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The Popularization of Belly Dance in Toronto, Canada (1950-1990): Hybridization and Uneven Exchange by Anne Vermeyden A Thesis presented to The University of Guelph In partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Guelph, Ontario, Canada © Anne Vermeyden, January, 2017 ABSTRACT The Popularization of Belly Dance in Toronto, Canada (1950-1990): Hybridization and Uneven Exchange Anne Vermeyden Advisors: University of Guelph, 2016 Dr. Femi Kolapo and Dr. Renée Worringer Belly dance was first performed publicly in Toronto during the late nineteenth century. While immigrants to Canada from the Middle East faced discrimination, white audiences could not get enough of stereotypical portrayals of danse du ventre. Hollywood further popularized the Orientalist image of the belly dancer, and beginning in the 1950s, star Middle Eastern dancers like Samia Gamal and Nejla Ateş were making appearances on Toronto stages. By the 1960s, American, Middle Eastern, and Canadian dancers were performing belly dance in Toronto’s hotel nightclubs and restaurants. During belly dance’s peak popularity in the 1970s and 1980s, multiple venues were running two belly dance shows a night, six days a week, and belly dance classes were so popular they were often waitlisted. Why and how did this Middle Eastern dance form become so popular between 1950 and 1990 in the city of Toronto? Various archival sources and twelve oral history interviews with professional dancers and teachers indicate that belly dance’s popularization in Toronto was partially a result of its widespread stereotypical presentation in North America as something exotic, ancient, and sexual. This contributed to a growing demand for belly dance shows amongst white Canadians, but increasing immigration from the Middle East was an even more essential element in the growth of Middle Eastern entertainment in the city. White and Middle Eastern dancers and teachers who worked in Toronto hybridized belly dance performances as they circulated transnationally, with some working and performing internationally while also developing personal and professional relationships which bridged ethnic and cultural divides. Dancers and instructors alternately embraced and resisted Orientalist stereotype in their work as they navigated a social and political context in Canada which favoured whiteness. Many also laboured to increase belly dance’s respectability by trying to distance performances from overt sexuality, or by aligning them with regional pride, spirituality, fitness, or feminism. Belly dancers, instructors, and choreographers participated in uneven processes of exchange and hybridization which characterized belly dance’s popularization in Toronto. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to thank Dr. Barbara Sellers-Young for her foundational research and for generously helping me immerse myself in the history of North American belly dance. I am also so grateful for the support and feedback of my advisors Dr. Femi Kolapo and Dr. Renee Worringer, as well as for the critical eye of Dr. Jeff Grischow. My committee’s timely and thoughtful advice was indispensable. I am also thankful for the translation assistance of Dr. Balsam Alabdulkader, my dear friend who has tirelessly supported me in my pursuit of the Arabic language. Thank you each for your expertise and support. To the global Middle Eastern dance community and the Middle Eastern dance community of Toronto, thank you—this project would not have been possible without you. Jaene F. Castrillon, thank you for helping me connect with dancers; Cassandra Shore, Garnet Kepler, Julie A. Elliot (Shira), Leila Gamal, and Sahra C. Kent (Sahra Saeeda), thank you for sharing your rich experiences and research with me. I have immeasurable gratitude to the oral history participants involved in this study: Anne Kokot (Aziza), Brenda Bell (Badia Star), Dahlia Obadia, Diana Calenti, Eddy Manneh, George Sawa, Maria Morca, Susan Karima (Susan Evans), Roula Said, Victoria Lammers (Jamila), Wagdi Bechara, and Yasmina Ramzy. Your experiences and narratives are the soul of this dissertation. Thank you for sharing both your stories and your personal photo and document collections. You are all my teachers, and I hope I have shared your stories well. To my husband Pim Vermeyden, you are my anchor, and I could not have done this without you. You are the best combined technical-moral support in existence. Finally, this project would not have happened without my friend Dharlene Valeda, who opened my eyes to the wide world of belly dance, and allowed me to steal half of her library for the better part of four year iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................................... i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................... iii LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................................... v LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................................... vi GLOSSARY OF TERMS ............................................................................................................. vii CHAPTER I: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER II: Critical Approaches to Historical Belly Dance Narratives: Theory, Historiography and Methodology .......................................................................................................................... 29 CHAPTER III: Danse du Ventre’s North American Debut and Orientalist Contextualization in Toronto .......................................................................................................................................... 75 CHAPTER IV: Transnational Circulation’s Impact on the Hybridization of Belly Dance Performance in Toronto, 1953-1985 ............................................................................................112 CHAPTER V: Belly Dancing, Whiteness, Multiculturalism, and Identity at Metro Toronto International Caravan, 1969-1989 .............................................................................................. 173 CHAPTER VI: The Emergence of the Belly Dance Class in Toronto, 1970-1987 .................... 207 CHAPTER VII: Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 246 APPENDIX A: Interview Question Set Base ............................................................................. 253 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 257 v LIST OF TABLES Table 1.0. The popularity of belly dance in Toronto (1950-1989) 24 Table 2.0. Ages of interviewees 59 Table 2.1. Ethnic identities of interviewees 59 Table 2.2. Birth-nations of interviewees 60 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.0 Yasmina Ramzy wearing shamadan, c. 1986. 11 Figure 1.1 Nejla Ateş pictured on Port Said album cover, 1958. 13 Figure 1.2 Toronto Planning Board map, c. 1957-1960. 21 Figure 3.0 Dancers on cover of National Police Gazette, May 20th, 1883. 88 Figure 4.0 Ad for Samia Gamal’s Toronto White Cargo performance, 1953. 117 Figure 4.1 Ad for Michael Safi's Topless Harem Revue, February 2, 1970. 139 Figure 4.2 Star Bell in West-Coast costuming, 1977. 156 Figure 4.3 Star Bell performing in Toronto’s Cleopatra, 1982. 158 Figure 4.4 Yasmina Ramzy in a red bedlah, Toronto, 1989. 161 Figure 4.5 Yasmina Ramzy on the cover of Camera Lights Magazine, 1984. 168 Figure 4.6 Badia Star while working in Egypt, c. 1984. 169 Figure 6.0 Ad for belly dance classes at the Academy of Dance Arts, 1973. 217 Figure 6.1 Cover of Maria Morca’s Belly Dance Work Kit, 1975. 223 vii GLOSSARY OF TERMS The Arabic asaya or asa literally translates to “stick.” Asa is Modern Standard :(عصا) asaya/asa Arabic, while asaya is an Egyptian colloquial term for stick. Common belly dance performances that include the use of a cane or a stick include stylized presentations of Saidi folkloric dance and tahtib. Some belly dance performances referencing Levantine folklore may also utilize a cane or stick. An almeh (pl. awalim) was the Arabic term given to a reputable singer and dancer :(عالمة) almeh who performed in private settings in Egypt, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Over the twentieth century, the term has come to be used derogatively to refer to musicians and belly dancers.1 ,Baladi can literally mean my country, but it is also used to describe “a way of life :(بلدي) baladi type of food, and style of dressing, speaking, moving and making gestures.” 2 It is a lifestyle associated with those who have come to cities in Egypt from rural areas and villages. It evokes ideas like authenticity, nationalism, and has a class association. Baladi people are among the lower classes, but they are understood as being very proud, honourable, and are considered by many the possessors of “real” Egyptian culture.3 When referring to dance and music specifically, baladi references urban Cairene styles that have been influenced by men and women who have immigrated to the city from more rural regions. Baladi dance is “heavier” than typical twentieth-century raqs sharqi. It is often more stationary, and is often performed in a galabeya as opposed to a two-piece costume.
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