Transference and Invention: Punk in a Slovene Village of Trate

Transferenceand Invention: Punk in a Slovene Village of Trate

Raiko Mur5id

- pop,jazz, taitornt,Vole. Openedwithin the previousvoluure with severalarticles on very ac- and rock - the fiejd of subculturesis approachedherein, again. The authoris a tive researcherand professorin Ljubljana(Slovenia), editor to several(including serial) volutnes,and orgarriser of diversenational and internationalacadernic gatherings'

The first analysesof contemporarycultural phenomena.including popular music,weie trying to discussthe modernsociety in generalvia social and cultural criticisrnof particularphenomena of popular or massculture and its alternativecounterpafts (e.g., Adorno 1986; Adorno and Hork- heimer 1980; Horkheirner1989; Marcuse 1989; Rosenbergand white 1965; Roszak 1978). Later, in the seventies,British sociologistswere concernedwith commodificationof popularmusic and its use,influences of massmedia and recordingindustry, and sociologicalanalyses of youth subcultures(Hebdige 1980: Brake 1984;Frith 1986, 1987).Birming- ham's Centre fbr ContemporaryCultural Studiespaved a way to diverse studies of contemporaryculture with use of more qualitative research methodologies(cf. Hali and .lefferson1975; I-lall, Hobson,Lowe, and Willis.lgS0). With ethnographicstudies (e.g., Willis 1978; Finnegan 1989;Cohen l99l;FornZii litrdb..g and Sernhede1995), the notionof overwhelmingilfluence of popular music industryto the everydaylife of ordir-raryconsumers began to change(cf. Longhurst 1995).Ethnographic studiesof particular music subculturesrevealed the fact that the modern cultural productionprocess is not a one-wayprocess. One of remained unansweredquestions is if there ale any differencesbetween modern cultural practi""i in urban centresand rural areas.ln the presentpaper I will 113 try to presenta case str,rdyof particularsuburbanisation process of the countrysidein Slover-riawhich was,at leastin the periodafier World War II. characterisedby adoptionof variouspopr-rlar music genresitt a pat'- 'fhe ticular village. processesof taking over of particularpopurlar music stl,lesare far frorn being trivial: they nay l'epresent1ar deepersocial of particularmlsical tasteis' pro..rr., and changesduring time. Shaping -['he as shapiugof any other taste(cf-. Bourdieu 1984).a socialprocess' limits of particuiartaste are, at leastroughly speaking.congrlrent with limits of particularsocial strata.althougl-r the boundariesbetn'een thepr areblurred.

A Local Punk Scene

On the contraryto the f-rrststudies of tnodernsubcultures and popular music.it becamemore and more obviousthat manyinteresting plocesses in popularrnusic are occurril.lgoll regionallevel (cf. carney 1995).and thc on^muchmore hidden local and even micro-locallevels. Alter all. at the sametitne an individual'schoice of asso- choiceof music is often "anol1y- ciating with others(mates, peer groLlps.etc.). The creativityof local ,-,rouri rock,jazz, or other popular music groupsperformitlg i' places *u, .irr.cl becausethcy didl't enter global mass production' "livir]g" However.tl-re essential contactwith musicis still very inlportattt - andit is only possiblewithin the everydaycontacts ou the local level' Sometimes.rock activitiesmay be evenrlole developedin the rural be- areathan in towns. Suchwas an exceptionalcase in Sloveniain tl-re ginr-ri1gof the eighties.I will describeparticular local or.micro-localsub- I'lturJin the ruial part of Slovenia,centred arou'd activitiesof sevcral pr-rnhrock groupsin the early 1980sand the still activeand r'vellhuowt.t begarr |,rd.rground ,.otk gt'o.tpC)ZD (Centre for Dehumanisation)rvl'rich and to plu! in the village of Tratein 1984and nowadaystnake rehearsals 1995a)' '..oriing, i' a village o1'CerSak(on the groupCZD seeMur5id work Dr-rri'g the past seveial yearsI have been co'ducting etlmographic to in thelillage of Trate in the North-Eastpart of Slovenia.I was trying trans- fbllow the emergenceof a local punk scenein the eightiesand its arouud fbrmation ancldisappearing in the nineties.The scenewas centred be- a very important "iitug. youth club which operatedas a rock club Slo- trveenI9i9 andl994.ln a srnallvillage of Trate,there was the only with vene rock club. regularlyopen throughoutthe 1980s.In a village

114 350 inhabitants,two punk bandsstarted to play in 1980/1981and tlie third onewas establisl-redin 1982.In 1984.those grolrps split and another two emerged.One of them.C'ZD - Centrefor Dehumanisation,became a uniquephenomenon in tl-reSlovene rock sceneand is still very active.All of them haclrehearsals in the village rock club. called The Trule Youlh ('lub. I wrote aboutthe club and the local subcultureelsewl-rere (Mr,rrSic 1995b:1997). In Slovenia.and in the lbrmer Yugoslavia,rock music was intro- ducedat the beginningof the 1960sand was. as elsewhere. essentially an urban popular music form. Wher-rthe developmentof the rock scene touched villages. we would expect to find a reproductionits old- fashionedforms. However,at the end of the 1970s,the youth in the vil- lagestrom Slovenskegorice didn't lister-rto old-fashionedpopular music st-vles.Tl-rey took music of their time - punk rock - as their "own" form o1' expression.Tliey successfullytook over the contemporarl,style. ar:tochthonisedit (on that conceptsee Mur5id 1998).and developedtheir' orrn urd\geno\\sne\\ domes\ica\edsty\e. N\enbo;s (.rit\r one exeep[o\1. thele w-ereno girls actively participating in music rnaking) fiom Trate anclnearby villages startedto play. they wele 14 to 16 years old. Ftor"r-r the very beginningot'their musical activities. they wrote their or.vnsongs. 'l'hey neversang ir.r Englisli. but in a local dialect.It was the only way 10 expresstheir own experience.And that is what is all about in popr-rlar nrusic. Although there wele appal'entinlluences of by then leadingpunk groups fi'orn England, from Liubliana and other placesfrom the fbrmer Yugoslavia.the punksfi'om Slovenskegorice were developingtheir own way of appropriationof the currentpopular music style. lt was. essentially, the way of their own growth.It concernednot only music,br,rt the entirelife-style of the youth who lived in the village and went to school in the nearbytown of Maribor. How'ever.neither a weak rock scenein Maribor. nor the weakerrock sceneacross the borderin Austria pla,ved ar-rysignificant role in the developmentof the village punk scene.The onl1,urban experiencethat matteredwas a tough atrnosphereamong the u'orkersemployed in industrialfacilities of the town Maribor.which u,as at the time one of the leadingindr.rstrial centres in the fbrmer Yugoslavia. Althougli urbanatmosphere was much more imaginedthan experienced. it rvas reflectedin the lvlics of the {rrounsBulli. Masukr and Diuntbu,s"

115 and, later, in mixture of industrial sound and elementarypunk rock fbrrn in the music by the groupCZD. At the very beginning.a new musicalstyle was apparentlytrans- f-erredfiom the Great Britain. Kids from Trate got the first information o1' punk frorn televisionand radio and by readingthe musicalnewspapers (Sropfrom Ljubljana, Diuboks from Belgradeand Bravo from Germany. etc.). However, the initiative transferof a new radical music style and subculturalstance did not bring completeinformation. Like in othersimi- lar transferenceprocesses, receivers of informationdid understandmuch more than the information transferredcould provide. This surplus of meaningis, I suppose,the mysteryof musicaleffects in general.Later more on that. we have to answerthe question,why has punk rock fallen on the fertile groundin the village of Trate.To answersuch a question, we have to analysethe mechanismsof its transfer,adoption, and its de- velopnent witl-rinthe particularlife context.

Transference and Its Backup: Transformation, Innovation, Crea- tion, and Adaptation

The analysisof above mentionedtransference process in the village is possible,because the otherwisehidden mechanisms of its functioningare much more transparentin the rangeof a relatively small group of people than in anonymousenvironment of cities. observing the situationin a srnallplace. like a village,an observergets an opportunityto studypar- ticular living situationlike observinga kind of a sociallaboratory. An- thropologicalmethodology has been developed on the basisof suchsmall communities'studies. Punk subculture in Slovenia was not just another fashionable "ctaze". It was, in fact, the first socially impoftant and genuinesubcul- tural movementin Slovenia,although some other subculturesappeared before.Punk - as both, a musicalstyle and a lifestyle- was initiatedim- mediatelyafter its appearancein England.The first punk band in Slove- nia, the group Pankrti, appearedin 1977.The majorityof previousrock bandssang in either English or Serbian-Croatianlanguage, but all the punk bandsbegan to sing in Slovenelanguage, using urban slang and local dialects.They didn't simply reproducedmusic which camefrom the GreatBritain, but activelydeveloped their own style.They didn't appeal the British audience,but sangto their fellows in particular"underground"

tlo placesin Slovenia.They werethe first generationsocialised in the devel- tped media environmentand sharedmuch more in colnmon with their age mates from Western Europe thal with their parents.They simply inted to enjoy in rock music.They took it as a normalpart of theil life' But politicai situation was not ready for their claims for freedom (cf' Maledkarand Mastnak1985). It happenedthat punk movementin Slove- nia was important not only becauseof outburstof a local music creativity, but alsoas the first germof the autonomouscivil societyin Slovenia' However, it is importantthat punk subculturewas not deliberatelydissi- dentin political ,"nr". it createdits own autonomousculture, followed its o*.n uuiu.r. establishedits own productionand was actingin accordance to its own visions and statements.It didn't competewith the dominant Socialistpolicy, althoughit wasn't apoliticalat all. It didn't confronttlie socialism-itself.The punkssimply ignoredit. Punk subcultureunderstood itselfas the productionof a socialsphere (Mastnak 1994:95). Two years after the appearanceof punk rock in Liubliana. first nunk bandswere establishedin the villagesof northeasternSlovenia' At ihe end of 1979they fonned the youth club. It soon becamethe meeting point of local pur-rksand the place in which the bandsstarted to make rehearsals.In the club some30 to 50 boysand girls would rneetduring the weekendsat rock danceparties and concerts.The club was also a meeting place fbr other youtlts from the surroundingvillages in the radius of appioxirnatelyl0 kilometres.If we take in accounttl-re prevailing norms oi-semirural environment,the irnageof tlie pulks from Trate was pretty radical.However. there were not so many open conflictsbetween older villagersand the youths.Flowever, the pressingof the local environment was more hidden or canalisedin the conflict with the local authorities. However.all the conflictswith eldersand authoritieswere successfully solved.The processof creatingthe conflictsby plannedprovocations and the way of iti solvingby discussingand participating in the public ever.lts within the local community was unique. After the adoptir-rgof the pr'rnk music aestheticsand someapparent traits of the punk image. local punks were on their own. The developmentof eventsbecame essentially the matter of the local youths and villagersthemselves. The interactionof two (or more) groups becamevery productive for the local punk scene which was forced to be tntich more active than it would be if there woulcl be anv conflict.

117 There were. of course.general negative respollses of tlie villagers and local authorities,but local punkswere very well organisedand very convincingin their effort to controlsituation. The creativityof both sides. local majority and local subculture,was essentialin the mutual adaptation processof the youtli and the older generation.The resultout of sucl'r a conflict was not only modernisationof the local environment.but also improvementof its democraticinstitutions. I supposeit may be the illus- trativecase of the processof nTodernisationon the local level.The proc- esslnay be describedby the model of an opensystern and the interaction betweentwo systems- or a systemand its subsystems(more on sucha dynarnicprocess in Mur5id 1995b).Essential fbr describingthe slrccess- ful adoptionof the lif-estyleis the useof tlie F'reudianconcept of transl'er-

DialogicallyConstructed ldcas and Their Final Realisationin Ritual Practices

After the initial transl'ero1'the recent popular music stylein the local environment,several transference processes started to worl<.Local subculture had to be very inventiveto be ableto "play its game".Invention clid not play its role only in musicmaking. but alsoin creatingor redesigr,ing of the visual attributesof the scene.Conscious punk clothingbegan r,vith appropriationo1- the old clothesand imaginativelyredesigr-ring of the ele- rrentstaken from "normal" clothing.New hairstyleswere differentfiom the previous.although, in the initiativephase not too radical.black ladder jacketsbecarne popular in much later phaseof tlie developmento1' the local scene...lmagination didr-r't stop in re-creationof the presupposed "original" punk look ar-rdimage. Because of its specificposition - the punksfrorn the village couldn't bny modernclothes and other"artefacts" - they were lbrced to be inventive.But not only concetningtheir image. lf they lr,'antedto "survil,e" in the particularplace and tirne,they l-radto participatein local culture in much wider rangethan expectedand they had to build their own expressiveworld with their or,r,nmeans ancl efTorts. In 1982they staltedto publisha local f-anzineBla, blu, bia whicl"r includedartistic messages(poetry) and ironic political comments.infbr- matiou about the eventsin the local sceneand reportsfrom concertsiu LjLrbljana;there were also presentationsof somedocuments and visual

118 rnaterial.Local punks madetheir own badgesand paintedtheir T-shirts, they were also very creativegraffiti writers. Rock club was officially led by a local youth organisation- it was a local branch of the Socialist Youth Union - thereforethey were also organisingsotne public local events,as. 1br example,the celebrationsfbr Public Holidays' Women's Day. New Year's celebrations,organisational l-relp with local elections. etc. Tl-rere were matly other public activities by the local pr-urlCyouth/subcr,rlturalscette (concerts, theatre Shows,reading of a poetry. art exhibitions,publishing activities. etc.) and it was pretty exllaor- clinaryfbr Slovenia.Trate becamewidely known among the youuger Slovenepopulation. Boys and girls from Trate and the nearbyvillages were extremelyproductive, self confident,obstinate, brave. innovative and- at the sametime - tolerant. Where did their ideascome from? Were they transferredfrom soue centres?Without any doubt.the initial ideaswere transferred.But wl'rat about all the apparentlytrivial activitiesof the membersof the scene? There were the gamesof provocationsgoir-rg on at the everydaylevel' "being Tire initial hiddenmessage of a punk rocker" was initially tratrs- f-erredby the rnusicalform itself. But w}at is the contentof suchan idea? What in fact meantfor villageboys and girls to becolnepunk rockers?A the lrure idea does not suffice: the only effectiveway of establishing .onr-on reality is participationin the cotnmon practice.The flesh of ideasare rituals. In the youth club from Trate,punk concertsand rock dauceparties and enforcedtransference processes. It was not the trans- confirmed "bocl- f'erenceof kr-rowledgein play, but tl-reuncousciotts creatiort o1'the ily" surplusof knowledge.Music is the perf-ectmedium for carrfing o1' - that surplus,because its ilocr.rtorypower is virtually inflnitive in the contraryto the propositionalpower of lar-rguage(cf. Bloch 1989).Music is ultimatelyperformative in the creatingof the socialfield. Furthermore. in the transf-erof the surplusknowledge through music. the body is inevi- tablyinvolved. ldeas and imaginatiot1plays ilrportant role in transferellceproc- csses.but suchprocesses were not the only l'actorsneeded to be consid- eled in our case.If we take a transferencei1 Freud'stet'ms. aS the u1- r.eachableklowleclge of the Otl-rer- or the unspeakabletruth of the Sub- ject (on tl-reconcept of transf-erencesee Lacan 1996)- than we catl de- scribetwo rnajor transf'erenceprocesses which were goil-lgon in frate'

119 One of them was articulatedin reactionof the surroundings,transferring "bad their fears around the notion of youths" as seenin the local subculture. This kind of transferenceknowledge among their older fellow vil- lagersmade punks more and more radical. on the other hand. transf-er- "being ence of the image of a punk rocker" was dominantfactor in self- creating of the local subculturescene. The notion of "being a punk rocker" was essentiallyincomplete because of the lack of directand situ- "learning" "real ational from the punk rockers". The transferenceof that "being image of a punk rocker" was crucial for the self-creationof the punk scenein the village. It was the driving force of punks' creativity. Endlessconversations and discussionsamong local punks initiated trans- ferenceprocess. They were soonconfirmed in actions.Regular meetings in the club wereritualistic in manyways, not only becauseof dance. "scene". Ideasmay be the initiative factorsin creationof the but the "pure sceneitself is nevera realisationof a idea".It is, in fact, oftenvery far from becoming the realisationof any particular idea. An unexpected developmentand the chaotic structurationof parlicular life-style depends not only on attitude but on a personalstance involving use of bodiesand "Being non-verbalcommunication. together"doesn't mean the obligation to think the sameway. On the contrary.People with different ideaspre- supposea common field of communication,co-operation and adaptation. A subculturalgroup itself functions both as a field of coexistenceand as a field of confrontation,For individualsit is the spherein which they can (re)createthemselves according to the establishedand transferredrules and values.It doesn't really matter what an individual thinks, the essential is what he or she do. As long as an individual participatesin colnn'ron activities, he or she co-createsa social sphere.Different individuals act and think differently. The only experiencepossible to eliminate differ- encesof thinking and acting are ritual activities. In the age when individual listeningto music has becomea rule. recordedon tapesand records,we may forget that music performing has alwaysbeen an act with many ritual characteristics.Common listeningto classicalmusic in concert,for example,follows the rulesof being quiet and standingstill - suchrules are in fact ritual rules. So much the more it holds true tbr participationin music with playing an instrument,singing or dancing.Furthermore: social dimensionsof music use doesnot end with abovedescribed processes.

120 "To be" is Always Local: Transferenceas a DeceivingPhase Betrveen "Becoming" and toBeing"

When we are trying to find out, why a non-discursivesound game can have any meaning at all, we have to forget, why it is structured in particularway and not otherwise.When individuals,groups, and entire communitiesor societies"use" particularsound games (on the conceptof "rton-verbal sound games" see Mur5id 1993), they co-constructtheir meaningsthrough social participation. Later, they reconstructthose "un- conscious"meanings with exploitationof availableidentities. With an- otherwords: the mysteryof Sirens'singing is not in seductivesound it- "in self, but in a notion (or its blockade)that tbllows the sound.Sound itself is without any meaningand purpose. Tl-rereis no doubt that music is symbolic (Merriam 1964: 230). Iiowever,the problemis in understandingof its syrnbolism.Music itself doesnot directly neitherdenote nor representanything - and it can not do so (Hanslick1977:84-87); Jankdldvitch 1987: 37; Merriam 1964:234). But exactlybecause of the fact that musicalsymbols do not denoteany particularity,tl-rey can symbolise"values and even passiousof the most specificyet most generalnature" (Merriam 1964: 241). And, afler all. particularmusical genres may becomea perfectmediurn for representiug of-particular social groupsand can reflect "the social and political or- ganization,economic behavior,religious activity, and other structural divisionsof society"(Merriam 1964:248). The way of transformir-rgthe differencesamong ir-rdividualsrvithin particulargroup into the common traits and expressionsmay become clearerif we take in accountthe way o1'musicmaking afiIongparticular groupof people.The resultsof my observationsmay be very illustrative. Afler participationin music makingon rehearsalswith the group C:ZD.I lnay present some observations.Not many scholarsdid discussthe mechanismof collectivemusic making.We must take in accountmany differencesbetween the membersof the band concerningindividual music preferences.Opinions and visions about music may differ ettor- mously, but. nevertheless,the membersof a music group may find a commongrouncl of rnusicexpression. How? By the effectsof a long-ten-n participation. It is very difficult to describethe creativeprocess in n-rusicmaking. My experiencewith ()ZD showsthat their creativework is more or less

121 basedon searchingfor interestingriffs and later articulationof them in the r-reededtempo and logical combinations.It may be calleda bricolage techniqr-re.Rarel1,, tnembers of the bapdbrought ar-ry general or fir-raliscd idea of the song (or tune).The clementsof their music are.predomi- natei.v.inrprovised or createdtlrrough experimenting with the sor,rnd.Dif-- l'erencesale fixing togethernot as the surnof the individualparts but as somcthiugorganic. essentially different from individualintentions of the players.Final musicalresult is alwaysnervly created composition w'ithin the rangeof particularset o['rules tliat definesparticular n'rusical style. Evely tune is a kind of a self-standingentity. when it is f-urished.its final fom.rlooks like beingpredetennined to appear.It is. essentially.a result ofan abovedescribed transference process. Every individual menrberof a group presupposesthat somebody elsc hasan idea of the nrusicalr,vl-role. but in fact. at the very beginning. nobody has any specilic idea. If partial.individual ideas"fit together''. alrlost organically,than the tune is ready.lf not, the usableideas may be presen'edfor anothcrtune. ln any case.the resr-rltis the mixture of ideas and presr-rppositior-rs.The creativeprocess, as observedduring participa- tior.rat the rehearsalsof the bandCZD.may be the particularand specific casc.Ifowever'. I think thatthe u,ayof creatingmusic is deeplyconnected with the r,vayof creatinga local subculturalscene - and socialspheres in general.hr music. there is no verbal communicationneeded. hr creating (or le-creating)of subculture,the verbalcommunicalion is aln'ayspllt at the first place.It is indeedvery important.but considerationof the velbal cornmtrnicationmay obscuremore subtlevn'ays of creatingand shapingof tire common reality.In fact. I presurnethat the way of rnakingmusic is the same,or at leastsimilar. to the way of creatir-rgthe local subculture. '-Beingtogether" does not meanonly to talk. it meausto participatein 1he corrrnon reality. fhe self--evidentacting of individr-ralssirnpll, fits to- getherin the comnrunaltransl'erence process. The point is thatboth trans- fcrenceprocess concelnin-rl relationship of analystand the analysedin psvchoanalysisand tlansf-erenceconcerning relationship between an in- clividualand a group s/he is u,illing to belonghide (or cover.not fulfil) the specific position of knowledgewhich can never fulfil its always partlyempty place. Every particularelemenl of the local subcultLu'allil'estyle may bc "borrorved"or "brought" fi'om outside.It is essentialto analyse.horv thoseelements are combinedar-rd what connotationthey get in the par-

122 tictilar life-conditions.Negotiated identity is alwaysa nratterof transf-er- enceprocess. Furthenrrore. it is derivedfiom. at least,dor-rble Inisundcr- standin-9:Subcultural identity" like any other identity,is equallya result of adoptedrules and inheritedones. The identityis a rnatterof interactiveprocesses. In the village rvith its linown mechanismsof supervision.the nol]-anollymityr-nay be the acl- vantagefor "rebels".It is significantthat the villagerswerc qnite tolerant torvardsthe club. as long as only local youthswere meetingin thc place. When outsiderscarre. the problernsstarted. I'he villagersktrew rvell their boys and girls, thel' kuew they didn't take drugs and didn't tnake other problen'rs,at the beginning.the villagetseven didn't trake tnuch noise aboutsexual behaviour of the youth in club. Not to mentionloud music. I Iowever.rl,hen the club becamef-amous and the visitorsI'rom the ncarb-y tor,r,nscame. tire villagersbegan to notice many problentsand scattdals (destroyingof the bus station,violence, etc.). Ethnographic research cou- f-rrrnedverl, high levelo1'tolerance in the village. Mr-rsicu'as the essentialmotivator of the scene.It lias uot beenonll' a motivatin-qlbrce" but was essentialin creatir-rgand uaintaining o1-the "youths sociarlgroup, the so-called fi'on'rTrate". l'lte connectionbetween n-rusicplaying. rnakin-rl and usewas expressedin all the othcr activitiesof the local subculture.Music is one of the ultimate media or the llealts providing the fiar-neof the possibleconllltolt r'xperietlce among peoplc (cf. Merriar-r-r1964: Nettl and Bohlman1991lBlacking 1995). Not its r-rniversalitl'.but its specilicity.is the irresistibleforce of the iloculory "langlrage". potentialoi'its rneaningless Sharingthc experience.thinliirtg ir-rsimilar w'ay and actingin accordancewitl-r others are the ultilttatefttnc- tionsof anymusic. lf thereis no music.there is no comntunity.Pttnk r,vas 1hc music of the local sr,rbcultulcin Trate ar-rdthe village rock club. cthno-pr-rpr,vas the music of their older co-villagers.disco was ntusic o1' otheryouths ir-r tl-re area. Every accumulated n-rusic provides the frame o1' tite cornrnonexperience. Not or-rlythe distinctior-rbetween recordecl auci "schizophonia" lir,e sounci.causing (Feld's conceptin: Keil arld Fclcl i 994). but the rnar.rifoldr.resso1'ttrusic use itr the (post)modernrvorlcl is thc essentizrlrratter o1'understanding of the manifbldidentities. The tintes has changedrccently. Not only political situation.br-rt nrusicitself. In the nineties.the generationof punks -qrewup anclthey "eterttai"' mostlylost intelcstin commonmusic. Punk itself isn't att roclt st1'le.Music playedby the grotlpsfrom l'rate aud surroundingvillages in

123 slovenske gorice was partly transformed and evolved towards other re- "icon" "old cent rock styles, it is, partly, still an if identification for some punks" and their much yollnger fbllowers, partly it simply disappeared. CZD is now a powerful and rudimentary rock band. The group doesn't have rehearsals in the village rock club anymore, because there is no more Youth Cluh of Trate. The place where the club was operating was re-privatised recently. The common opinion of the villagers is that it's a pity for youths that they don't have any place to meet anymore. CZD is now working hard on reconstruction of an old private house where the band makes rehearsalsand is building a recording studio. What used to be the (creation of the) public sphereis now - after the fall of Socialism - "private degraded to the activities in private life and enterprise". How- ever, the important role that music plays in co-creatingof the social (public) spheres is still evident in other places where people socialise and dance.

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126 RO]!TANIAN SOCIETY FOR ETHNONII-iSICOLOGY National Committee of the International Council for Traditional Music

EAST EUROPEAN MEETINGS IN ETHNOMUSICOLOGY

Foundedand editedby Marin Marian-Bdlasa

Advisory board Philip V. Bohlman MargaretBeissinger Warwick Edwards Craig Packard

7th volume(2000)