hajara Apa is a woman in her mid forties and lives in village Nanduria in Tangail District of Bangladesh. Hajara Apa lives on a daily income of about 50 US Cents with her husband, and a young school going son. She has married off one daughter. Like in the menu of most people in the region, uncultivated foods form a large part of Hajara's regular menu. She gets all the food that she needs within a radius of 100 meters from her house. The hedges around her house and a small patch of the harvested field next to her house provide her kitchen with a large array of shaks, the uncultivated foods.
82 If she needs more, she walks up to the small village road, about 100 meters from her house. The wings of this road which skirts the agricultural fields are storehouses of dozens of different greens. When Hajara feels like having fish, all she needs to do is to take a net to the pond which is 75 meters away from her house. Within half an hour she has a catch which can feed her family for the day.
The day when this writer visited her house, Hajara Aapa had cooked rice, greens and fish. Except for rice, oil and onion, she had not bought anything else from the market. Her day's cuisine consisted of 14 varieties of Shak, the greens, five mashed vegetables in the Barta and eight varieties of fish. All the Shaks and the fish were uncultivated. A free lunch from nature. The resultant collection of greens and fish makes a magnificent meal.
However for the elite group of policy makers in Bangladesh as in other South Asian governments, Hajara's meal looks spartan and uninteresting. Consequently, the extraordinary message that people like Hajara convey are scarcely heard by these policy makers.
Like Hajara Apa, there are millions of women who not only use uncultivated foods in their routine diet but also collect and sell them on a regular basis to make a living. But there is danger in blowing this aspect out of proportion and treat uncultivated foods as an income generation proposition. That will surely create another cycle of crisis in our understanding of the role of UF in rural societies of South Asia. What indeed is to be attempted is a new economic valuation of the UF and look at its potential to create non material affluence for the communities.
POLITICAL LANDSCAPE Terms like food security have become politically loaded today. Globally the word has been heavily distorted to mean making food available to people through trade obliterating all discussions on · the location where it is grown, · its quality and safety · how many food miles it travels and · whether it is culturally and socially acceptable to the local communities
In a subversive manipulation of the term, food security has often been used as an instrument to destroy local agriculture and livelihoods. Global food security, a concept that is used in opposition to household food security, has brought about horrendous aberrations in South Asia. The most poignant example of this was witnessed in India recently. Even while the state godowns were struggling with their inability to store 60 million tonnes of excess grains produced in the country and were allowed to rot, people in some parts of the country were trying to stave off hunger by eating dried mango kernels. Many of them met their death in this civilisationally challenged process.
83 It is to confront this brutal food politics and to restore people's access and control over their own food security that one needs to look at the role of uncultivated foods and the essential farming landscape for them.
This effort can help communities regain control over their food resources. It is well known that uncultivated foods have always helped communities to cope with stress periods. But a bit less discussed aspect is that they have also supported a farming system dominated by food crops. As one study in Bangladesh tells us, there is an inverse relationship between the cultivated and the uncultivated. The study points that when the cultivated sources decrease, uncultivated increase thereby offering food cushions to people.
The presence of uncultivated foods in the farming landscape also restores the nutritional security, which is left out deliberately in the political debates on food security. In South Asia, general estimates tell us that about 30% to 60% of people's nutrition come from uncultivated sources.
Therefore what I urge this workshop is to take a fresh look at the issue of uncultivated foods and determine their importance from a different and larger perspective which includes all the landscapes I have tried to establish. In an age when trade and commercial interests are declaring biotechnology and GM foods as an answer to the food security of the poorer nations, can we bring out another saner logic and try to aim at:
· The survival of people's agriculture on its own inherent strengths · Assured food security within the local and community resources · Food and nutritional security as elements of the same farming system
84
Theme 3: Crosscutting issues
85 6.6. Women at the Center: ‘wild plant food use, gathering rights and management in disturbed farming environments Paper presented by Lisa Price Introduction Interest in wild plant foods among agricultural researchers has been increasing over the last two decades as a small but growing number of studies document the collection and consumption of wild plant foods from agricultural environments (see Scoones, Menyk and Petty 1992). As a result, it has become increasingly clear that semi-wild or wild-managed non-domesticated plant foods in food production environments and other rural settings disturbed by human activity are a fundamental feature of most farming systems.
The gathering of these plant foods by farmers is in evidence among the range of subsistence orientations across the globe. Particularly important locations for these foods are fallow fields and field boundaries. For example, Vainio- Mattila (2000) found that wild green leafy vegetables consumed by the Sambaa people in Tanzania include 73 species of wild plant foods, most of which are ruderal, growing by the roadsides, and weeds on arable land. Ogel and Grivetti (1985a) identified more than 200 wild edible species used by the Swazi of Swaziland and further note that 56 percent of the 211 informants reported agricultural fields as their usual collection sites (Ogel and Grivetti 1985b). Dufour and Wilson found that 41 percent of the 130 food plants used by the indigenous populations of Amazonia were trees, of which over half were reported from garden fallows. They note that successional vegetation is an important source of food (Dufour and Wilson 1994: 117-118). Vickers found that one of the few Agreens@ consumed by the Siona-Secoya of the Amazon in Ecuador is a weedy herb that grows in secondary growth (Vickers, 1994:147).
Among agriculturists in heavily populated and the intensively farmed areas of the Hausa in northern Nigeria, Etkin and Ross (1994) discovered that about fifty percent of all food plants consumed in their study community were collected from the local environment. They documented 39 wild food plant species from the farm, six species from farm borders, and 16 species from public lands. Among rainfed paddy rice farmers in northeastern Thailand, Price (1993, 1997) documented 77 wild food plant species, 44 of which occurred in agricultural fields and 12 in gardens behind houses or in general village environments such as roadsides. In the same village where Price (1993, 1997) worked, Moreno-Black, Somnasang and Thamathawan (1996) document that women in 88 percent of the households had non-domesticated food plants in their home gardens. Wilken (1970) documents their use among farmers in Mexico who sell their domesticated produce but eat the plants foraged from disturbed environments. Farmers in Europe also consume this class of Awild@ plant: Galt and Galt (1976) document gathering of wild plant
86 foods from unhoed fields, roadsides and walls in Sicily, and 133 species (belonging to 48 families) are documented as being collected in northwest Tuscany in central Italy (Pieroni 1999). In studies documenting wild food plants, recording vernacular names and nutritional analysis appear to be in the majority. Despite the important information these studies provide, they frequently lack detail on the specifics of the micro-environments where these plants were collected, particularly disturbed environments, whether they were collected by women, men, or children, and how these plants fit into the diet and the farming and general livelihood systems. Overall, our scientific knowledge is thus very limited in the area of social issues in general, and gender issues in particular with regard to these food plants. Despite this dearth of information, we can increase our understanding of these issues by drawing on data from numerous countries and fields of expertise to grasp the generalizable patterns that go beyond specific cultures and regions. This paper attempts to set forth some of the issues regarding availability, use and management of wild plant foods from disturbed environments. Of particular concern are the factors that act as a stimulus to the protection and conservation as well as the privatization of these resources. Intimately intertwined with the above issues are the broader roles played by culture and, more specifically, by gender, marketing orientation and opportunities. This paper also explores community consensus on usufruct rights, and concepts of private property/ownership and how these might change over time. The links to the physical environment and environmental change are critical to our understanding of changes in use and availability of these plant foods as well.
Defining AWild@ Plant Foods in the Farming Environment One of the important features of Awild@ plant foods among agriculturalists is their existence in environments disturbed by human activity rather than undisturbed or pristine environments. Farmers may use species from both disturbed and pristine environments depending on the natural environment available to them and access possibilities and rights. Many of the plant foods in most disturbed environments used by farmers are, however, opportunistic calmness to domesticates and agricultural practices (Price 1997; Price 2000). When pristine vegetation is cleared for the preparation of fields for the planting of cultigens, a new productive system is created (Messer 1978). Those plant species with the ability to establish themselves in open areas (through a short life cycle, high reproductive capacity and well-developed dispersal ability) become Aweeds@ (Anderson 1952; Barrett 1983). A commensal relationship is developed between agricultural practices that alter the environment and the opportunistic Aweed@ species. Many of these species are herbaceous edible plants gathered for consumption by farmers. However, these plant communities change and differ in species diversity as well, subject to influencing factors such as the age and cultivation status of the
87 field or whether the plant community is found within open fields or along the periphery of fields bordering roads or canals. These communities are comprised of species other than the original colonizers; community composition thus changes with the nature of agricultural practices. In this manner, selection pressures are brought to bear on the communities. Barrett states: agricultural weeds, particularly in tropical regions, have probably been influenced to some extent by artificial selection through cultivation practices, hand-weeding, threshing and winnowing. These effects are more likely to occur when intensive agriculture has a long history rather than in regions where shifting cultivation predominates....the more contemporary influences include the introduction of mechanization and chemical herbicides... (Barrett 1983:256)
A continuum model developed by David Harris (1989) is useful for helping us to better conceptualize the human-plant interactions at the interface of human action with wild/ semi-domesticated and domesticated food plants. Harris (1989) emphasizes that plant foods in the agricultural context can be best viewed as existing on a continuum of intensity of human- plant interaction, with numerous species receiving varied amounts of attention. Wild and semi-domesticated plant foods in the system may receive less human management attention at one end of this continuum, but many species may still receive attention which can include selective harvesting, transplanting, or propagation. A wild food plant can be cultivated without becoming a domesticate and the transition from cultivation to domestication never occurs for most species. Harris (1989:12) proposes that an appropriate model of human/plant interaction is not unidirectional and that human societies do not necessarily progress to different levels of interaction with plants. There are no preordained stages and no transition is irreversible. This conceptual model also helps us to understand that not all interactions necessarily would, could, or should end up at the far side of the continuum in the sphere of intensive cultivation as domesticates (Etkin 1994; Price 1997). Defour and Wilson (following Clement 1990 and Harlan 1974) attempt to help distinguish plants along this continuum. They use the terms domesticated, semi-domesticated, cultivated, managed and wild citing Clement 1990 (Defour and Wilson 1994:115). They define these terms as follows:
A domesticated plant is a genetically modified species completely dependent on humans for survival.
A semi-domesticated plant has been significantly modified but is still not
88 completely dependent on humans for survival.
A cultivated plant has been introduced into human agro-ecosystems and is nurtured in a prepared seed bed.
A managed plant is protected from human actions that might harm it, is liberated from competition with other species, or is planted in areas other that prepared seedbeds.
A wild plant may be used but is neither managed nor cultivated.
Vickers (1994) notes that researchers often divide plants into wild naturally occurring and domesticates which are propagated by humans as well as semidomesticates which are naturally occurring but are either propagated (such as transplanted into gardens) or benefit from human actions (such as making clearings). Citing Homer Pinkley (1973), Vickers proposes the use of the term Aanthropophytes@:
Since the word Aweed@ is relative...I would like to abandon its use.... [P]lants which grow around human occupations and to which no conscious attention is given for their growth I shall call Aanthropophytes.@...[I]t is plausible that for some anthropophytes the original ancestral forms no longer exist...[that] these plants have undergone domestication through no conscious efforts of man. These plants may or may not be used by man. . ..[W]henever [the Kofan]...move a plant from the primary forest to their village, this plant...must be referred to as a Acultivated@ plant. I differentiate a cultivated species from a domesticated species. A domesticated species is one which has changed genetically, through either natural or artificial selection, from its original native population. Hence, all domesticated plants are cultivated plants, but not all cultivated plants are domesticated plants. (Pinkley 1973:30-32 as cited in Vickers 1994:145).
89 Vickers points out that nearly one-eighth of the Amazon rain forest may be anthropogenic. Much of what one might at first consider an undisturbed environment may contain anthropogenic micro-environments used for obtaining Awild@ plant foods. In his case, the populations studied engage in both horticulture and gathering in northeastern Ecuador (Vickers 1994:144). For the purposes of this paper, I am concerned with anthropogenic micro-environments in the agricultural setting with a focus on those plants that are in more highly disturbed environments and fall within the human- plant interaction continuum as delimited by Defour and Wilson above. It should be understood that the term Awild@ as used in this paper can refer to semi-domesticated, cultivated, managed, and as well as truly wild anthropophytes unless otherwise stipulated.
Women’s Roles and Women’s Work
Investigating gender roles in general, and women=s roles in particular, is a crucial aspect of understanding both farming and gathering behavior. It is only recently that we find women and gender relations in the debates on biodiversity. Howard-Borjas (2001), in her review of the literature on gender relations in local plant genetic resource management and conservation she finds that most research is gender blind despite the small, but compelling amount, of evidence that plant genetic resource use differs by gender.
What comes to the foreground is that much of the earlier criticisms of inattention (and disinterest) in studying activities of women and children in both the contexts of agricultural and foraging societies unfortunately still applies. Gathering, because it is the work of women and children, receives less attention than the activities of men (Etkin 1994; Price 2000). This is further complicated by the fact that much of women’s gathering is for domestic consumption on a daily basis and can be easily overlooked by outside observers (Defour and Wilson 1994).
Gender Division of Labor It is well known that households and communities organize production and resource management around the gender division of labor and responsibilities. This work is linked historically to women=s predominance in gathering among hunter-gatherer societies, the form of subsistence that preceded cultivation in human history. What we do know about what can be classified as traditional hunter-gatherers is that they follow a gender-based division of labor, that women gather plants and men hunt. While there are exceptions to this such as the women of the Agata who hunt large game with bows and arrows in the Phillippines (Estioko-Griffin and Griffin 1981), it holds true in general for the tropics and sub-tropics. Even among contemporary horticulturalists and agriculturalists, gathering for domestic consumption is women=s work. AWild@ plant food collection from disturbed
90 environments under consideration in this paper is further linked to contemporary farm women’s work in their weeding and seed management of domesticated plant foods. Women=s work and knowledge are the link between food production/procurement and food preparation for family consumption. In Swaziland for example, Ogle and Givetti (1985b) conclude that women have the primary responsibility in plant collection (64% said the mother made the principal decision to gather and only 5% said the father made the decision); that most collection occurred just before meals primarily from agricultural fields (56%) as well as from other disturbed environments that include Anear home@ (18%), cattle or goat kraals (2%), or from household gardens (1%).
There are increasing indications that actual management of this class of food plants is also gender based with women predominating not only in collection, but also in protection, and transplanting in fields and gardens (Moreno-Black and Somnasang 2000; Price 1997; Ogle and Grivetti 1985b).
Marketing Women are also engaged in the small-scale marketing of these plants, providing a source of food not only for urban populations but also for other women farmers who buy them from the market for the purposes of planting them in their own land (Moreno-Black and Price 1993; Price 1997). The trade in Awild@ food plants has also been recorded for Swaziland farmers, where women are documented as the gatherers. Although the sex of the vender was not explicitly stated, 25% reported selling wild plants and 46% regularly purchased species unavailable locally or lacked the time or energy to collect themselves (Oble and Grivetti 1985b). A provincial market study of wild food sellers in northeast Thailand showed that 78% of the sellers were farm women who did the gathering themselves and 55% of what they sold came from agricultural fields while only 18% came from forested areas. Women were the sole marketers of these foods which included primarily wild food plants and occasionally small wild protein foods such as snails, crabs, frogs and insects (Moreno-Black and Price 1993). The markets of local towns act not only as a place where women can sell these plant foods and earn money but it is also a place were women farmers as consumers can purchase selected species for consumption or transplanting onto their own land. Women not only move these selected species from public lands or forests, from one field to the next, from field to garden or obtain them from markets to plant as noted above, but they also obtain plants from neighbors, friends and kin to transplant onto their own lands (Moreno-Black, Somnasang and Thamathawan 1996; Price 1993; Price1997; Price 2000). This implies a number of linked areas that deserve further systematic investigation, including the market and social networks of women as well as gender-based gathering, marketing and ownership entitlements.
91 Agricultural policy and market demand can also impact the cultivation status of “wild” plant food species. A study conducted by Pemberton and Lee (1996) examines the market sale of “wild” food plants gathered from field and forest in South Korea. According to their knowledge and observations regarding gender roles (although their article did not discuss gender roles) they communicated to me that women have traditionally predominated in both gathering and marketing of wild plant foods and still predominate in the market. Selling wild plant foods continues as a female only occupation in both large urban and small rural markets (Pemberton and Lee personal communication).2 We do not know, however, what shifts in gender labor and authority outside of the market selling itself may have taken place as the wild plant foods move increasingly under cultivation for market sale as described below. The article by Pemberton and Lee (1996) documents 112 species in 82 genera and 40 families in the markets (all terrestrial angiosperms except 2 ferns). Green leafy vegetables made up 73.2% of the total (82 species). The next most abundant were fruits at 25 species (22.3%). They document the trend from 1989 to 1992 as one of increasing cultivation of wild type food plants. Five of the 19 plants cultivated in 1992 were probably not cultivated in 1986. Of the 14 species cultivated in both 1989 and 1992, 12 had increased areas of cultivation during these three years and seven of these increased many fold. As of 1992 approximately 25,000 households country-wide in South Korea grew these plants, 8000 households had them in actual cultivation. The trend from 1989 to 1992 was increasing the number of species under cultivation and the area of cultivation (Pemberton and Lee, 1996:64). The above researchers also documented 11 species of the Korean wild food plants in California, 10 of which were imported and 1 which is now cultivated in California. The products exported to California were packaged by 9 different Korean companies and were in frozen, dried, or powdered form. Pemberton and Lee attribute this grow in the cultivation of wild food plants to the governments emphasis on a reduction in land area devoted to rice cultivation due to the declining consumption of rice in South Korea. While the government incentive was to keep market prices for rice higher in the face of declining consumption the incentive to cultivate wild plant foods provided to farmers comes from other areas as well. Farmers not only had land available to put to other cultivation uses but also had the incentive to diversify into crops that have high market value and high consumer demand.
Use, Diet and Nutrition
1 Dr. Robert Pemberton is currently at Invasive Plant Research Laboratory, USDA Agricultural Research Service in Ft. Lauderdale, Florida. Dr. Nam Sook Lee is in the Department of Biology, Ewha Womans University in Seoul Korea.
92 “Wild” plant foods from disturbed environments also hold diverse positions in the diet (daily, seasonal, or famine consumption). Women not only gather them for daily meals, but they also engage in their preservation through drying and storage for later consumption and consciously engage in transplanting and nurturing activities to ensure continued availability of these foods to counteract seasonal and famine food stress (Moreno-Black and Somnasang 2000; Ogle and Grivetti 1985b). Our knowledge on the actual contribution of these plant foods to the nutritional status of farmers is growing. The important contribution of wild plants to the diet in meeting macro and micronutrient needs of groups at risk (infants, children, the elderly and pregnant and lactating women) are revealed by numerous studies although the literature is scattered (Grivette and Ogle 2000). Dietary diversity is a close correlate to dietary sufficiency and dietary diversity obtained from these “wild” plant foods has been deemed critical to dietary sufficiency, particularly for women and children ( Huss-Ashmore and Curry 1991; Nesamvuni, Steyn and Potgieter 2001; Nordeide et al. 1996; Ogle and Grivetti 1985c; Ogle, Hung and Tuyet 2001; Somnasang, Rathakette, and Rathanapanya 1987). Ogle and Grivetti discuss dietary diversity in their Swaziland study: A strong nutritional advantage is posed by the added dietary diversity represented by edible wild food resources. By gathering, the average Swazi adds over 59 different species/foods to the diet. This practice, at times when food stores are low or at the beginning of the agricultural year when few domesticated cultivars are available in gardens, contributes substantially to maintaining nutritional adequacy of Swazi diet. (Ogle and Grivetti 1985c:59).
Populations experiencing Ahidden hunger@ in developing countries due to lack of micro-nutrients is a matter for serious attention. Early childhood blindness and mortality due to vitamin A deficiency and the impact of nutritional anemia are also of great concern. Numerous Awild@ food plants are rich in micro-nutrients and can help address the problem of hidden hunger. A number of studies on wild greens (including those in agricultural fields) have discovered they contain vitamins A and C, riboflavin, calcium, and thiamine (Begum and Pereira, 1977; Bye 1981; Caldwell and Enoch, 1972; Mwajumwa et al. 1991; Nesamvuni, Steyn and Potgieter 2001; Norteide, et al 1996). While there are many admirable international and national efforts to combat micro-nutrient deficiencies through supplements and fortifications, the best remedy is the right food in the right amounts. Wild plant foods contributed significantly to the over all micronutrient intake of rural women in two agro-ecological settings in Vietnam (Ogle, Hung and Tuyet 2001). . The role of the mother is important in adequate nutrition and child survival. A number of authors cited above also emphasize the role and knowledge of women by using women as informants on the consumption of wild plant foods (Campbell 1987; Huss-Ashmore and Curry 1991; Nesamvuni, Steyn and Potgieter 2001; Nordeide et al. 1996; Somnasang,
93 Rathakette, and Rathanapanya 1987). Women=s diets are also used as a Aproxy for household diet because women have primary control over the preparation and distribution of food within the household . Further, women=s central roles in food production make it important to identify inadequacies for this portion of the population@ (Huss-Ashmore and Curry 1991:170-171). Numerous studies also stress the importance of these foods as a regular part of the diet. Primary harvesting occurs when the cultivated staple is in shortest annual supply. In addition to peak gathering seasons, more regular consumption is documented as well. Nesamvuni, Steyn and Potgieter (2001) found in their interviews of 412 women from multiple districts in Venda, South Africa, that among the 10 plants they studied in depth the frequency of consumption was once per week per plant. Women also engaged in the storage of surplus in a dried form (either cooked or raw) for at least 6 months. In Mali, wild gathered greens are used as much as fresh cultivated plant foods and consumed by both rural and urban populations, although more so by rural populations (Nordeide et al. 1996). A study done in Thailand in the rainy season documents that wild foods (plants and small protein items like frogs) made up 50% of the farmer=s diet (Somnasang, Rathakette and Rathanapanya 1987). Even at the national level in Thailand, wild vegetables were found to play a significant role in the diet, especially in rural areas (Ngarmsak 1987). In the Mekong Delta and Central Highlands of Vietnam, wild plants made up 50% of the vegetables consumed by women (Ogle, Hung, and Tuyet 2001). It is further suggested that cash income when used to purchase foods does not necessarily replace this diversity (Price 2000). In a study of unconventional foods in the Thai diet for the whole nation Ngarmsak (1987:40) concludes that the nutritional status of mothers decreased in the population with the move from traditional foods (accompanied by the use of “more ready to eat” purchased foods) and it was nutritionally better for villagers to obtain their food from their surroundings or from what they have grown.
Children=s Consumption Of “Wild” Plant Foods Citing Fleuret (1979) and Laderman (1991), Etkin emphasizes that Achildren are complex in their food behaviors, not simply the >small adults= implied by aggregated dietary surveys@ (Etkin 1994:5). Another aspect has to do with the Astaple bias@ and a lack of a holistic perspective among those engaged in agricultural research, extension and development (Price 2000). Huss- Ashmore and Curry=s (1991) study on patterns of food consumption in Swaziland document the complexity and balance in the diet of women and children where wild vegetables, particularly greens, predominate. They document that the frequency of vegetable and fruit consumption was similar for women and children Awith vegetables making up 9-10% of items eaten, and fruits less than 2%@ (Huss-Ashmore and Curry 1991:171-172). They further note that winter vegetables (domesticates that included cabbage Swiss chard and beet greens) promoted by a cropping systems project in their study area were consumed in small amounts and were eaten during the winter when
94 wild greens were out of season. They conclude that there is a need for both classes of vegetables due to the seasonality of wild greens. Ogle and Grivetti (1985c) document in their study on Swazi wild plant foods that people in the Middleveld ecological zone, a region characterized as a distinct vegetation zone dominated by intensive agriculture and the use of agricultural weeds as food, consumed more edible wild leaves than elsewhere in Swaziland. They further note that children in the Middleveld region reported a higher level of utilization than adults (Ogle and Grivetti 1985c:60- 61). Results from multiple ecological zones determined that “of the 48 edible wild greens reported as used frequently, school children consumed five of these in proportionately greater amounts that adults”, and “several fruits were specifically designated >children=s plants= by Swazi adults” (Ogle and Grivette 1985a:15). Selected wild fruit species in China have also been documented as Achildren=s fruit@ (Jin et al. 1999). In Zimbabwe, children consume “wild” fruit more than adults (Campbell 1986).
Wild Plant Food Consumption and Social Stigma These plant foods vary in taste, abundance and resilience to biotic stresses, which in turn is related to which species are consumed as a regular part of the diet and which are only consumed in times of extreme food shortage. The degree to which wild plant foods are incorporated into the diet of agriculturalists depends also in part on any social status restrictions on the consumption of these foods (or selected species), that is, if they are considered peasant food or foods of poverty and are infrequently consumed by the more prosperous. The greater the social stigma the more likely these foods will be used as a buffer in times of stress and shortage rather than daily consumption. Wilken (1970), in his work among farmers in Tlaxcala, Mexico, highlights the role of social stigma in the consumption of wild plant foods the farmers regularly harvested from fallow fields and along irrigation canals:
Social status restricts the use of a group of foods that could supplement an otherwise limited diet. This is unfortunate. As in other economically depressed farming regions, Tlaxzcalan farmers cannot afford to consume the dietary diversity and abundance they produce. All surplus over subsistence goes to the markets for sale (Wilken 1970:294).
There is also evidence that wild plant foods are somewhat stigmatized in Swaziland. Ogle and Grivetti (1985b) document that, despite the high use and appreciation of these foods, 29% of the adult respondents would hesitate to serve wild foods to guests in their homes:
Reasons for this dual attitude towards edible wild plants were related to fear of disgrace or
95 embarrassment, that wild foods were a reflection of poverty. This view was expressed by one respondent: ‘We must have cabbage for the guests, not everyday food’. On the one hand, Swazi adults praised the excellent, desired taste and joy of eating, while on the other hand, desires were then balanced against fears that guests would despise such items, or that serving wild foods would lead to embarrassment (Ogle and Grivetti 1985b:39).
One gauge of the level of acceptance of “wild” plant foods (truly wild, managed or semi-domesticated) is their presence in the marketplace and the varying degree to which social classes above farmer consume them (Leimar 1987; Malaisse and Parent 1985; Pemberton and Lee 1996; Price, 1993; Wilken 1970).
Food and Medicine overlap In their study of medicinal plants, Etkin and Ross (1994) found that 1/10 were cultivated and the rest were semi-wild. They listed 235 noncultigen medicinal plants, 82 of which grew in farm areas (39 of which were also consumed as food); 36 grew in farm border areas (6 of which were also used as food); and 56 grew on public lands (of which 16 were also used as food).While the overlap between food and medicinal plants has not been fully explored in the literature, such an overlap may be an important indicator of multiple use value for selected species and thus act to stimulate indigenous prohibitions on overexploitation of rarer species for market sale. Such considerations are important not only in protecting the biodiversity of wild plant foods but also medicines. Cunningham (1995) documents the booming trade in medicinal plants by predominantly female informal sector sellers to urban traders. It is further noted that demand for these traditional medicines is highly species- specific and that they are collected by commercial harvesters. While this may provide an important source of cash income for women (men drop out of non- specialist sales) we do not know the full extent of species that may fall under local protection due to multiple use value. Such multiple use value was briefly noted by Cunningham (1995:3): @the widespread practice in Africa of conserving edible wild fruit-bearing trees for their fruits or shade also ensures availability of some traditional medicines as several are multiple-use species@. The role of species’ multiple use value in management and conservation is discussed in more detail later in this paper.
Abundance Agriculture does not invariably provoke a simplification of biological diversity and may in fact have a positive impact (Meilleur, 1994). A number of studies show that managed horticultural and agricultural environments can favorably be compared to natural forests in terms of species composition
96 (Conklin 1961, Hamilton 1982; Kunstadter 1978; Heckman 1979). Folk inventories of wild plant taxa among agriculturists may be richer in species diversity than those of hunter gatherers (Meilleur 1994). As noted earlier in this paper, plant communities change with changes in human behavior. In the more intensively cultivated ecological area of Middleveld in Ogle and Grivetti=s (1985c) study in Swaziland, informants reported a mean loss of ten species. Species loss in less intensively cultivated areas was less; the Highveld had a mean loss of 4.5 species and Lowveld a mean loss of 2. Respondents attributed this loss of more species in the Middleveld to expanded agricultural development. On the other hand, Middleveld respondents had increased availability and use of agricultural weeds as plant foods:
The Middleveld, despite its population and extensive botanical disruption presents a botanical-dietary paradox. Here, more varieties of edible wild leaves are consumed than elsewhere in Swaziland.... Such vigorous herbaceous species associated with agriculture thrive in the same fields as domesticated crops or in fields left fallow; their presence at these localities, however, makes gathering easier.... The Middleveld population, rather than halting the practice of gathering when specific indigenous wild species became scarce, or when time constraints prevented longer collection journeys, have changed their plant focus and have turned to more easily accessible, but non-cultivated weeds of agriculture. (Ogle and Grivetti 1985c:59)
The continued consumption of wild plant foods that are not particularly desirable in taste and that are used primarily as famine foods may also have important implications for availability. It has been proposed that regular use of some species is important to assure sufficient human protection so that species density does not fall below sustainability (Etkin, 1994).
Discovery of New Edible Species We have some indication that the discovery of the edibility of new species is a product of women’s and children’s experimentation. Such experimentation, while serving the long term good of the population, is not with out its risks. Scudder (1971) documents this experimentation process among African Savannah cultivators during a relocation program and the incidence of female and child poisoning due to test consumption of unfamiliar wild plant foods.
Gathering Rights, Management, Ownership and Multiple Use Value Currently, there is little empirical evidence of how wild plant foods come under a system of protection, management, and privatization. It has been proposed that factors such as the reduction of common property forests
97 and population pressures (Grandstaff et al. 1986), and proximity to towns and cities (Nargmsak 1987) may each have a bearing on the availability and management of wild plant foods.
Cunningham (1995:3) states: For any society to institute intentional resource management controls, certain conditions have to be fulfilled:
The resource must be of value to the society;
98 The resource must be perceived to be in short supply and vulnerable to over-exploitation by people;
The socio-political nature of the society must include the necessary structures for resource management.
Price (1997) illustrates that intensive management (including propagation) of “wild” plant food species is species specific and applies to species that have multiple use value and are perceived as rare. This is also supported by the research results of Stoffle et al. (1990), whose work among the Paiute and Shoshone Native American groups in Nevada document the importance of perceived rarity with the development of special management techniques to encourage protection and propagation of wild plants. In the Price study (1993 and 1997) conducted in northeast Thailand among rice farmers, restrictions on gathering were due to a combination of three factors: 1) perceived rarity; 2) desirability of the taste of the plant food; and 3) the market value of the species. Twenty-five of 77 species fit the above criteria. This placed them in a category where gathering from private property (such as agricultural fields) was forbidden for non-owners. The usufruct rights for gathering for consumption of these Aforbidden species@ varied, but remained species specific. In no case was there a restriction on gathering for consumption that did not have a corresponding prohibition on gathering for market sale. In some cases one could gather with permission while in other cases one could gather enough just to eat on the spot without permission, or one could gather enough for a family meal without permission. In an attempt to test the role of the market in relationship to human management of “wild” plant food species in disturbed environments, Price (1997) discovered that plants could be managed even if the plant species was not sold on the market but management was a critical aspect of “forbidden species”: Human management of a plant species and whether that plant was sold or not was not statistically significant, however, statistical tests reveal that the two variables for plants that are (a) managed, and (b) forbidden [to collect from the private land of others] for market sale, are interdependent...For the combined plant management domains of wild plants (naturally occurring and propagated)...gathering prohibitions for market sale is positively correlated with management practices of transplanting and seed planting. (Price 1997:218)
The above study in Thailand illustrates the attempt of women farmers to reduce the impact of market exploitation on valued rare wild plant foods from agricultural environments. Social consensus is pivotal to the protection of the resources and usufruct rights for domestic consumption. Such a social consensus was facilitated by the fact that women were the owners of these resources (land is inherited by a woman’s daughters) with life-long residence in the same village due to matrilocal residence. Equally important was women farmers articulation that the state recognizes the exclusive rights of private property and what grows upon that property. Price concludes:
While the village community protects gathering rights and concurrently prohibits gathering selected species for specific purposes from privately owned agricultural land, the state prohibits but does not protect gathering rights on this same land. Women
99 farmers recognize and articulate both community sanction and state enforcement as incentives to restricting behavior. This system is ultimately one of convergence of traditional usufruct entitlements and growing censure of market oriented exploitation of natural resources through indigenous and state censure (Price 1997:220).
This evidence from the Thailand study indicates that women=s Awild@ plant food collection rights are linked to a system of resource entitlements among women and between households in communities and consensus building mechanisms within communities where women play a central role. (Price 1993; 1997). Social consensus is pivotal to the protection of “wild” plant food resources and usufruct rights. The market, as an external factor, can erode common concerns as well as shared responsibility in a community. The community member who degrades the common resource can be constrained by the potential loss of reputation and status in the community. The private market, on the other hand offers another avenue to status and reputation through cash income and constraints on human behavior in the overexploitation of resources for sale are successful primarily through the threat of punishment under the law (Price 1993, 1997; Swaney 1990).
The Challenge of Change Efforts made by female and male farmers to meet the challenges of change can have very different outcomes for Awild@ plant food species, which range from outright extinction of selected species to large-scale cultivation for sale in urban markets. Some evidence suggests that changes to agricultural management can have devastating effects on not only the plant populations but also on the dietary diversity of farmers, which is not necessarily compensated for by purchased food diversity despite an increase in agricultural income from staples. Changes from diverse crops to a single crop (or a few market crops) with a stress on maximizing production often leads to a reduced availability of food diversity. Wild/semi-domesticated greens that traditionally grow in fields and at field boundaries disappear or are rendered inedible due to pesticide applications. This has been documented for high-productivity Green Revolution areas in central Thailand and for central Luzon in the Philippines, areas from which rice for export and to feed the urban poor emanate in these two countries (Price 2000). The negative impact on wild plant foods due to agricultural changes has also appeared as a concern in the Swazi Cropping Systems Project where the documentation of the continued importance of wild greens even among progressive farmers stimulated the project staff to modify the schedule for herbicide application and to control herbicide trials intended to reduce weed competition so that the destruction of greens in fields could be avoided during the period of greatest dietary importance (Huss-Ashmore and Curry 1991). Women farmer’s income from the sale of these plants may also suffer. Moreno-Black and Price (1993) document that women farmers in a rainfed province of northeast Thailand who sold wild foods earned a statistically significant greater amount of income compared to other women who did not. There was no statistically significant difference between the income of their husbands or other family members in their households. The women farmers who sold these “semi-domesticated foods” gathered them overwhelmingly from agricultural fields and field borders and reinvested their earnings either in the household and children or in
100 increasing their own social status through public giving to the local village Buddhist temple. Women in central Thailand, however, have lost this food source as well as its income through land use changes and the intensive application of herbicides and insecticides (Price 2000).
Discussion and Conclusions
I have provided evidence concerning what women do in this paper, Much more so than evidence of how women’s work with wild plant foods is embedded within gender relations. This is related to the overall lack of information in this regard. While some written material is richer than others (see Moreno-Black and Price 1993; Price 1997), most contemporary pieces too commonly have only a few lines that mention women (as well as micro -environments) in passing such as “Wild vegetables are almost soley collected by women and children. They are mostly picked in home gardens and farmland or along the roads and foot paths...usually only the amount needed is picked each time” ( Vainio-Mattila 2000:61). It is imperative to understand gender roles and entitlements as the connection point to understanding how “wild” plant foods from environments disturbed by agricultural activity and exist in other disturbed rural areas are linked to meeting human needs and the dynamics of change. The discussion, while focusing a good deal on women’s roles, non the less attempts to consider issues of management and entitlement from a gender perspective, despite the severe limitations in the literature. When we think of assets, it is important to remember that gender is a non-material asset just as knowledge, and capabilities as well as kinship are. Gender-based rights are ascribed and are thus a socio-cultural product based on if one happens to be born male or female ( Niehof and Price (2001). The ground on which gender entitlements are based, however, can shift with the changing parameters of population, physical and political environment, income and legal and development interventions. While gender is an important factor in understanding management and change, equally important are issues of class and other hierarchies (such as ethnicity or caste). Certainly in a context of increasing scarcity and marketing of “wild” plant foods the poorest community members may suffer the most from diminished usufruct rights (for consumption and sale) that seems to accompany growing rarity of valued species. Overall, the role of women in the gathering, use, and management of "wild" plant foods from disturbed rural environments appears to be critical in sustaining these foods as well as using them to feed their families, particularly children. Their work in gathering and managing the various species is intrinsically linked to their gender role as food preparers. It is also linked to their daily routine as women collect these foods generally on a daily basis for meal preparation. Women’s work in marketing “wild” plant foods is also in evidence. Their income has been documented to not only provide opportunities to meet other household needs, particularly with regard to children (such as purchasing other foods, school fees and medical expenses), but also provide opportunities for women to enhance their social status through having cash. There is substantial evidence to suggest that “wild” plant foods play a significant role in the diet of farmers. Certainly, not only the documented nutrient content has been deemed important but the fact that dietary diversity, which is much easier to measure, has been shown to be in close positive association with dietary sufficiency. The Food Variety Analysis developed
101 and used by Ogle, Hung and Tuyet (2001) was deemed by them a useful tool in capturing the dietary role of wild vegetables. These plant foods have been studied with regard to women’s dietary intake and special plants that are preferred and consumed by children more so than adults has also been documented. We are, however, lacking specific information on the diets of men and their consumption of wild plant foods relative to other family members. While using women’s diets as a proxy of household diet may be appropriate in some contexts since women do gather and prepare family meals, it may not be appropriate in other contexts. The protein content of plant foods may be an important factor for women in contexts where men get the “lions share” of meat and fish. For those in poverty, plant proteins are critical to all household members. Social stigma attached to eating “wild” plant foods among farmers is an important factor deserving of further investigation. Not only may this impact the consumption of men and women within households but may certainly have an impact on valuation of plant species and desires to participate in conservation strategies, be these indigenous or introduced from outside the community. The stigma on wild plant foods seems to be their association with poverty. In contexts where these plant foods are not stigmatized there is also a greater possibility of not only culinary pride and indigenous conservation management but also opportunities to market these foods on a local, or even national or international level. Why and how selected wild plant food species come under a system of protection and privatization among farmers is an area that desperately needs further in-depth investigation. We do know that as agriculture grows and old forest growth declines and is farther and farther from the dwellings (and gathers) that there is a growing reliance on plant foods from the environments disturbed by human activity including fields, boarder areas, along foot paths and the like. Undoubtedly, species composition changes with land use changes and agronomic practices. New species are brought into the diet through a process of experimentation, but not without difficulty. Scudder (1971) discovered that women (and children) experiment in consuming wild plant foods unknown to them with the accompanying higher incidence of poisoning from this consumption of unknown plants. There is evidence to suggest that more conscious and intensive management begins with resource pressure coupled with multiple use value and is on a species by species basis. Because many of these plants actually occur on agricultural land, their privatization begins to occur. Collection for market sale appeared in one study as serving as one “use” in the multiuse criteria. A rare species that was also very desirable in taste and fetched a good market price became “forbidden to gather for market sale from the land of others”. This also has an impact on general gathering rights of community members for domestic consumption where prohibitions existed but to a lesser degree (like gathering only what you could eat on the spot, taking only enough of a meal and so on). Community consensus, is pivotal to making a system of gathering rights and allowing it to dynamically function. Women as gatherers, managers and marketers of these resources are also the ones with the knowledge of the status of a particular species and have been documented as the key to the process of developing gathering restrictions and privatization while at the same time being sensitive to usufruct rights for domestic consumption of the larger community. This was, however, documented for a context where women are the owners of agricultural land and reside matrilocally. They have both the knowledge of resources and each other on a life-long basis as well as authority (See Price 1997). We do not yet know how such species level systems
102 of increasing protection and privatization function in contexts where women are lacking the authority over agricultural land, long term social networks, and female kinship networks. Nor do we grasp the different valuations men versus women place on selected species and where conflict and cooperation may emerge. The marketing of these plant foods has a number of important dimensions. As noted above, the income is important for women. Particularly since poor women invest their resources in children more than men (Buvinic, 1995; Niehof and Price 2001). On the other hand, these plant resources appear to come under protection from market sale only when there is perceived rarity, a condition that indicates the lack of sustainable harvest and over exploitation for the purposes of sale. The study by Pemberton and Lee (1996) illustrates that many species can and do come under cultivation for the purposes of market sale, and quite successfully. What we do not know, however, is the extent to which such intensive cultivation and the money earned are in the control of women. It is common knowledge that when agriculture intensifies and earns substantial amounts of cash in lump sums that men have a tendency to increase their authority in the enterprise (or at least over the money which it generates). Intensive, high input agriculture has been harmful to the co-existence of “wild” plant foods in fields and at field boundaries. Of particular concern are the use of herbicides and pesticides that make these plants disappear or inedible. Their loss increases household expenses and changes dietary patterns. Further, it is incorrect to assume that this diversity will be replaced by purchased vegetables. In the final analysis, it is clear that women must remain central to any initiatives to understand and support “wild” plant foods among farmers. It is also clear, that we are greatly lacking in our knowledge of gender based entitlements and how they come to play a role in the multiple ways women and men interface with “wild” food plant management, usufruct, ownership, and marketing.
103 6.7. ENSURING DIVERSITY AND NUTRITIONAL ADEQUACY OF RURAL DIETS THROUGH MAINTENANCE OF BIODIVERSITY : IMPLICATIONS AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES
IFEYIRONWA FRANCISCA SMITH (Ph. D)
(Paper presented at the Workshop on Uncultivated/Indigenous Vegetables Harare, Zimbabwe Sept. 4-6 2001)
BACKGROUND At the 1996 World Food Summit, one hundred and eighty seven (187) countries made commitments to ensure that all peoples have access to food. Food security advocates agree that " food security exists when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious foods to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life"(1). Improved access to food, however, does not necessarily translate into nutritional adequacy of diets amongst populations as was earlier noted by the International Conference on Nutrition (ICN), in its 1992 declaration (2).
Subsequent to this declaration, data (3) emanating from the World Health Organization (WHO), disclosed that a large number of people, particularly from developing countries, are at risk, or are affected by one or more forms of nutrient deficiency especially micronutrient deficiency. The ICN had elaborated strategies for combatting nutritional deficiencies, and urged governments, in collaboration with international agencies, non-government organizations (NGOs), and the private sector/industry to work towards achieving the set objectives. The declaration charged these institutions "to implement the most appropriate combinations of the following measures - improved food availability, food preservation, food and nutrition education and training, dietary diversification, food fortification, supplementation, and pertinent public health measures such as primary health care, promotion of breast feeding and safe drinking water". The declaration also charged these institutions to ensure that food based strategies are given first priority favouring locally available foods, and taking into account local food habits. Thus, for the large rural and urban populations in developing countries in particular, who are food insecure, it is important that food and nutrition programme interventions aim to meet the populations' dietary and nutritional needs with locally available and preferred foods. These preferred foods will no doubt include uncultivated and indigenous foods.
Close to ten years after the ICN's 1992 declaration, nutritional deficiencies still pose major public health problems while the most affected populations - the rural dwellers are still food insecure. There are several reasons for the relative lack of significant impact of a number of food and nutrition intervention programmes that have been put in place. One major reason and a key factor I believe, is the lack of knowledge by programme decision makers, of indigenous locally available foods and local food habits. As a result of this, programmes on nutrition education and dietary diversification are often planned and executed around foods that majority of the target populations in rural areas do not normally use in family diets.
104 Considering that the 1992 ICN's set objectives for alleviating nutritional deficiencies are far from being met, and realizing that the key measures required to meet these objectives depend on the availability of locally acceptable foods, this workshop on uncultivated/indigenous foods is very relevant to ongoing global efforts to eradicate hunger and malnutrition. The workshop's interest on the ICN's declaration centre on measures that ensure improved food availability, food preservation, and nutrition education, as well as dietary diversification.
The objective of this paper is to situate the important place and role of uncultivated food plants in global efforts to improve food security for all, and alleviate all forms of nutrient deficiencies. It also aims to highlight the immense role that ongoing research on indigenous foods play in this global efforts to improve food security and nutrition, and hence, why nutritional implications should be considered in such research into indigenous foods. For purposes of this discussion, the phrase uncultivated food plants have been used interchangeably with, and refers to indigenous food plants
Nutritional Value of Indigenous Food Plants. Knowledge of the nutritional value of indigenous food plants is crucial for their promotion in rural and urban communities. In recent years, there has been increasing interest in the use and consumption of African indigenous food plants, as available but limited research data reveal their health giving attributes. Some small scale farmers are equally responding to the upsurge in demand for some of these food plants by slight increases in their production of selected varieties(4). However, a large number of these food plants, particularly the non-staples (leafy vegetables, sauce condiments and spices) are yet to be correctly identified and analyzed for their nutritional value. Data from a recent analysis of the mineral contents of some African indigenous sauce condiments (Table 1), reveal that these food components could constitute effective dietary sources of iron, zinc and calcium in rural diets. These and other indigenous and uncultivated food plants can thus be exploited and effectively utilized to improve nutrition and health of rural communities. But for this to be done, these foods need to be identified and their health giving attributes (nutrient contents) demonstrated.
Use of Indigenous Food Crops in Food Based Nutrition Interventions Food based strategies against nutrient deficiencies entail the production of locally available nutrient rich food crops, easy access to these food crops by members of the community, and the consumption of these foods rich in specific nutrients. Implementing food based strategies in Africa in particular, has been difficult and has met with limited success (5). Of the several factors that contribute to this, a key factor is the lack of knowledge among programme designers and implementers, of local indigenous foods and food habits. This general ignorance of the nature and use of indigenous foods has led to their being left out of most strategies that have been put in place to solve food security and nutritional problems of rural populations. Of the several arguments that can be put forward why indigenous food crops should be included in strategies against food insecurity and malnutrition amongst rural populations, the following arguments are basic but cogent.
1. Indigenous foods (cereals, pulses, fruits and leafy vegetables) provide a very significant portion of the daily food needs of rural dwellers who constitute a considerable proportion of the populations targeted in food and nutrition intervention programmes.
105 2. Indigenous non-staples (fruits, leafy vegetables, condiments and spices) are major sources of vitamins and mineral in the diets of rural populations. 3. The production, processing and utilization of indigenous foods is dominated by women who are increasingly being recognized as crucial agents of change in food and nutrition intervention programmes.
RESEARCHING INTO INDIGENOUS FOOD CROPS - NUTRITIONAL IMPLICATIONS Current research activities into uncultivated food plants could be described as still rudimentary in nature, yet such research activities have key roles in opening up and re-vitalizing existing but hitherto ignored traditional food systems that have played in the past, and continue to play very important roles in the food and nutritional well-being of rural and semi-urban communities. However, although these food plants constitute substantially important sources of minerals and vitamins in diets of rural populations, there is a dearth of information on the patterns of consumption of these foods, their nutrient contents pre-and post processing, as well as storage techniques that preserve the nutrients they contain. Such vital information, obtained through research, is imperative for the promotion of these foods by way of nutrition education and community mobilization. Furthermore, with accurate information on the nutritional value of these indigenous foods, they can be more widely utilized nationally and even regionally in food security and nutrition programs. The challenge of ongoing and future research into uncultivated/indigenous food plants is therefore two-fold :-
• establish the existence of these food, identify their uses, and ensure through agronomic research their continued existence and use • determine their nutritional attributes so that they can be effectively promoted and used both by local populations and in regional food and nutrition intervention programs
Two projects on indigenous foods have been reviewed, and will be used to highlight the nutritional implications of research into indigenous foods, and the need for nutritional considerations in the development of research methodologies. The two projects have differing research approaches, were carried out in different regions of sub-Saharan Africa and at different time periods. Discussions on these projects will explore the following points :-
(1) Objectives of the Project (2) Any nutritional objective(s) stated and addressed? (3) If yes, were the nutritional objective(s) relevant to community needs? - what methods were used to address the stated objective(s)? (4) If no, what nutritional objectives and considerations of the study should have been addressed? - what methods would have been appropriate to achieve such objective(s) in order to ensure applicability of research results
Project A. Cowpea Improvement in Semi-Arid Tropics of West Africa 6 This project was reviewed because cowpea is not only native and therefore indigenous to West Africa, and widely consumed in other parts of sub-Saharan Africa (7), it is the basis of several traditional food dishes in the subcontinent, and many other parts of the developing world.
106 Furthermore, a lot of agronomic studies have been done on cowpeas varieties over the years, but not much is known about their nutritional attributes and the effect of processing on their nutrient contents.
The research approach for this multi-centre project can be described as cultivating the landscape, because the main thrust of the project is identifying and controlling factors which negatively impact on the agronomic potentials of cowpea in different agro-climatic zones of the subregion. The project was carried out in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Sierra Leone, it lasted from 1977-1993. The original objectives of the project were:-
1. To introduce improved disease resistant and high yielding breeding cowpea materials from the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) in Nigeria and from other sources. 2. To test the adaptability and performance of these plant materials in different agro-climatic regions. Some changes and modifications were made on these objectives and the final general objective was to:-
Develop or identify cowpea varieties suitable for cultivation in different agro-climatic regions of the African semi-arid tropics, with emphasis on, drought resistance, insect, pest and disease resistance, striga resistance, desirable seed characteristics and yield.
There were no nutritional objectives included in this global multi-centre objectives and so no nutritional studies were planned at the global level. However, in one of the collaborating centres - Njala University College, Sierra Leone, where project activities were conducted between 1982- 1987, the project comprised agronomic studies as well as consumer and nutritional studies.
Project's General Objective To improve the economic and nutritional well-being of the rural population of Sierra Leone by research on cowpeas and other food legumes. Specific Objectives for the Consumer and Nutritional Studies Component.
1. To evaluate the comparative cooking quality of both local and introduced varieties of cowpeas, beans and pigeon peas. 2. To carry out palatability studies on both local and introduced cowpeas, beans and peas to establish their potential for wider inclusion in local diets. 3. To develop recipes acceptable to the rural population with emphasis on preparation of weaning foods. 4. To train additional home economists to work in the project.
Because of lack of expertise on other legumes, the Sierra Leonean studies were conducted mostly on cowpeas, and at the end of the project , according to reports, cowpea lines acceptable to consumers, with good yield and genetic stability were multiplied for on-farm testing and release. Cowpea types with desirable cooking qualities were also identified. The project design did not include any activities to promote the identified cowpea varieties with desirable cooking
107 qualities nor were any nutritional analysis done to identify cowpea varieties with acceptable nutrient compositions. The closest this multi-centre project got to including nutritional considerations in project activities was the evaluation of cooking qualities and palatability of the available varieties. However, the objectives for the Sierra Leonean component of this multi- centre project perhaps reflect the nutritional concerns of that period, the most pressing being childhood protein energy malnutrition. Thus the focus then was on increasing dietary protein intakes of households and communities.
A 1. Relevance of Nutritional Objectives to Community Needs Were the nutritional objectives relevant to community needs? There was a clear need at that period to re-focus the attention of rural communities in particular, on the nutritional value of cowpea and other legumes. During the early part of this multi-centre project (in the mid to late 70s), dietary patterns in the subregion, and other parts of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) were slowly shifting to, and being centred on carbohydrate foods. Earlier multiple food choices of cereals, legumes and tubers were slowly giving way and were being replaced by monotonous one food crop diets.
Cowpeas and other legume crops were being displaced by introduced rice or maize in indigenous food patterns resulting in loss of dietary diversity, thus there was the need to encourage the increased production and consumption of cowpeas. As was earlier mentioned, the cowpea (Vigna unguiculata) is native to West Africa, it was the basis of several traditional diets and so was widely consumed. Furthermore, its relatively high protein content (20-23%) make it a food crop of vital importance in poor communities where animal protein foods are beyond the economic reach of a vast majority of the rural population. Cowpeas are also important dietary sources of vitamins and minerals, and so have broader roles to play in the health and nutrition of households and communities. The project's objective of improving the nutritional well-being of the rural population was therefore relevant to the nutrition and health needs of the community
A 2. Methods Used to Address Stated Objectives The consumer and nutritional studies were carried out within the confines of the Njala University College. The evaluation of the processing and cooking qualities, as well as new recipe development were carried out on eight cowpea varieties, at the home economics laboratories of the University College. Prior to this, and during the agronomic studies, a survey of legume production in Sierra Leone was carried out at the same time as several cowpea varieties were introduced and tested. The survey method was not indicated but, reports of other project activities suggest a formal survey approach was employed with questionnaires and data collection forms. However, consumer information required for the promotion and social marketing of both local and introduced varieties was lacking. It does seem that the methods employed to address the nutritional objectives had very little involvement and inputs from the farming community and the community at large.
A 3. Suggested Methodological Approach to Achieve Nutritional Objective What methods would have been appropriate to achieve the objective of stemming the decline in cowpea use in family diets, increasing its consumption by communities thereby improving the
108 nutritional well-being of the rural population? In order to ensure applicability and sustainability of research results, the following survey methods are suggested.
1. Informal approach - involving personal and group interviews with farmers and women's groups, which will encourage the cooperation and active participation of the target communities in the project. It will also ensure the acceptability and sustainability of research results as well as ease in the social marketing of the new cowpea varieties. 2. Formal approach - using developed and tested questionnaires to survey farmers and other groups in the communities, and collect data on cowpea production and consumption patterns.
This survey should provide information on local cowpea varieties, or any introduced prior to the commencement of the project, their uses, processing techniques and consumption patterns, preferred varieties and reasons why they are preferred, as well as any varieties of cultural or religious importance. Data from this survey should thereby determine the varietal selection and agronomic trials thus ensuring that cowpea varieties that are selected for their agronomic potentials are also acceptable to the producers and consumers. Hence the survey questionnaire should have sought information on the following:- • types of legumes cultivated and consumed • any of these legumes wild or uncultivated • is legume production all year round • which are the preferred varieties • why the preference for those over other varieties • how are they processed and prepared for consumption • are any used in child feeding, if so why those specific varieties • any knowledge among community members concerning the health benefits of • legumes in general and cowpeas in particular • any cultural or religious beliefs regarding specific legumes • any legumes tabooed, if so who are the taboos directed to
3. Nutritional analysis - basic analysis of protein, selected mineral and vitamin contents of identified cowpea varieties in their raw, processed and cooked forms, to determine nutrient contents and losses incurred during processing and food preparation These three research activities would have the effect of stimulating and mobilizing the communities, educating and empowering them with knowledge of their foods, thus encouraging increases in cowpea consumption and production.
The overriding objective of this project is to increase cowpea production and encourage its consumption by the rural population in Sierra Leone, and so, information, nutrition education and community mobilization are imperative requirements for this to be achieved. Although 8 varieties of cowpea were evaluated for their processing and cooking qualities, analysis of their nutritional content was neither done on their raw, processed not cooked forms, and so these varieties really could not be promoted based on their nutritional attributes or their ability to retain specific nutrients after traditional processing. Factual information on the nutrient content of the 109 various cowpea varieties is vital in developing nutrition education strategies that would be effective in promoting increased consumption of cowpeas. This important research activity was lacking in this project, and so in evaluating the project from a nutritional perspective, the following summarize the shortfalls of this project.
The project's activities for achieving the nutritional objective were not executed with nutrition outcomes in mind as the research methods employed did not provide the tools required to educate the rural population on the nutritional value of cowpea and health promoting effects of consuming the legume. No attempts were made to do a nutritional analysis of both the local and introduced cowpea varieties. Today, there are well over 20 cowpea varieties in the subregion. Other than their crude protein contents which are often extrapolated from existing research data on the black-eyed variety, there is a dearth of information on their contents of minerals and vitamins, as well as nutrient losses incurred during processing and food preparation. The rural communities were not involved in the studies evaluating the processing and cooking qualities of the 8 cowpea varieties and so the applicability of results obtained is questionable.
Project B Indigenous Vegetables - An Alternative to Household Food Security in Zimbabwe Indigenous leaf and stalk vegetables are very important and indispensable dietary components which have played key roles in the diets of indigenous populations throughout sub-Saharan Africa. They are important non-staple sources of vitamins and minerals in traditional diets, and so like legumes, indigenous vegetables should be maximally utilized in ongoing programmes aimed at improving food security and the nutritional well-being of rural populations.
This second project, seeks to promote the utilization of indigenous vegetables in order to improve household food security and nutrition. The project was carried out in 5 districts of Zimbabwe with a first phase which lasted from 1997-2000. The research approach for this project would fall under the category of conservation through use.
Project's General Objective To promote the utilization, production and conservation of traditional vegetables in other to improve household food security and nutrition in Zimbabwe.
Specific Nutritional and Nutrition Related Objectives • To analyze the nutritional value of traditional vegetables and increase public awareness of their nutritional importance • To develop, document and distribute information related to community-based traditional vegetable conservation, production, preservation and utilization practices and systems to farmers, policy makers, extension staff and health development organizations
B 1. Relevancy of Nutritional Objectives to Community Needs Lack of information on the nutritional attributes of indigenous foods is a major constraint on the current feeble efforts at popularizing and re-introducing these foods into the food habits of both
110 rural and urban populations in sub-Saharan Africa. Thus, the project's objective of determining the nutritional values of traditional vegetables, in order to inform and educate the population on the health promoting benefits of consuming these vegetables, is of relevance to the population's dire need for nutrition and health information.
Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as south east Asia are still considered regions with micronutrient deficiencies of immense public health dimension (9), and health specialists are yet to identify effective intervention strategies particularly against iron and vitamin A deficiencies in sub- Saharan Africa
In several developing countries where most diets are plant food based, leafy green vegetables and orange fleshed fruits and vegetables are acknowledged sources of beta carotene - the precursor of vitamin A. Leafy vegetables are also important sources of riboflavin, ascorbic acid and folic acid in indigenous African diets. Apart from the spinach family of which Africa has more than 10 varieties, and a handful of other leafy vegetables and fruits, very little is known of the well over 200 varieties of indigenous edible greens and yellow fruits that are part of everyday meals in the sub-continent. Hence, a project that identifies indigenous African vegetables of nutritional import, is not only relevant to the immediate community, it is also relevant nationally and regionally.
B 2. Methods Used to Address Stated Objectives Both formal and informal survey methods were employed for data collection during this project. The following research methods were employed 1. Formal and Informal survey of communal farmers to investigate occurrence and distribution of traditional vegetables to determine the communities' preference of the available indigenous vegetables and traditional methods of preservation 2. Farmers meetings, workshops and annual field days to facilitate information exchange to ensure farmers understand the socio-economic role of traditional vegetables to evaluate the project's activities and allow for interactions from farmers concerning project activities 3. Nutrient analysis of six selected vegetables for protein, fat, carbohydrates, energy, iron, calcium, phosphorus and vitamin C.
B 3. Suggested Methodological Approach to Achieve Nutritional Objectives Considering that the project's general objective is to promote the production, conservation and utilization of traditional vegetables, the survey instruments should have been designed to enable the collection of information on :-
• normal usage of the vegetables (methods of preparation, are they used alone or in combination with other vegetables or foods, are they cooked with or without oil). • consumption patterns (are any of the vegetables consumed raw, how often are they used by households and in what quantities when used in meals). • availability during the year (what time of the year are the vegetables dried, how much of the vegetables are dried by households, how long do the households' stock of dried vegetables last).
111 • any taboos related to the consumption of any of the vegetables, what groups are affected by these taboos any illnesses associated with the consumption of these vegetables any vegetables not fed to children; when used in child feeding, are they prepared in any special way.
Information from these are invaluable in the development of social marketing strategies required for promoting the consumption of the identified indigenous vegetables. There is an ongoing effort worldwide to improve and increase dietary intakes of vitamin A, iron, folic acid and ascorbic acid in particular amongst pregnant women and pre-school children in developing countries. As mentioned earlier, leafy vegetables are important sources of beta carotene, riboflavin, ascorbic acid, folic acid, as well as calcium in indigenous African diets (10,11). Leafy vegetables are not traditional sources of iron, but the ascorbic acid they contain can be useful enhancers for the absorption of the not so significant amounts of iron contained in traditional African diets. Also, fresh green leafy vegetables are particularly important sources of folic acid for the African pregnant woman who is so distrustful of folic acid tablets. Of these listed nutrients of public health interest, analysis of the six selected vegetables in this project only provided information on their contents (in the fresh and dried forms) of vitamin C and calcium.
The nutritional analysis which is a crucial research activity for achieving the projects overriding objective, has not provided adequate and relevant information to meet today's need for nutrition information and education against micronutrients and other nutritional deficiencies. Furthermore, because some of these water soluble nutrients of public health interest (riboflavin, folic acid, ascorbic acid) are easily lost from leafy vegetables during processing and food preparation, analysis of the vegetables raw, dried and prepared becomes important, as there is need for information on processing techniques that best preserve the nutrients contained in the vegetables. Researchers on indigenous /uncultivated African food plants should borrow a leaf from the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Centre (AVRDC) whose research activities (12,13) have significantly contributed to the successes achieved in Asia, in promoting the use of vegetables in interventions against vitamin A deficiency. This centre has not only identified vegetable that are rich sources of micronutrients, it has also through bioavailability studies identified best cooking practices, and best vegetable combinations to ensure optimum availability of the specific nutrients provided by the vegetables.
Also in this second project (Project B), there were untapped opportunities for the social marketing of the indigenous vegetables under study. The end-of-phase project report, noted that "other than preference, communal farmers will sometimes consume certain vegetables which they normally would not" This suggests that communities will in times of need, consume what is available regardless of their usual preferences. During such periods especially in times of drought and famine, any available indigenous vegetable will be consumed as a matter of survival. One hundred and nineteen ( 119) vegetables were surveyed and identified in this project, only six were selected and limited laboratory analysis was done for their nutrient content. This restrictive selection process may have eliminated those vegetables that are rich in nutrients of public health interest. The fact that communal farmers and the communities they serve would, if need be, consume vegetables not in their "preferred list" opens a window of
112 opportunity for re-introducing and expanding the list of available vegetables for conservation, while at the same time providing information on their nutritional contents.
The project also reported that communal farmers know that these vegetables are highly nutritious, but cannot explain in detail the various elements contained in these vegetables. Providing this information creates an important avenue and opportunity for nutrition education and health mobilization of the community. Although leafy vegetables are well known suppliers of dietary beta carotene, folic acid, riboflavin, ascorbic acid and calcium, it is only through nutritional analysis that the best sources can be identified and promoted using social marketing strategies.
CONCLUSION The two projects reviewed were agricultural projects with obvious nutritional implications. However, although the research approaches had nutritional considerations, a closer look at the research methods employed, and the projects' activities, reveal that methods employed to achieve the stated objectives, are less likely to ensure that nutrition and health outcomes are part of the project's end results. The reasons for this are summarized thus :-
Although both projects have nutritional objectives, project activities were not geared towards achieving these stated objectives which for both was improving the nutritional well-being of the target populations through increased consumption of cowpeas or traditional leafy vegetables
Survey methods did not include instruments to solicit information on dietary habits of the target communities relating to the food crops in question. Such data is vital and forms the basis for social marketing strategies that should be developed to disseminate research results
In order to achieve the objective of popularizing the respective food crops, and effect an increase in their consumption, there is need to create in the target communities, an awareness of the health promoting attributes of these food crops. This crucial nutrition information was lacking in the cowpea project, and not adequate in the project on indigenous vegetables
The shortfalls identified in these two projects emphasize not only the need for donor agencies and organizations to fund and support nutritional research into indigenous African foods, there is an urgent need for the establishment of a comprehensive data bank (perhaps part of a national or regional gene/seed bank), on the nutrient composition of African indigenous food staples and non-staples of local, national and regional importance. It is however important to note that some data on the nutrient contents of some commonly consumed, and not so commonly consumed indigenous African foods are sitting in the libraries of Universities and research institutes in the sub-continent. There is need in Africa, for a body to link these research establishments, and coordinate the dissemination of research information thereby streamlining research activities and ensuring that new research is done only on never before studied crops, or those that may require further research. Such body will no doubt prevent the duplication of research efforts and wastage of the meagre resources available for research into indigenous African foods.
113 REFERENCES
1. FAO (1996) Food Security and Nutrition. Technical Background documents. vol.1-5, FAO, Rome. 2. International Conference on Nutrition (1992) World Declaration and Plan of Action for Nutrition, USAID, Food Security and Nutrition Monitoring Project (IMPACT) 3. WHO (1998) Nutrition for Health and Development : Malnutrition Worldwide, WHO, Geneva. 4. Farmers brush up indigenous crops. Spore # 94, August 2001 (Email ed.) 5. Smith, I.F. (2000) Food based approaches for improved micronutrient nutrition: A focus on Sub-Saharan Africa. A Study for Scientific, Technical and Advisory Services Directorate, Policy Branch, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). 6. Cowpea Improvement in Semi-Arid Tropics of west Africa. Final Report of IDRC Project 770092, S!SN 611, 1993. 7. Smith, I.F. (1998) Foods of West Africa, Their Origin and Use, Ottawa, Canada. 8. Indigenous Vegetables - An Alternative to Household Food Security in Zimbabwe. End of Phase 1 Report of IDRC Project 002757, SISN 5843, 2000. 9. ACC/SCN (2000) Fourth Report on the World Nutrition Situation, Geneva : ACC/SCN in Collaboration with International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) 10. Smith IF, Ojofeitimi EO (1995) Nutrition and Diet Therapy for Health Care Professionals in Africa, ABM, Nigeria 11. Smith, I.F. (1982) Leafy vegetables as sources of minerals in southern Nigerian diets. Nutr. Rep. Intern. 26, 679-688. 12. AVRDC (1986) Bioavailability of pro-vitamin A in vegetables and fruits. Asian Vegetable Research and Development Centre. Progress Report. 13. Ali M, Tsou SCS (1997) Combating micronutrient deficiencies through vegetables -a neglected food frontier in Asia. Food Policy 22, 17-38
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6.8 Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits & Vegetables– Potential For Marketing
Submitted by Muredzi. P.
(Institute of Food, Nutrition & Family Sciences; University of Zimbabwe, Box MP 167, Mt Pleasant Harare) ______1.0. Introduction Zimbabwe is endowed with an immense variety of Indigenous Fruits and vegetables that have not been exploited for the domestic and export market as fresh and processed products. Our local community through custom, habit and tradition as desirable and appropriate foods accepts traditional food plants in Zimbabwe. Of late researchers have concentrated on finding out the nutritive value of most Indigenous fruits and vegetables and have produced results which show the high levels of vitamins, food macromolecules and minerals but little has been done in conducting research to find out the possibility of marketing these crops or manufacturing food products from them.
A study carried out in Chinamhora and Mutoko showed that traditional vegetables grown include Amarathus hybridus, Cleome gynandra, corchorus spp, Curcubit maxima and Vigna unguiculta. T.Sibanda. et al 2000]. The scale of indigenous vegetable growing varies enormously from the smallest ‘kitchen gardens’ where most of the produce is consumed by the family, through those who sell a proportion to the local urban markets, to larger producers who have the potential to sell to export companies.
From a local point of view, these indigenous fruits and vegetables have established themselves into our culture and seem to have a place in local farming systems and community food preferences and eating habits. Currently, these crops do not realise a lot of money but can be produced under limited rainfall, unsuitable and infertile land and on restricted inputs and attention. As researchers have indicated, their under exploitation does not tally with their nutritional value and not only could they be marketed in the horticultural market, they could offer dietary diversification to the monotonous rural and urban diet of sadza and vegetables. In another study on consumer perceptions of indigenous fruits, it was observed that there is high consumption of the following indigenous fruits in Harare:
Uapaca kirkiana (Mazhanje) 83% Azanza Guerkiana (Matohwe) 75% Ziziphus Mauritiana (Masawu) 73% thus showing or indicating that fruits and vegetables are also popular in urban areas [Saidi.J et al 2000]. Respondents who did not seem to consume the indigenous fruits cited: unpleasant smell from some fruits sold, poor hygiene of fruit venders and poor taste in some fruits sampled.
______Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits and Vegetables-Potential For Marketing . Muredzi.P.[2001]
115 It was also observed that most indigenous fruits have a short shelf life and also that consumers were requesting marketers to clean, grade and package them appropriately. It is obvious that with careful attention, these problems can easily be overcome. ICRAF, together with the Zimbabwean Government, through the Research & Extension Department and the Crop Science Department, University of Zimbabwe, conducted research on ‘Post harvest practices and traditional processing of indigenous fruits and vegetables’ and revealed the existence of a vast potential to process indigenous fruits and vegetables into viable, quality food products. One interesting product was ‘chipapata’ which could be made from Uapaca kirkiana (Mazhanje). This is done by crushing the skins, softening them and mixing with honey. Besides this product they revealed the possibility of producing alcoholic and non- alcoholic beverages, confectioneries, dried whole fruits and oils from indigenous fruits and vegetables.
1.0 Present Trends in trade of fruits and vegetables The dynamism of trade in fruits and vegetables is rooted in several factors. Changes in dietary habits stemming from increased awareness, together with demand for convenience foods, have accelerated the consumption of fruit and vegetables in Zimbabwe and in European Community Countries that import horticultural produce from the Southern African Region. Retailers are devoting more shelf space to ready-to-eat fruit and vegetables targeted at households who want convenient, high-quality food. Indigenous fruits and vegetables could provide variety, value added and innovative products for retailers.
Estimates of the growth prospects for the fresh fruit and vegetable market as a whole vary, but it is widely recognised that sales of specialty vegetables and prepared fresh food have grown considerably in the 1990’s and are expected to continue growing rapidly in the foreseeable future. Fearne and Hughes [1998:5] estimate that ‘sales of specialty vegetables have increased by 21% in volume terms during the period 1993-1996’. They further draw attention to the rapid growth in sales of pre-washed salads, which are sold ready-to-eat. These increased by 34,3% in value terms between 1994 and 1996 [Fearne and Hughes 1998:25] It is possible that indigenous vegetables can actively compete with specialty vegetables as evidenced by the success in Kenya of export of indigenous fruits like papaya and mangoes. If other indigenous produce is marketed in the same way, this could prelude the dawn of a new era in Horticulture marketing for the whole Southern African Region.
The countries of sub-Saharan Africa presently have a niche in the trade of fruits and vegetables. Imports of fresh and chilled vegetables [harmonised tariff category 0708] into the European Union from outside Western Europe (including the Canary islands) rose by 133% between 1989 and 1997 (European database). Further, the 15 European countries imported ECU 41 million of ‘other fresh vegetables’ (HS 0709, which includes artichokes, asparagus, mushrooms, sweet peppers and capsium) from sub-Saharan Africa in 1997.
______Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits and Vegetables-Potential For Marketing . Muredzi.P.[2001]
116 While countries in Central dominate this trade, Europe and the Middle East, Kenya was the fifth largest supplier of these products to the European Union and included in the produce are some indigenous species like papaya and mangoes. It should be noted that supermarkets have extended their fresh produce ranges, increasing the number of varieties of basic products (such as tomatoes and apples), and introducing completely new products onto the shelves (okra, rape, papaya, water melons, etc). They constantly look for new product ideas and presentations. Processing, packaging and the development of new varieties create a very significant price premium.
Current research being conducted by the Institute of food, Nutrition and Family Sciences, University of Zimbabwe and the University of Reading in the United Kingdom, indicates the desire by consumers to have small-scale fruit and vegetable processors introduce new innovative products from indigenous fruits and vegetables available locally in Zimbabwe, namely -African Spinach,Lady’s finger Okra, Mufushwa and Matohwe.
Currently there is a Zimbabwean small-scale producer [Tulimara] who has ventured into processing indigenous fruits and vegetables and has produced jam from Ziziphus Mauritiana (Masawu Jam) which is currently doing well on the local market. This indicates a potential for diversification and it is worth noting that this is a specialty product of high value. It is now only left for researchers to use appropriate research tools and formulate other products and advice on issues of processing and marketing.
Indigenous fruits and vegetables as mentioned have not been exploited in the variety of fruits and vegetables being exported by Zimbabwe and when all export destinations are considered there is realization that the present markets should be fully exploited and that there is potential to boost their sales using existing markets. Zimbabwe currently exports Fruit and Vegetable produce to Australia, Asia, Hong Kong, United Kingdom, South Africa and Singapore [Dorlan.C; Humhrey. ..J; Pascal.C.H. IDS Working Paper 96]. In the same report by Dolan [et al 1996 ]major Zimbabwean fruit & vegetable exporters were sampled and the table below shows destinations of Exports from Zimbabwe.
Table 1.2
EXPORTER U.K (%) CONTINENTAL (%) OTHER (%) Zimbabwean Exporter 1 80 20 [Australia, Asia] Zimbabwean Exporter 2 80 15 5 [Australia, Hong Kong] Zimbabwean Exporter 3 52 30 18 [South Africa, Asia] Zimbabwean Exporter 4 90 5 5 [Australia] Zimbabwean Exporter 5 10 90 0 Zimbabwean Exporter 6 30 50 20 [Australia, Singapore, Hong Kong] ______Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits and Vegetables-Potential For Marketing . Muredzi.P.[2001] 117 2.0. Building Relationships with Importers (in the receiving countries) to enable Marketing. To enable the marketing and trade in Indigenous fruits and vegetables there is need for the local horticultural exporters to build relationships with importers that will enable the proper marketing of indigenous fruits and vegetables using existing technology and expertise.
Increasingly, importers are taking the lead in product development, working with their best suppliers to provide improved products, packaging and presentations. As one exporter remarked, “ It is possible to market and export indigenous fruits and vegetables but it is crucial that this be done with the assistance and cooperation of European and North American potential importers. I see no reason why we can not avail fresh packaged Derere (Lady’s finger Okra), Mugagachiga (Cantalope), Pumpkins, Munwisi (WaterMelon), Mapudzi (White Coloured Gourd) and Mazhanje to the European or American exotic foods market.
The relationship between exporters and importers is crucial for innovation. The development of long-term relationships with European buyers has brought several advantages to African exporters including access to technical and marketing information that enables them to shape their product mix and packaging to customer preferences. These importers assume responsibility for decisions governing product line, sales volume, price, and distribution, as well as market research and promotion.
It is also important that the Government plays a key role in ‘Zimbabweanizing’ the horticultural industry through government-sponsored trade fairs, training programs and airfreight facilities to enable small-scale and ‘rural’ folk to play a meaningfull role in the production and marketing of indegenous fruits and vegetables.
3.0 The Growers If indigenous fruits and vegetables are viable produce that can be supplied to the local and export market there is need to consider the possibility of participation of both large-scale and small- scale producers. The cultivation of indigenous fruits and vegetables is a possibility, and research has to be done regards the possibility of growing them on a large scale. Research has so far indicated that these plants can grow in infertile, poor soils and that the rural folk of Zimbabwe have the knowledge of cultivation and seed inputs. It is only appropriate that researchers gather information on availability of seed inputs, their possible commercial production and production trials.
It has been argued that there are strong tendencies towards concentration among exporters. Are there similar tendencies towards concentration at the production stage? There is clear evidence from Kenya and Zimbabwe that two processes have transformed the production base. On the one hand, sourcing from small holders has declined. In the 1990s, the considerable amount of production in Kenya came from small holders .The overall share of small holder production in fresh fruit and vegetable exports had dropped to less than 30% by the mid 1990s. [Barret, et al 1997].
______Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits and Vegetables-Potential For Marketing . Muredzi.P.[2001]
118 Table 3.0. Source of Supply by type of Production Unit (%)
Own farm Production Large Commercial Smallholders or Leased Land Farms Kenya 40 42 18 Zimbabwe 49 45 6 Source:Interview with leading exporters in Kenya and Zimbabwe [IDS Working paper 96]
In Zimbabwe, five of the largest exporters sourced less than 6% of their produce from the small holders. It is therefore important that small-scale producers be included in the chain as producers of indigenous fruit and vegetables and that large-scale producers be conscientised of the vast opportunities in trade of indigenous fruits and vegetables.
3.1 Possible problems to be faced by smallholder supply Exporters that wish to source indigenous fruit and vegetable produce from smallholders face a number of well-known problems that exist irrespective of the markets to be supplied. There is need to include the need to provide credit at interest rates affordable to small farmers, loan defaults and side-selling (i.e. selling produce to buyers other than the provider of credit and inputs). Moreover, smallholders suffer from logistical constraints such as transport due to poor roads and unreliable transport in rural areas. These problems are made more complex by the requirements of supermarkets and importers. In particular, smallholders supply must meet the following requirements:
♦ consistency across production units and through the season, which means controlling variation in agronomic practices consistent with growth of indigenous fruits and vegetables. ♦ maintaining post harvest quality and preventing deterioration, which means developing dispersed cold storage facilities using appropriate technology ♦ ensuring compliance with health and safety requirements, which means maintaining hygienic conditions across a broad range of producers. ♦ ensuring compliance with ethical trade commitments ♦ communicating changes in procedures to a large number of producers when product or growing innovations are made.
Clearly these financial and organizational challenges have to be achieved at an acceptable cost. It is easy to make a case against the possibility of relying on smallholders for the supply of indigenous fruits and vegetables. For example, it can be argued that the transaction costs and supervision costs involved in sourcing from a large number of small producers are much greater than sourcing from a small number of large producers. However these arguments frequently underestimate the problems associated with large size. Large farms require supervision of wage labour, whereas smallholders may have an incentive to look after crops, which require careful attention. Small plots and inter-cropping may reduce problems associated with the spread of disease and wind damage.
______Zimbabwean Indigenous Fruits and Vegetables-Potential For Marketing . Muredzi.P.[2001] 119 Zimbabwe and Kenya, Africa’s largest exporters have shown that smaller producers can meet the quality requirements of importers and one would like to think that marketing and sale of indigenous fruits and vegetables is indeed a possibility. Besides, smallholder sourcing may be an effective response to problems of access to land (particularly in Zimbabwe, where the land issue is politically sensitive) and the need to extend benefits of the export horticultural trade to broader segments of the rural population.
4.0 Which Indigenous Fruits and Vegetables can be considered for marketing? COMMON ENGLISH NAME VERNACULAR NAME(S) GENERAL INFORMATION-FOOD *refer to key USE & VAILABILITY Masawu (Ziziphus Mauritiana) Masawu (c) Found growing wild in the bush An indigenous seasonal wild fruit commonly found in the northern parts of Zimbabwe. Fruit can be used to make jam and wine or can just be eaten as a snack. Potential exotic fruit for export. African Spinach Mowa (c/w), , dangu / Used as relish, can be used as an guru ( c), munzwa (e), bonko (to), exotic African Vegetable. teka (h) Available throughout the year Water melon Muvembe, mugibe, munwisi, muvise Young leaves and fruits are cooked ( c) inkhabe (nd) makavatya (h), as vegetables and used as relish budzi (w) Ripe fruits are eaten fresh at dessert or snack. Available after the rainy season Lady’s Finger Okra Derere rechipudzi, gusha rechirungu, Gives a slippery mucilaginous texture derere ( c), idelele (nd), mandande when cooked and is usually eaten by (h) women, children and invalids. It is grown and is available all year round. Bush Okra Derere,gusha, gwisha (c), Idelele; Forms a popular mucilaginous dish igogola,isileleda (nd), telele buyu that is usually eaten with sadza. It is (to), guse (h) eaten mainly by women, children and invalids and is available throughout the year but more profoundly during the rainy season. Musk / Sweet / Honeydew / Melon Mugagagchiga, mugaka/e, Usually eaten raw as a desert. Cantaloupe munganganga, mutete (c) sula (to) It is usually available during the first muhlangahla, murakaraka (h) half of the dry season (if rain fed) Pumpkins Munhanga (c), leaves: mumhodzi (c) pumpkin leaves are used as relish during the rainy season. The leaves are picked when young and the older leaves are usually cooked with the addition of soda to soften them. Tomatoes are also sometimes cooked with the leaves. Immature fruits may be cooked as vegetable and the mature fruit is 120 boiled till soft then eaten or mashed with peanut butter to make a tasty exotic African dish. The seeds can be pounded and added to vegetables. Plant seeds are sown at the beginning of the rains and are either intercropped with cereals or planted separately. False / African Wild Bananas Mubhanana mufigu, hovha (c) Usually eaten as a snack or dessert and is available throughout the year .As required the trees are usually grown along a stream. White flowered/ Calabash / Trumpet / Mapudzi, Rukavhu (c) ikhomane The fruits are eaten in the same way Bottle Gourd / Squash (nd), marangu (h) as pumpkins and the young shoots and leaves are used by some as vegetables. They are usually available soon after the rainy season and are intercropped with maize. Bitter / Cucumber / Melon Gourd / Mapudzi, rukavhu (c) , ikhomane The young and non-bitter fruits are basalm Pear (nd), marangu (h) consumed as a snack. They are usually intercropped with maize and are available during the rainy season and soon after. Bambara Nuts Nzama, nyimo (c) indlubu (nd), The seeds are eaten raw or cooked nyimo (w) tinjuwu (h) but when dry they are too hard to be eaten raw. Roasted and salted seeds are eaten as a snack or as a relish accompanying the main dish. Immature green pods / young leaves are sometimes eaten as a vegetable. Cowpeas Nyemba (c) Kangagube (to) Tinyawo The leaves are steamed, boiled or (h) fried alone or with other vegetables and then eaten with sadza. The dried seeds are usually boiled and then eaten alone or mixed with maize Key: C-Central Shona, E-Eastern Shona, W-Western Shona, Nd-Ndebele, H-Hlengwe, To-Tonga
121 Other potential indigenous fruits and vegetables include: Mazhanje / mashuku, Mawuyu (Baobab Fruit), Matamba, Nyii, runi / bangara / nyeve, tsvanzva / nhengeni, maroro, hute, mukakashango.
5.0 Challenges This paper has raised issues concerning potential marketing opportunities of indigenous fruits and vegetables and poses the following challenges to all stakeholders in the trade of fruit and vegetables: ♦ Ensuring researchers do not concentrate on nutritional value but continue to research on availability of seed crop of indigenous fruit and vegetables from the rural areas and smallholder farmers. Researching on possible products and marketing strategies. ♦ Encouraging the rural folk to view indigenous fruits and vegetables as potential money- spinners. ♦ Ensuring that those small holders who will venture into indigenous fruits and vegetables meet the exacting requirements of local consumers and importers. ♦ Ensuring rationalisation of the supply base in favour of ‘dedicated’ suppliers that can deliver consistently high quality safe products. ♦ Government help in establishing finance, infrastructure, technical assistance, intelligence and the development of innovative capability through research institutions and Universities. ♦ The need to undertake technically sophisticated undertakings such as bar coding, labeling and investment in machinery and facilities
6.0 References: T. Sibanda; H.M. Dobson, J.F. Cooper; W. Manyangarirwa, W. Chiimba 2000; ‘Pest Management Challenges for the Smallholder Vegetable farmers in Zimbabwe’ pp1-3 Catherine Dolan, John Humphrey, Carla Harris-Pascal; ‘Horticulture Commodity Chains: The Impact of the UK Market on the African Fresh Vegetable Industry. IDS Working Paper 96’ pp17; 29-30 Jason Agar; ‘Marketing for the local market-what does it mean in practice’ Small Enterprise Development Vol.10 No 4 pp10-12 Coulter, j, Millns, J and Tallontire, a, 1999. ‘Increasing the involvement of smallholders in high-value horticulture, Lessons from Zimbabwe: Report with Policy Recommendations on Strategies for Involving Smallholders in Export Horticulture in Zimbabwe’; Chatham: Natural Resources Institute Gereffi, G, 1995, ‘Global production systems and third world development’ in B Stallings (ed), Global Change, regional Responses, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 100-142 Mulandi, M. 1898, ‘The status of the horticultural industry, challenges and strategies, now and beyond the year 200’ Nairobi: Horticultural Crops Development Authority J.Saidi, 2000, ‘Marketers and consumer perceptions of indigenous fruits –Case studies in Harare’
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7.0 APPENDICES
123 Appendix 1. WORKSHOP PROGRAMME
Tuesday Welcome and Opening Session Sept 4 Welcoming Address: Mr. Andrew Mushita (CTDT) Session 1 Opening Address: Research Approaches in the Conservation and Use of African 8:30-10:00 Leaf Green Vegetables. (Ehsan Dulloo, IPGRI)
Workshop Objectives/Participant Introduction (Sheri Arnott)
10:00-10:30 Coffee/Tea Break
Session 2 Theme 1: Research on African Indigenous Vegetables 10:30-13:00 Indigenous Vegetables: the case from Zambia (Dr. Mbewe) (15 min) Indigenous Vegetables: the case from Uganda (Dr. Kiremire) (15 min) Regional Perspectives: J. Luzuka (SADC) (15 min)
Discussion (Discussion will focus on laying out key features and gaps of approach)
13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00-17:00 Theme 2: Landscape Approaches Session 3 Leaves, lifestyles and landscapes: people and ecological factors in leafy vegetable use ( T. Cunningham (15 min) ‘Cultivating the landscape’: the south Asian experience (PV Sahteesh) (15 min) Non-domesticated Semi-domesticated biodiversity: the CBDC experience in Latin America (A. Celis) (15 min)
Discussion (Discussion will focus on laying out key features and gaps of approach)
15:30-15:45 Coffee/Tea Break
124 Wednesday Site Visit to Murewa vegetable plots
September 5 Roundtable Discussion with Farmers Site visit to Muzarabani Indigenous Vegetable Seed Production Farm All day
6:30- 16:00 Evening Social Evening 18:00- till late Dinner for all participants
Thursday Lessons learned
September 6 Review of Day 1 and Day 2 (Sheri Arnott, Isabel Magumise) Session 1 8:30 – 9:00
Session 2 Theme 3: Crosscutting Issues 9:00-10:15 Tenure and management: Lisa Price (15 min) Nutrition: F. Smith (15 min)
Discussion (Discussion will focus on relevance of crosscutting issues to two approaches outlined on first day)
10:15-10:30 Coffee/Tea Break
11:00-13:30 Synthesis Session
Key conceptual and methodological issues: Complementarities and areas of overlap
13:30-14:30 Lunch
14:30- 17:00 Planning for Future Action and Workshop Evaluation
125 APPENDIX 2. LIST OF PARTICIPANTS
Name and Position Contact address
Sherri Arnott IDRC, Canada, Ottawa, Ontario. [email protected] Isabel Magumise Community Technology Development Trust 286 Northway Road Project leader Prospect. Waterfalls. Harare, Zimbabwe
Tel/Fax: 263-4-576408/576091 [email protected]
Victoria Machakaire Community Technology Development Trust
Agronomist 286 Northway Road Prospect. Waterfalls. Harare, Zimbabwe
Tel/Fax: 263-4-576408/576091 [email protected] or [email protected]
Dr. AB (Tony) Ethnoecology Services Cunningham People and Plants Initiative
84 Watkins St. WhiteGum Valley, 6162, Australia [email protected] Director
Dr. Ehsan Dullo International Plant Genetic Resources Institute(IPGRI) Germplasm Conservation Regional Office for Sub-Saharan Africa Secretariat IPGRI, c/o ICRAF, PO Box 30677, Nairobi KENYA Tel: (254-2) 521514 Fax: (254-2) 521209 [email protected] Dr. M.L. Chadha Asian Vegetable Research and Development Centre (AVRDC) Director Africa Regional Programme Media Research and Training Center PO Box 10, Duluti Arusha, Tanzania [email protected] Phone: 255-27-2548491 Fax: 255-27-2544270
126 Mrs. Angelica Celis Community Biodiversity Development and Conservation Network Vice President and Centro de Educationy Tecnologia (CET) Casilla 16557, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile Phone : 5645 248796 or 5645 248835 cettco@ctcinternet Dr. Francisca Smith Consultant, Nutrition of Indigenous Foods in Africa Nutrition consultant 51 Hackett Street Ottawa, Ontario K1V 0P6 Canada [email protected] Mr. P.V. Sahteesh Deccan Development Society, India and South Asian Network for Food, Director, DDS Indian Ecology and Culture (SANFEC) Animator SANFEC a-6 Meera Apartments, Basheerbagh Hyderabad, 500029 A.P. India Phone :91-040-3222260/3222867 Fax : 91-040-3222260 [email protected] Dr. L. M. Price Sociology of Consumers and Households, Dreijenborch Bldg, No/ 322, Asst. Professor Ritzenabosweg 32A Wageningen Phone:31-317-482571 Fax; 31-317-482593 Email: [email protected] Mrs. P. T. Sabela H 1398, Esikhawini-Richards Bay, South Africa Lecturer Or University of Zululand, P. Bag. X1001, Kwadlangezwa, SA 3886 Phone: 27-359026377, Fax: 27-359026069 Email: [email protected] Dr. D. Mbewe University of Zambia, Great East Road Campus, P. O. Box 32379, Acting Dean Lusaka Phone: 260-1-250587/295655,Fax: 260-1-295655/295213 Email: [email protected] Dr. R. Madakadze University of Zimbabwe, Crop Science Dept, Box MP167, Mt. Pleasant, Lecturer Harare. Zimbabwe, Phone: 263-4-303211, Fax: 236-4-333407 Email: [email protected] Mr. P. Muredzi Institute of Food Nutrition and Family Sciences, Box MP167, Mt. Lecturer Pleasant, Harare. Zimbabwe, Phone: 263-4-303211 Email: [email protected] 127
Dr. B. Kiremire Makerere University Main Campus, Chemistry Department, P.O.Box Asst. Professor 7052, Kampala, Uganda, Phone: 256-41-540985, Fax:256-41-531061 Email: [email protected], [email protected] Mr. Mushita 286 Northway road, Prospect, Harare, Zimbabwe, Director Phone: 263-4-576091/108 Email: [email protected]
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