23

Men on the Closing Range: EARLY COMPETITION IN THE SOUTHERN NORTHWEST TERRITORIES/

Robert Kossuth is a faculty member in the Department of Kinesiology and Physical Education at the University of Lethbridge. His research interests include late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century Canadian sport, recreation and leisure history, with a particular focus on local and regional experiences.

Rodeo competitions, which date back hundreds of years in Mexico and to the early nineteenth century in America,1 became established in the Canadian Northwest Territories by the early 1890s. These mostly informal competitions appeared in part because they showcased the often remote work-duties of the . They also fit well within early agricultural exhibitions where the growing interest in the cowboy and ranching life on the open range could be celebrated publicly. At a time when the open range was coming under pressure from homestead farmers and a less supportive federal government, ranch owners, managers, and workers sought to protect and entrench their way of life. One strategy employed to meet these ends included exhibitions of their skills and physical prowess, and this fostered a logical understanding that they were the men who rightfully belonged on the prairie ranges. By positioning themselves on the physical and cultural landscape these men fostered an overt masculine identity which came to be accepted through public, physical recreations such as and gymkhanas for ranch owners and managers and through both the formal and informal rodeo competitions of the cowboy. As the open range began to close in the late 1880s and early 1890s, horsemanship and rodeo contests became one site where these men could express manly virtues and their continuing relevance through demonstrations of their open range ranching expertise. Historical investigations of ranching culture on the Canadian prairies, particularly in the Northwest Territories in the late nineteenth century, have focused primarily on the economic and social imperatives concerned with securing cattle and range land. More attention has been paid however to the

Sporting Traditions, vol. 24, nos. 1-2 (November 2007), pp. 23-42. Published by the Australian Society for Sports History. 24 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

formation of the Stampede in the second decade of the twentieth century,2 with only a limited examination of precursor rodeo events and their cultural meanings. Little interest has been shown in understanding the role of the recreational activities of ranch workers, managers and owners as a site for constructing masculine identity; while concurrently asserting a legitimate place for these men on the closing range. Finally, although issues such as encroaching homestead farming, interest in securing cattle by fencing-in ranges, and a loss of support from the federal government to ensure the continuation of large and affordable land leases have been well established, there has been little interest in linking the use of rodeo and other horsemanship exhibitions with the goal to securing a lasting place for open range ranching culture in the Canadian West. The nature of ranching life on the ranges of the Northwest Territories/ Alberta has been examined from a variety of perspectives which include the role of American, British, and Canadian pioneers and their relative impact in establishing the cattle industry beginning in the early 1880s. An issue that has raised considerable debate is the relative influence of American ranchers and cowboys on the development of the Canadian cattle industry. Historian D. H. Breen has argued that in the Canadian West, American ranchers were always only a small minority amongst those of Canadian or British origin.3 Similarly, Lewis G. Thomas attempted to depict these Canadian and British ranchers as being part of the leisured elite who were not overly involved in the work of ranching.4 This analysis of ranching life in late nineteenth century Northwest Territories has been reconsidered by Simon M. Evans and Warren Elofson. Evans contests Breen's thesis and through a detailed examination presents evidence that suggest American ranchers actually held large tracts of ranch land in and thus exerted considerable influence through the turn of the twentieth century.5 Elofson, in Cowboys, Gentlemen, and Cattle Thieves, constructs several arguments that support the notion of a broad range of influences merging to form the ranching industry in the Northwest Territories. He contends that both Breen and Thomas were incorrect to underestimate the influence from the American West and its impact on the Canadian frontier; arguing that 'while the frontier may have made a less substantive mark in some respects on Canadian than American ranching, its impact was nonetheless profound'.6 In a further attempt to shed light on the relationship between Canadian and American cattlemen, Elofson compares ranching life in Montana and the Northwest Territories concluding that 'the cattle frontiers respectively of Montana and Alberta/Assiniboia were not as dissimilar with respect to the question of law and order as might be expected'.7 Although specifically examining the question of law enforcement in these two regions, his conclusion resonates with the contention that life of the western frontier, whether Canadian or American, held numerous Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 25

commonalities. This point is echoed by William H. Katerberg who in an attempt to dispel the myth of the Canadian 'Mild West and Wild West' of America suggests that '[t]he American West was not as exceptionally violent as pop culture has it, and the Canadian West not so peaceful'.8 To these ends, when considering how rodeo was established in the Canadian West, it is clear that one must first look south for answers. Drawing from the understanding that the Canadian and American Western frontiers shared many similar cultural experiences, it is possible to extend to Canada Mary Lou LeCompte's position that Mexican were the direct ancestors of the that appeared in nineteenth century America.9 Thus, rodeo existed as a common western cultural experience in North America. What is not clear, however, is why rodeos only appeared in the Northwest Territories by the early 1890s a full decade after the cattle industry had been established there? One explanation may arise from the changing nature of ranching in Canada at this time where fences10 and homesteaders were beginning to alter the open range lifestyle and work of the cowboy and rancher.11 These competing influences likely spurred the organization of rodeo competitions in order to ensure that open range ranch culture was not lost, or at least did not lose its relevance, in a rapidly changing economic and social environment. Rodeos and other overt displays of skill and proficiency in the arts of horsemanship and cattle-tending provided the men who constructed, managed and worked in the cattle industry the opportunity to assume a place of prominence in this frontier society. A variety of imported masculine identities including that of the Mexican/American cowboy, the Canadian farmer/trader, and the British military officer served to mold the values associated with the men who earned their livelihood on the Canadian range.12 Cecilia Danysk, in her examination of bachelorhood and the construction of masculinity in western Canadian farming society, suggests that '[i]n the case of prairie men and in relation to class, there is not one masculine identity, but many'.13 Although Danysk does not address cattle ranching specifically in her work, she does recognise that masculine identity, particularly of bachelor workers, represented a process of construction that was related to the need for validation and self-worth in their work.14 It was the skills of their work that were valued by these men, including the ability to handle and live stock, put up with severe environmental discomfort and display loyalty and stoicism under difficult physical and social conditions. In her anthropological study of later American rodeo culture, Elizabeth Atwood Lawrence suggests that '[i]nitiation into the cowboy brotherhood was stringent, however, as testing rites may be in any society. The constant proving and re-proving of one's manhood [was] required'.15 This 'raw' or 'rough' version of masculinity underpinned the relationships both between cowboys and the rest of 26 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

western North American society. As R. W. Connell suggests, there existed 'two groups of men and two cultural accounts of masculinity: the brawling single frontiersman and the settled married pioneer farmer ... [where the] frontiersmen were being promoted as exemplars of masculinity'.16 The life of the cowboy or range worker, therefore, falls into the broader masculine construction of the frontiersman who became either the ideal representative of western North American masculinity, or was positioned in the role of drifter or rogue. This dual identity of rough respectability resulted in the lifestyle of the cowboy becoming stylised and mythologised. Ultimately, the respectable ranchers were able to draw upon the cultural cache of the cowboy to further their own interests, while the range workers themselves gained little. By extension, it could be argued that in the case of ranchers and cowboys the process of constructing a western masculine identity went beyond work and became further entrenched within the realm of competitive recreation and testing challenges. Several forms of recreation, closely linked to the work of cattle ranching, appeared among ranch workers and the British and Canadian ranch owners and managers. For the former, the rodeo events of and riding broncos provided the competition, while for the latter polo and the gymkhana served as a means to display their equine skills. At one level these activities provided these men an opportunity to exhibit their masculine prowess, yet the cowboys did not possess the same freedom enjoyed by their employers. The ranch worker, generally, had limited control over when or where they could compete and were often chastised if their recreations interfered with maintaining civility and order. As well, these workers were often left without a voice, particularly when it came to the popular accounts of cowboy exploits which did not always portray them in a positive light. Therefore, it was within a limited number of special events such as early Wild West shows and agricultural exhibitions that cowboys found a legitimate venue to visibly demonstrate their masculine abilities; but this seldom occurred on their own terms. Conversely, the ranch owners and managers could enjoy the benefits of their association with rodeo competitions while remaining relatively free to participate in their own pastimes and display their more refined masculine prowess. The largest ranches to operate on the southwestern ranges of the Northwest Territories were established in the early 1880s. These ranches included the Cochrane Ranche, the North-West Cattle Company also known as the Bar U, the Oxley Ranche Company, the Walrond Ranche Company, the Quorn Ranch, the Winder Ranche Company, the OH Ranch, and the Military Colonization Ranch.17 All these cattle companies with the exception of the OH Ranch were organised by Canadian investors mainly from Quebec, British investors or a combination of the two. Although there were a number of smaller ranches that operated during this period, these large ranches Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 27

Cowboy on ranch, southern Alberta, ca. 1880s. GLENBOW ARCHIVES NA-1046-18 dominated the cattle industry in this region. It is not within the scope of this investigation to examine the details of how these ranches were operated or the leadership roles their managers assumed in the administration of the cattle industry. Yet, it is important to recognise that the men who administered the ranching industry realised both personal and professional benefit from both their own recreations and the rodeo competitions involving their employees. Who were the men that operated ranches of the Canadian West? Clearly, these individuals represented the elite of this frontier society, although they were not necessarily drawn from the industrial powerbrokers of central Canada or the landed gentry of Britain. These ranch managers and owners were required to prove themselves on the range in order to gain the confidence of and acceptance by their employees. Three individuals provide some insight into the experiences of men from the ranks of ranch owners and managers: A. E. Cross the bookkeeper and veterinarian for the Cochrane Ranch;18 Frederick W. Ings who owned and operatored the OH Ranch;19 and W.R. 'Bob' Newbolt, the son of a British Army officer who first worked for retired Major General Thomas Bland Strange's Military Colonization Ranch and later established his own small ranch.20 Men such as Cross, Ings, and Newbolt were required to endure the same challenging lifestyle, at least initially, as the cowboys who were in their employ. Upon their arrival in the Northwest Territories, regardless of their position as ranch owner or manager, and the horsemanship skills they possessed, these 28 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

W. R. Newbolt, rancher, 1884. GLENBOW ARCHIVES NA-1046-5 men were considered 'greenhorns'. When a young Bob Newbolt arrived in the west in 1884 to join the Military Colonization Ranch his first duty was to assist with the transport of 3000 head of newly purchased cattle from Idaho to the ranch. During the trailing of the cattle Newbolt assessed his situation; '[b]ecause I was a greenhorn, of course they took all sorts of advantages of me'.21 One necessary adaptation Newbolt made was to discard his 'English clothing, flannels, puttees, bowler hat and all ...' and replace them 'with a complete western cowboy outfit, excepting only a 'six shooter'.22 However, simply changing clothes was insufficient to demonstrate that he was no longer an outsider, a point reinforced when his fellow riders proceeded to use his bowler hat for target practice. Later in the cattle drive the boss presented Newbolt an opportunity to display his horsemanship skills by providing a bronco for him to ride. After several failed attempts Newbolt reminisced that 'a Mexican showed me how to hobble my stirrups and hold one rein tighter than the other to keep the in a circle. Then I rode the bronco to a stand still'.23 Over the course of the cattle drive Newbolt managed to earn his place in the group, 'I was developing into a pretty fair cowhand and the boys were beginning to treat me with a good deal more respect than was the case at the start of the trip'.24 Newbolt's experience of being initiated into western range life was not unique. When Frederick Ings arrived in the Northwest Territories from Atlantic Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 29

Canada to take ownership of the OH Ranch he also needed to earn the respect of the local cowboys. This journey began prior to his arrival when he completed 'a special three month's course in livestock' at Guelph, Ontario.25 It is not known whether this course was similar to ranching schools in England that advertised training for gentlemen to learn how to become an American cowboy.26 Although Ings was Canadian, it is doubtful that the cowboys would have viewed a gentleman from Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island much differently than an English squire. Once in the Northwest Territories Ings reminisced: It was a great opportunity for a green hand like me to learn something about cow punching ... It was customary when a new man came to an outfit to give him something tricky in the way of horseflesh to try him out ... I learned a lot from John [Ware]. It was he who taught me to rope. He had the patience to drill me until I became fairly expert.27 Ings also recognised the debt owed to American ranch workers when he recounted that: Most of our best riders came from the States and they taught us all we knew of cattle lore. Over there cattle roundups were an old story; to us they were a new game... We developed in Alberta some very fine cattlemen and good riders and good ropers ... Some have become so good that Canadian riders rank second to none, but the Yanks still beat them roping.28 Newbolt, in his account of his life on the Canadian Prairie summed up his transformation during the years he had spent on his ranch, 'I had developed into a top notch rancher. I could ride and rope with any of them, could hold my own in a poker game, and had acquired a special liking for good whisky'.29 The insight provided by these men suggests that when an outsider arrived on the range he had little option but to prove himself and his abilities in the skills that truly mattered-riding broncos and roping cattle. Of course, proving one's worth on the range during the roundup was important to these men, but it did not end at that. Also of critical importance was these men's need to demonstrate to their peers a degree of competence in horsemanship. Since rodeo competitions were not customary activities for men of social standing, and to compete against seasoned cowboys in riding and roping competitions would have been folly, alternative, more exclusive activities were required. In the Canadian West these alternative activities included the gymkhana and polo. According to Fredrick Ings, an Atlantic Canadian who became owner of the OH Ranch in 1883,'[p]olo ... began in 1883 when E.W. Wilmot brought with him from England polo sticks and balls'.30 The sport, suggests John Varty, became increasingly popular in Calgary and the smaller ranching 30 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

communities to the city's south during the 1890s.31 In addition, Varty opines that polo held broad appeal for '[p]eople from many levels of the social strata,' from wealthy large ranch owners to smaller rancher-farmers.32 However, polo was clearly not a sport that attracted the attention of many ranch workers or cowboys. Polo was not a sport unique to the Canadian prairies as Bianca Premo provides an account of the role of the Arizona Polo Association's sponsorship of the first rodeo in Tucson, Arizona in 1925.33 Despite this similarity, the polo played in the Canadian Northwest Territories predates the Arizona example by several decades with teams being organised in MacLeod, Pincher Creek, and Calgary in the early 1890s.34 The MacLeod side, formed in 1891, hosted a tournament for the Colonel MacLeod Cup against teams from Calgary, Pincher Creek, and High River in 1892. A description of what made a good polo player published in the MacLeod Gazette noted the qualities of 'dashing horsemanship, courage, quickness and success of eye, and strength of wrist and arm ... which are especially dear to the western heart'.35 Although not exclusive to the ranks of the ranching elite, polo did attract men from this group. For example, A.E. Cross the Cochrane Ranch's veterinarian,36 is listed among the High River team members who competed in the Calgary Challenge Cup in August of 1895.37 The following year Cross competed in the same competition for the Calgary team.38 Bob Newbolt, a young Englishman who began ranching near Calgary in the early 1880s,39 recalled his 'batching'40 years prior to his marriage in June 1899, indicating that 'I spent a good deal of my spare time in Calgary playing football and polo'.41 Although Fred Ings name does not appear among the teams that competed in polo during the 1890s, he does mention the gymkhanas as being popular and often occurring alongside polo competitions. Gymkhanas, according to Fredrick Ings: ... were held at the different ranches and were well attended. Though the horses for our cow work were trained for roping and such, we still like to have them able to jump and perform, according to more civilized standards, and we took great pride in putting them through their paces.42 McLennan, in his examination of sport in early Calgary, found that gymkhana and polo competitions often took place at the same venues and included many of the same competitors. An early example of a gymkhana took place in 1892 and was sponsored by the Calgary Polo Club. This event included 'a postillion race, , cigar race, umbrella race, bareback hurdle race, ladies nomination race with side saddle and riding habit, one mile flat and half mile tandem races'43 At one 1897 gymkhana held at the Elbow Park track in Calgary, A. E. Cross is recorded to have finished first in the tent pegging event.44 The events at these gymkhana competitions seemed to provide these Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 31

Polo team at Pincher Creek, Alberta, 1898. GLENBOW ARCHIVES NA-998-1. men with an opportunity to display their horsemanship skills before both their peers and the gathered crowds who, at the larger events, were charged admission. Generally, participants in these contests seemed to have adopted a playful or non-serious attitude. This light tone would have provided several advantages including reducing risk to these men's egos should they not perform as expected, as well as to clearly set their activities apart from competitive rodeo competitions dominated by the working ranch cowboys. To clearly juxtapose the competitions of the ranch owners and managers with those of the range workers or cowboys it is necessary to consider that these two groups of men were attempting to arrive at similar ends through different means. However, cowboys who competed in rodeo competitions had less control over their activity than the ranchers in their polo and gymkhana contests. This relative lack of control is not surprising, given the evidence provided by Elofson that cowboys were poor, generally uneducated, and were offered employment only when needed.45 In addition, cowboys had little control over how their image was shaped and mythologised within the popular press and by the proprietors of early Wild West shows who employed the cowboys' skills and talents, selling their mystique to a primarily urban audience. Mary Lou LeCompte provides persuasive evidence supporting the dominant Hispanic influence on the growth of rodeo competitions in the United States during the nineteenth century.46 Her argument identifies that the rodeo of the American West was substantially based within the 32 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

Gymkhana at Calgary, Alberta, 1895. GLENBOW ARCHIVES NA-2084-28 Mexican charrería. Charreadas were contests that originated in Mexico in the sixteenth century and were normally associated with fiestas, which 'included roping steers and horses, riding wild bulls and broncos, and bull wrestling'.47 Additionally, LeCompte suggests that American rodeo historians have largely ignored the Hispanic influence on the development of the rodeo, preferring to assign rodeo's origins to Wild West shows and other early western festivals.48 Clearly, the origins of rodeo competitions in Canada must be seen as an extension of this cultural appropriation. Thus, the issue to consider is not when the first rodeo competitions appeared in the Canadian West, but how these competitions served as sites where cowboys could exhibit their skills and physical prowess and more pragmatically augment their earnings through prize money. Beyond these personal and material rewards, the cowboy had little control over the manner in which their image was transmitted to the rest of the country through the various rodeo type contests in which they participated. North Americans learned about the range life of the cowboy through popular newspaper and magazine accounts, as well as Wild West shows that toured cities in the American east. According to Mary Lou LeCompte, 'the emergent popularity of the cowboy, and subsequently cowboy sports, was both a cause and result of Buffalo Bill's Wild West shows and their host of imitators'.49 Entertainers such as Cody and the types of performances that occurred in the shows were widely known even in Northwest Territory communities such as MacLeod.50 It is not surprising that people in the Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 33

John Ware and family, 1896. GLENBOW ARCHIVES NA-263-1 Canadian West developed a relatively clear understanding of, and interest in, the potential benefits of staging rodeo competitions. For example, the largest western Canadian city in the 1890s, Winnipeg, Manitoba attracted a Wild West show in August of 1889 which included the traditional roping and riding demonstrations as well as a staked contest in rough for $100 a side.51 Coverage of this event made its way throughout the western prairies to towns like Lethbridge,52 and it was through this type of exposure that the exploits of cowboys both local and otherwise could be widely celebrated. Beyond the entertainment provided by Wild West shows, interest in the exploits of cowboys in their daily work and play persisted. Descriptions of American rodeo competitions continued to find their way north via local presses in the 1880s and 1890s. For example, the MacLeod Gazette carried an article about the July Fourth 1888 'cowboy tournament' in Prescott, Arizona where one 'roping and tying contest' competitor was described as being 'one of the finest and most skillful on the Verde'. The winner of the contest, Juan Levis, 'showed himself to be possessed of all the traditional skill of his race in such contests,' yet his success was clearly attributed to his Hispanic heritage.53 The prominence of Hispanic cowboys was not limited to the United States and these men were not always presented in a positive light. One informal exhibition that took place in MacLeod received less than positive coverage, when it was reported that 'A Mexican named Antonio created quite an excitement in the west end ... by the reckless display of 34 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

horsemanship exhibited while breaking in a bronco for Dr. Allen'.54 This brief account provides evidence that Hispanic cowboys did make their way to the Canadian prairies and that a cowboy could be chastised as easily as he could be celebrated if he chose to undertake his work or play in a manner deemed to be inappropriate. Alongside the Hispanic cowboys who made their way to Canada, there is also evidence of Black cowboys moving north with the expansion of cattle ranges into the Northwest Territories. One individual in particular, John Ware, dominates tales of cowboy lore from the early period of cattle ranching in the region. It is likely that more Black range workers moved into Canada, but as Philip Duram and Everett L. Jones argue, Black cowboys in the American West were largely excluded from histories written by white Southerners.55 Thus, much of the evidence of the Black cowboys' experience on the prairies of the Northwest Territories falls to accounts of John Ware. Born a slave on a South Carolina cotton plantation,56 Ware headed west to Texas upon gaining his freedom where he learned horsemanship and cattle work.57 According to Grant MacEwan, John Ware's ability to ride the rough ones had to be proven. He acquired lots of riding experience while working with Old Murph, but it wasn't with the hard-bucking horses and he had some misgiving. Eagerly he wanted to prove an equality with fellow-riders. But John possessed a natural skill in staying on a bad actor, and the crushing force of his muscles furnished added advantage. From the beginning of the long journey, he was able to master every horse that struggled to dump him.58 Eventually, Ware made his way to Canada in 1882 as part of a cattle-drive from Montana to the newly opened rangeland of the Northwest Territories.59 The extent to which Ware came to be accepted into the community of range workers is evident through the positive coverage afforded to his physical exploits. In one incident in early 1885 it was reported that Ware astonished his peers by staying on the back of a particularly difficult bronco that leaped off a sheer cliff into a river. Further, he astounded all onlookers when he managed to stay in his saddle and ride the horse out of the river.60 In the same way that many cowboys sought to improve themselves, Ware began to secure his own stock and recorded his own brand — 9999 — which, over the next decade, he expanded into a herd of over three hundred.61 Although Ware was able to gain a degree of respect within the community of cowboys and stockmen, particularly because of his ability to break wild broncos and manage stock, he did at times receive a less than cordial reception when he ventured into the larger town of Calgary.62 A degree of racist distrust existed among those who did not know him in his role as a cowboy and stockman. But because of Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 35

his abilities as a cowboy Ware became an icon who represented the region's cowboy mythology. Awareness of the exploits of cowboys did not end with bronco busting and cattle roping. The challenges that arose for the cowhand from the natural environment also appealed to people's interest. One publicised incident that highlighted the skill, courage and expertise of the ranch workers occurred in the Cypress region of the Northwest Territories. One Chas McCauly of the C.Y. Ranch captured a mountain lion from horseback and dispatched it with his knife.63 Another large predator that, according to reports, fell under the of the cowboys was the bear. According to the MacLeod Gazette it was reported that '[t]he cowboys of northwestern Texas are becoming very proficient in lassoing bears'.64 In one account B.O. McCutheen 'the best roper in Northwest Texas' caught a large black bear, trailed it until help arrived and then 'dismounted and killed him with a pocket knife'.65 Elizabeth Attwood Lawrence notes that '[w]ild species were tolerated only so long as they did not potentially hinder the cattle herder's economic pursuits, and death to all predators was the rule of the range'.66 Thus, these tales of cowboy's abilities in overcoming wild animals such as bears and panthers both served the economic imperative of cattle ranching while also sparking the imagination of those who read about these feats throughout the west and beyond. Cowboys of the Canadian prairies at times represented both a masculine ideal and a potentially disruptive element. The local spring and fall cattle roundups were one site where cowboys were usually presented in a positive light. A description of the spring 1888 roundup in High River boasted 'one hundred and twenty five riders mounted on these gentle animals, who were making frantic efforts to displace their riders'.67 The need to present a positive account of 'The Alberta Cowboy' led Dr Duncan McEachren, the federal government's chief veterinary surgeon, to pen an article titled 'Not the Bold Bad Men we Read about'.68 Specifically, McEachren argued that: It is a mistake to suppose that the wild west cowboy of the novel or sensational story is the genus home to be met with on Canadian ranches ... These are the men who assume the picturesque dress of a class of men than whom there is not a more honest or more trustworthy class anywhere.69 Although it is clear that some differences existed between ranch life in Canada and the United States, it could be suggested that McEachren was attempting to disassociate Canadian ranch workers from the equally debatable stereotype often attributed to outlaw American cowboys.70 Yet, local newspapers could not resist making mention of cowboy misbehaviour. For example, a brief note in the 12 June 1890 MacLeod Gazette stated that '[t]wo or three bold, bad cowboys gave an exhibition in town on Tuesday'. Later that 36 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

Cowboy on , southern Alberta, ca. 1880s. GLENBOW ARCHIVES NA-1494-36 same year, likely in an attempt to poke fun at the cowboy's popular image, several local gentlemen 'dressed in full cowboy costume, sombrero hats, Mexican and ,' engaged in a sham race after which they posed to have their picture taken 'in true cowboy fashion'.71 Thus, even before the arrival of organised rodeo events, people living in the Canadian West were already forming a specific understanding of the cowboy and how they ought to be considered. These men were the backbone of the ranching industry, but could as easily be viewed as a potentially disruptive element, a threat to creating and maintaining a civil frontier society. One way to disassociate negative views of cowboys from the cattle-ranching industry was to provide cowboys with an opportunity to exhibit their unique skills within the legitimate forum of the agricultural exhibition. This venue assisted in constructing the cowboy as a masculine ideal and champion of the western way of life. Simultaneously, rodeo competitions also provided ranch managers and owners a site to further their own interests by enhancing and protecting the importance of cattle ranching in the region. One of the first agricultural exhibitions held in the southern regions of the Northwest Territories took place in MacLeod in October 1891.72 The acknowledged highlights of the exhibition were the steer roping and Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 37

the bronco riding events. One report focused on the competition between Johnny Franklin and Billy Stewart where '[b]oth rode rank outlaws, who pitched until they looked as if they would tie themselves in knots'.73 This competition took place as a result of the patronage of 'Mr. W. H. Patrick, I. G. Baker and Go's ranch manger, [who] kindly supplied the steers' and broncos.74 Colin Howell suggests that the competitions held at this exhibition were the earliest to resemble a rodeo in Canada.75 It may be more accurate to suggest that it was the first time that roping and riding events were officially judged while being held in conjunction with a legitimate community event. Of course, the dubious undertaking of trying to determine the 'first' rodeo raises a variety of concerns many of which are developed within May Lou LeCompte's examination of the Hispanic influences on American Rodeo. What can be argued, however, is that the success of the 1891 competition in MacLeod likely led other communities following suit by including rodeo competitions in subsequent fairs and exhibitions. No longer would spectators be required to travel to the roundup camps to witness the cowboys' riding and roping skills, these could now be displayed as a part of the local agricultural fair for all to see. In May 1893 the Calgary Agricultural Society advertised 'four days of sports' which would include '[t]he roping of range cattle by cowboys — genuine cowboys straight from the roundup'.76 Of course, the roping contest represented only one of a number of events along with Indian polo and Indian races, and . Similarly, the Calgary summer exhibition of 1894 included '[t]he riding of cowboys ... [where] although the horses did not pitch very badly some good riding was done and the men could have stood it a good deal harder'.77 Despite only brief mention of the rodeo events from the 1894 exhibition appearing in the Calgary press, the Edmonton Bulletin provided additional details about the occasion. Specifically, it was noted that: The best drawing card of the whole exhibition, however, were the bucking and roping contests ... To those unaccustomed to ranch life it was a thrilling sight to see wild, unbroken horses lassoed, bridled, saddled and ridden by these fearless men.78 The roping event also received detailed coverage, highlighting competitors' efforts to 'throw their steers over and over again until they could get them tied'. In one incident of note John Ware, who had won the event the previous year, made a beautiful throw and threw his steer and tied him in a marvelous time of 54 seconds ... But two minutes later the steer broke loose and the $100 prize fell from the this veteran's grasp, as the rule of the contest required the animal to be kept tied five minutes.79 The recognition provided in these accounts suggests that by 1894 rodeo events were established elements within the exhibitions and fairs of towns 38 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

such as MacLeod and Calgary. As well, those who organised and supported these events had clearly recognised the potential to attract wide interest through their support of rodeo contests. The cowboys, if they were skilled and luck favoured them, could walk away with a cash prize. The organisers benefited by selling more tickets. But, those who had the most to gain were the ranchers, for whom these events became an important public relations exercise; one that supported the logic and relevance of their businesses, linking it to the future of the Canadian Northwest Territories. In the Northwest Territories of Canada the development of rodeo competitions arose directly from the close cultural ties that existed with the American West. At a time when the dual nature of the cowboy as both a masculine ideal and potential 'bold, bad man' had captured the imaginations of western Canadians, rodeo competitions associated with local agricultural fairs and exhibitions became the venue where this way of life could be celebrated. As a result, it was in the interests of the cattle ranch owners and managers to support these ventures, as the rodeo events served to further institutionalise their businesses as an important part of western Canadian life. Therefore, without having to abandon their own eastern Canadian and British masculine identities as represented in their recreations of polo and gymkhana, these men were able to advance their own ranching interests during a period when the open range and their way of life was under threat. The rodeo became part of the ranching industry's public face and represented an additional use of the cowboy beyond the manual labour they provided on the ranch and range.

Notes

1 Mary Lou LeCompte, 'The Hispanic Roots of American Rodeo', Studies in Latin American Popular Culture, vol. 13, 1994, pp. 57-76. 2 See Donna Livingston, The Cowboy Spirit: Guy Weadick and the , Greystone Books, Vancouver, 1996; James H. Gray, The 100 Year History of the Calgary Exhibition and Stampede, Western Producer Prairie Books, Saskatoon, 1985; and Guy Weadick, 'Origin of the Calgary Stampede', Alberta Historical Review, vol. 14, no. 4, 1966, pp. 20-24. 3 D. H. Breen, 'The Turner Thesis and the Canadian West', in Lewis H. Thomas (ed), Essays on Western History University of Alberta Press, Edmonton, 1976, p. 152. 4 Lewis G. Thomas, Rancher's Legacy: Alberta Essays, in P. A. Dunae (ed.), University of Alberta Press, Edmonton, 1986. 5 Simon M. Evans, 'American Cattlemen on the Canadian Range', Prairie Forum, vol. 4, no. 1, spring 1979, pp. 121-36. Evans suggests that the interest of American ranchers in Canadian range land fluctuated from Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 39

the 1880s through the turn of the twentieth century for several reasons including the prevailing legislation which prior to 1882 specifically favoured non-American lease holders. As well, incidents of severe winter weather resulting in large scale cattle losses in 1886/87 and 1906/07 discouraged American ranchers. Both these are suggested to be reasons for curtailed expansion of large American cattle companies in the region. 6 Warren Elofson, Cowboys, Gentlemen & Cattle Thieves: Ranching on the Western Frontier, McGill-Queen's University Press, Montreal, 2000, pp. xv-xvi. 7 Warren M. Elofson, 'Law and Disorder on the Ranching Frontiers of Montana and Alberta/Assiniboia, 1870-1914', Journal of the West, vol. 42, no. 1, winter 2003, p. 49. 8 William H. Katerberg, 'A Northern Vision: Frontiers and the West in the Canadian and American Imagination', American Review of Canadian Studies, vol. 33, no. 4, 2003, p. 546. 9 LeCompte, 'The Hispanic Roots of American Rodeo', pp. 57-76. 10 MacLeod Gazette, 25 April 1889, p. 5. The Wolrond Ranche fenced in a large portion of their land over a distance of fourteen miles. See also, Lethbridge News, 5 February 1890, p. 3; Sir Boderick Cameron acquired 13,000 cedar posts which he intended to use to fence in his ranch. However, Elofson, in Cowboys, Gentlemen & Cattle Thieves, p. 18, argues that settlers and homesteads did not actually cause most ranches too much concern as the need to control their cattle ultimately led them to fence in their ranches. 11 Sheilagh Jameson, Ranches, Cowboys and Characters: Birth of Alberta's Western Heritage, Glenbow Museum, Calgary, 1987, pp. 12-13. In 1892 federal legislation was passed that ended the closed leases system by 1896. These leases had protected ranchers from encroachment by homesteaders, but after several conflicts between the ranchers and settlers new legislation favouring the latter passed. The election of a Liberal government in Canada in 1896 further eroded the ranchers' position as they lost the relative protection they had enjoyed under earlier Conservative governments. 12 For examples of how the trading/bush and British army officer masculinities impacted upon Canadian physical recreation see Kevin B. Wamsley, 'The Public Importance of Men and the Importance of Public Men: Sport and Masculinities in Nineteenth Century Canada', in Philip White and Kevin Young (eds), Sport and Gender in Canada, Oxford, Toronto, 1999, pp. 24-39; and Robert D. Day, 'The British Garrison at Halifax: Its contribution to the Development of Sport in the Community', in Morris Mott (ed.), Sport in Canada: Historical Readings, Copp Clark Pitman, Toronto, 1989, pp. 28-36. 13 Cecilia Danysk, 'A Bachelor's Paradise: Homesteaders, Hired Hands, and the Construction of Masculinity, 1880-1930', in Catherine Cavanuagh and Jeremy Mouat (eds), Making Western Canada: Essays on European Colonization and Settlement, Garamond, Toronto, 1996, p. 155. 14 Danysk, 'A Bachelor's Paradise', p. 155. 40 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

15 Elizabeth Atwood Lawrence, Rodeo: An Anthropologist Looks at the Wild and the Tame, Univ. of Tennessee Press, Knoxville, 1982, p. 68. 16 R. W. Connell, Masculinities: Knowledge, Power and Social Change, Univ. of California Press, Berkley, 1995, p. 194. 17 Jameson, Ranches, Cowboys and Characters, pp. 20-31. The Cochrane Ranche established in 1881 by Senator Matthew H. Cochrane of Compton Quebec. The North-West Cattle Company (Bar U) established in 1882 by Fred Stimpson a farmer and stockman from Compton, Quebec, who persuaded Hugh Allan, head of Allan Steamship lines of Montreal, to become the majority owner of the company. The Oxley Ranche Company was established in 1882 by John Craig an Ontario Farmer who recruited owners Alexander Stavely Hill a British Member of Parliament and the Earl of Lathom a noted English a cattle breeder to invest. The Walrond Ranche Company formed in 1883 by manager and minority owner Dr Duncan McEachran and majority Owner Sir John Walrond a prominent British Conservative. The Quorn Ranch was established in 1886 by Englishman C. W. Martin and a group of sportsmen who were mainly members of the Quorn Hunt Club of Market Harborough, Leicestershire to raise horses. The Winder Ranche Company was set-up in 1880 by William Winder of Lennoxville, Quebec, a captain in the North-West Mounted Police along with five businessmen shareholders from the Eastern Townships of Quebec. The OH Ranch was formed in 1881 by American trader Orville H. Smith and another American Lafayette French. Smith and French sold the ranch in 1883 to Frederick Ings from Charlottetown, PEI, along with brother J. Walter Ings who joined him in 1884. Finally, the Military Colonization Ranch was organised in 1883 by Major General Thomas Bland Strange who recruited his military friends as shareholders, primarily retired army officers, to raise horses for the British Army. 18 L.V. Kelly, The Range Men, Willow Creek Publishing, High River, Alberta, 1988, p. 84. Cross was sent to the Cochrane Ranch in 1885 to act as bookkeeper and veterinary surgeon and to assist manager W. E. Kerfoot. 19 Jameson, Ranches, Cowboys and Characters, p. 30. Frederick Ings purchased the OH Ranch in 1883 and along with his brother Walter ran a successful operation for several decades. 20 Jameson, Ranches, Cowboys and Characters, p. 31. Newbolt joined the Military Colonization Ranch in 1884 one year after it was established. 21 W. R. 'Bob' Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', as told by Angus McKinnon, Alberta History, vol. 32, no. 4, autumn 1984, p. 3. 22 Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', p. 3. 23 Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', p. 4. Also see LeCompte, 'The Hispanic Roots of American Rodeo', pp. 57-76, for an in-depth examination of the skills of the Mexican vaqueros and the various competitions related to their work that formed the basis of later rodeo contests. 24 Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', p. 4. 25 Fredrick W. Ings, Before the Fences: Tales from the Midway Ranch, Jim Davis (ed.), Metra Printing, Calgary, 1980, p. 3. Shortly before his Robert Kossuth Men on the Closing Range: Early Rodeo Competition in the Southern Northwest Territories/Alberta 41

death in 1936 Ings completed a manuscript on his experiences of early ranching; this work is the result. 26 MacLeod Gazette, 'Making Bad Men. A School in England for Training Ranche Hands', 16 May 1888, p. 1. 27 Ings, Before the Fences, pp. 4-17. 28 Ings, Before the Fences, pp. 25-26. 29 Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', p. 7. 30 Ings, Before the Fences, p. 61. Little information exists about W. E. Wilmot, although an E. Wilmot is mentioned among the cowboys and ranchers operating in the country south of High River in L. V. Kelly's, The Range Men, p. 36. 31 John F. Varty, 'Polo and British Settlement in Alberta 1880-1930', Alberta History, vol. 43, no. 3, summer 1995, pp. 8-9. 32 Varty, 'Polo and British Settlement in Alberta', p. 11. 33 Biacna Premo, 'Recreating Identity: Recreation on the Arizona-Sonora Border, 1880-1930', Studies in Latin American Popular Culture, vol. 16, pp. 31-53. 34 William M. McLennan, Early Sport in Calgary: An Account of the Sports, Games, Personalities, Facilities and Recreation of the Pioneers in the Early Calgary Area, Fort Brisebois, Calgary, 1983, p. 19. 35 MacLeod Gazette, 9 June 1892, p. 3. 36 Kelly, The Range Men, p. 84. 37 McLennan, Early Sport in Calgary, p. 21. 38 McLennan, Early Sport in Calgary, p. 22. 39 Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', pp. 1-10. 40 See Danysk, 'A Bachelor's Paradise', p. 158 for a description of the term 'to batch'. According to Danysk this term 'entered the prairie lexicon with ease, indicating the social acceptability of farm men living without women'. 41 Newbolt, 'Memories of Bowchase Ranch', p. 7. 42 Ings, Before the Fences, pp. 60-61. 43 McLennan, Early Sport in Calgary, p. 20. See descriptions of events Calgary Herald, 24 July 1894. 44 McLennan, Early Sport in Calgary, p. 22. 45 Elofson, 'Law and Disorder on the Ranching Frontiers of Montana and Alberta/Assiniboia', p. 45. 46 See Mary Lou LeCompte, 'The Hispanic Influence on the History of Rodeo: 1823-1922', Journal of Sport History, vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 21-38; and LeCompte, 'The Hispanic Roots of American Rodeo', pp. 57-76. 47 Le Compte, 'The Hispanic Influence on the History of Rodeo', pp. 21-22. 48 Le Compte, 'The Hispanic Influence on the History of Rodeo', pp. 21-22. 49 Le Compte, 'The Hispanic Influence on the History of Rodeo', p. 30. 50 MacLeod Gazette, 6 September 1887, p. 6. 51 Winnipeg Free Press, 14 August 1889, p. 1. Coverage of this event was also provided in the 15 and 17 August editions of the newspaper. 42 sportingTRADITIONS VOLUM E 24 nos 1-2 NOVEMBER 2007

52 Lethbridge News, 28 August 1889, p. 3. The article describing the show finished by noting that '... the outfit goes east to do the towns and cities of Eastern Canada'. 53 MacLeod Gazette, 2 August 1888, p. 3. 54 MacLeod Gazette, 18 October 1888, p. 5. 55 Philip Durham and Everett I. Jones, The Negro Cowboys, Dodd and Mead, New York, 1965; reprint, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, 1983, pp. 3-4. 56 Grant MacEwan, John Ware's Cow Country, Institute of Applied Art, Edmonton, 1960, p. 11. 57 MacEwan, John Ware's Cow Country, pp. 20-28. 58 MacEwan, John Ware's Cow Country, pp. 31-32. 59 MacEwan, John Ware's Cow Country, pp. 45-52. It was during this cattle drive that John Ware proved his ability as a cowboy and was then offered work with the North West Cattle Company when the stock arrived in Canada. 60 MacLeod Gazette, 23 June 1885; and MacEwan, John Wares Cow Country pp. 67-68. 61 MacEwan, John Ware's Cow Country, pp. 106-07. 62 MacEwan, John Ware's Cow Country, pp. 107-08. 63 Lethbridge News, 9 July 1890, p. 3. 64 MacLeod Gazette, 29 November 1888, p. 3. 65 MacLeod Gazette, 29 November 1888, p. 3. 66 Lawrence, Rodeo: An Anthropologist Looks at The Wild and the Tame, p. 63. 67 Lethbridge News, 7 June 1888, p. 3. 68 Lethbridge News, 3 April 1889, p. 1. This article was reprinted from the Quebec Chronicle. 69 Lethbridge News, 3 April 1889, p. 1. 70 See Elofson, 'Law and Disorder on the Ranching Frontiers of Montana and Alberta/Assiniboia', pp. 40-51, for an examination of the similar circumstances faced by cowboys on both sides of the border. 71 MacLeod Gazette, 11 December 1890, p. 3. 72 Colin Howell, Blood, Sweat, and Cheers: Sport and the Making of Modern Canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2001, p. 20. 73 MacLeod Gazette, 22 October 1891, p. 2. 74 MacLeod Gazette, 22 October 1891, p. 2. 75 Howell, Blood, Sweat, and Cheers, p. 20. 76 Calgary Herald, 31 May 1893, p. 2. 77 Calgary Herald, 20 July 1894, p. 4. 78 Edmonton Bulletin, 2 August 1894, p. 2. 79 Edmonton Bulletin, 2 August 1894, p. 2.