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Welsh Politics and Policymaking

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Welsh Politics and Policymaking CHAPTER 3 WELSH POLITICS AND POLICYMAKING Inclusion in Welsh Higher Education INTRODUCTION The changing political response in UK legislation towards disabled students in higher education became a driving force for policy change in Wales. Chapter three reflects on the changes in Welsh politics and policy, identifying the tensions which existed between policymakers, higher education providers and disabled students. As mapped out in the previous chapter, the challenge to dominant views about impairment and disability as experienced within UK politics and policy were also evident in Wales. Differing policy responses between the UK nations are explored, against a strengthening legislative focus towards securing participation and inclusion of disabled students. Notably, the political agenda radically changed in Welsh policy and policymaking and the chapter begins by providing an overview of priorities and objectives: from the bureaucracy of the Welsh Office to a post- devolved Welsh government. WELSH POLICY AND POLICYMAKING The Welsh Office was created in 1964 and became a vast bureaucratic administration influencing the direction of Welsh policy for more than three decades: The Welsh Office grew from a territorial government ministry, with mainly executive oversight responsibilities (commenting on the work of the other government departments), to a department with its own functional remit. (Deacon & Sandry, 2007, p. 109) Criticism about the lack of representation and accountability in decisions, forced many to question the role of the Welsh Office. In 1979 a Welsh referendum proposed the creation of an independent elected Assembly: the proposal was rejected by the people of Wales by a majority of four to one. Two months later Margaret Thatcher formed a UK government and a long process of decline and recession in Wales followed. Mass unemployment and economic hardship ensued, caused in part by: the decline in manufacturing industry devastated by the 1980-81 recession; the ruthless cuts by British Steel prior to its sell-off in 1988; and the obliteration of the mining industry. Public spending was cut back and Wales was subjected to some of the worst poverty in Western Europe (Davies & Williams, 2009, p. 43). In response the Tories promoted industries such as electronics and electrical engineering, and encouraged tourism: ‘a giant business park-cum-tourist 33 CHAPTER 3 resort’ (Davies & Williams, 2009, p. 18). Although prosperity in parts of Wales began to emerge, other parts experienced severe poverty and inequality. A backlash against Westminster and its ‘quangos’ followed with the mood of the country changing, demanding representation, accountability, transparency, accessibility and responsiveness in policymaking. A renewed commitment by the Welsh Labour Party followed with a promise that a Welsh Assembly would: … be conducive to the participation of members from all sections of the community. Active measures should be taken to ensure that there are no barriers in respect of gender, race, colour creed, disability or family commitments … The Assembly will be concerned with promoting and overseeing the development of equal opportunities generally in Wales by scrutinising policies and developing new strategies to achieve equality. (Wales Labour Party, 1996, p. 4; quoted in Chaney, Hall, & Dicks, 2000, p. 204) In 1997 a second referendum was held, which approved by an extremely small majority (50.3 per cent) the creation of the National Assembly for Wales (NAfW). The following year Parliament passed the Government of Wales Act establishing the Welsh Assembly. The Assembly inherited a nation suffering from extreme inequality and social injustice and the politicians made a commitment to break the ‘spiral of deprivation’. Whilst New Labour at Westminster pursued a reform programme, which was market-driven, choice-orientated and class-ridden, Welsh Labour pursued a progressive agenda based on collaboration, community and citizenship (Davies & Williams, 2009, p. 88). The difference in approach was clearly visible in the educating for equality policy in Wales: education and lifelong learning approaches built upon valuing individual potential and fulfilment in an attempt to break the cycle of disadvantage. In higher education the Welsh government sought ways to encourage widening participation and to equalise opportunity and a number of high profile reviews were undertaken (NAfW, 2001b; Rees, 2001, 2005; Graham, 2006; Jones, 2008, 2009; HEA, 2009) and plans adopted (NAfW, 2002; WAG, 2009a, 2010). A main focus throughout the Assembly’s first decade surrounded the debate about the variable tuition fee introduced under Part III of the Higher Education Act 2004 (DfES, 2004), which allowed institutions to charge tuition fees up to a maximum of £3,000 per annum in England and Wales. In December 2010, the UK government controversially approved raising the cap on tuition fees to £9,000 per annum. Whilst the power of the Welsh Assembly prior to 2006 was restricted in its response it re-introduced maintenance grants in 2002 up to £1,500: a move contrary to Westminster policy which favoured the use of student loans. By 2006 student finance was, however, similar to that in England with the exception that undergraduate students studying full-time were charged a tuition fee of £1,200. But notably, the Assembly introduced a non-means tested tuition fee loan, which removed up-front fees (Jones, 2008). In response to the Rees review (2005) 34 .
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