Where Has It All Gone?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Where Has It All Gone? Where has it all gone? Dominic Cummings boasted of sending Facebook messages to 7 million people. That’s a pretty valuable database! A great deal of US cash went into the creation of that database. SCL Group, SCL Elections, and Cambridge Analytica may have been liquidated as the companies involved with creating that database, thus preventing further examination of their computer files, but, what happened to the database? A lot of work went into identifying 7 million British electors with Facebook accounts. A lot of the work was done by a tiny Canadian company called Aggregate IQ, AIQ, as it is normally known. AIQ sold their ‘Intellectual Property Licence’ to SCL Elections Ltd, a British Company, later to become Cambridge Analytica, and therefore, in effect, sold their soul to Robert Mercer. AIQ played a pivotal role in what Vote Leave did with their ‘1½ billion digital ads sent to 7 million people’, and Dominic Cummings wasted no time in recording that on the Vote Leave website: There were two areas of work where AIQ focussed their work for SCL. They developed something known as Project Ripon - the Ripon Platform - a powerful suite of software which falls within AI - Artificial Intelligence. Ripon carries out invisible processing - using ‘behind the scenes’ algorithms, analysis, data matching, and profiling that involves people's personal information. The other area of work in which AIQ became involved was something SCL called ‘The Database of Truth’. It is a database system that integrates, obtains, and normalises data from disparate sources including starting with primary source data, such as the data held by the RNC (Republican National Committee) in the US. In UK terms we believe it started with the claims made by Brittany Kaiser in her evidence to the Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Select Committee. She described how the UKIP computer tower was carried into the Cambridge Analytica offices, in order to analyse direct from the hard drive, the data it contained - membership records, survey work, including a major survey on why people wanted to leave the EU or not, and other polling work carried out after the success of coming second in 120 UK Constituencies. She said: “… we were able to build personas out of that …” There is no evidence that CA ‘kept’ the data they downloaded from the analysis they carried out for Leave.EU, but since they were given free access, and later submitted an invoice for the work done, chances are that those data files ended up in something known as the ‘SCL Data Warehouse’. Not to retain a copy, and then dispose of it by moving it would have been too much of a temptation, given the nature of what UKIP had at that time. It would have been the perfect ‘primary data source’. CA signed an agreement with GSR - they entered into a commercial arrangement with a company called Global Science Research (GSR), owned by Cambridge-based academic Aleksandr Kogan, specifically premised on the harvesting and processing of Facebook data, so that it could be matched to personality traits and voter rolls. Facebook have since revealed that 87 million Facebook accounts were harvested with more than 1 million of those being from Britain. Meantime, we know The Hon Thomas Borwick was contracted through his company Konta Ltd to work with the SCL Group, and we know Borwick purchased electoral registers for over 200 British local authorities through his company Voter Consultancy Ltd.. Borwick claimed he needed the registers for checking donations - but as that would have given him access to over 20m electors, why on earth did he need so much? Borwick subsequently became the Chief Technology Officer for Vote Leave, and it therefore makes it more likely that Borwick purchased those registers for Vote Leave, and those 20 million elector details all ended up in the SCL Data Warehouse! There have been a number of reports that CA purchased a large number of datasets. And it was Facebook that made it possible. It was from Facebook that Cambridge Analytica obtained its vast dataset in the first place. Facebook was the source of the psychological insights that enabled Cambridge Analytica to target individuals. It was also the mechanism that enabled them to be delivered on a large scale. CA also (perfectly legally) bought consumer datasets - on everything from magazine subscriptions to airline travel - and uniquely it appended these with the psych data to voter files. It matched all this information to people’s addresses, their phone numbers and often their email addresses. “The goal is to capture every single aspect of every voter’s information environment,” said a key source, “and the personality data enabled Cambridge Analytica to craft individual messages.” The Facebook data which CA received from GSR came from personality surveys containing 120 questions, which profiled people along five discrete axes - the ‘five factors’ model, popularly called the ‘OCEAN’ model after one common breakdown of the factors: Openness to experience; Conscientiousness; Extraversion; Agreeableness and Neuroticism. It is therefore not surprising to find that the first digital ads which Vote Leave used were ‘fake competitions’. We know this because Facebook has released some of the digital ads used by Vote Leave through their association with AggregateIQ. And of course, any recipient who responded in any way would have been ‘harvested’ in order to update their Facebook profile in the database. Later in the campaign the ‘fake competition’ ads returned, but now with a different message added! So, there is a database out there containing the Facebook accounts of 7 million British voters, & which is, no doubt, being updated as we speak, with every ‘click’, ‘like’ and ‘share’ keyed by those Facebook users. Vote Leave built and/or copied that database to win the Referendum. Where is that database now? Who controls it? Who plans to use it? How will it be used in the future? It is such a valuable resource, those who financed it would be crazy to scrap it now. They have created a captive audience, & we have seen how ruthless they can be in using it. What Cambridge Analytica has taught us is that it is now possible to submit an identical, or several identical messages, into the purview, namely Facebook accounts, of millions of electors, simultaneously! Looking back at my first job in the Conservative Party, I was a Missioner - a paid canvasser, and I was given a daily target for physical contacts. Given that I was working in a rural area, where buses or trains were in short supply, and I didn’t have a car, shoe leather became very worn, very quickly. I frequently failed to meet my daily target! Now, AI can decide which electors to contact and which to leave alone; which electors to get which message; and which electors to get more messages, all at the press of a button. Targeted marketing has come a long way in the forty years since it began to develop with census data being matched with electoral registers on huge computer banks. Social media has quite literally revolutionised the art of canvassing and getting out the vote. And, if I’m permitted once more to look back at my own experiences - I took a group of Young Conservatives to the Nixon Presidential campaign of 1972. I spent much of my time in Washington, and I was invited to speak to a volunteer group at the RNC HQ in Pennsylvania Avenue, not too far from the White House. I was asked to describe how we got the vote out on polling day in the UK, known throughout the US as GOTV. I made the mistake of using the term familiar to me, to describe what we did. I told my audience we went ‘knocking up’. One young Republican coughed, and the whole room exploded. He explained and asked if I had had a good time! Now a series of ‘Apps’ to the mobile phones of 7 million electors is so much more instant! Knowing what messages Vote Leave spewed out to those electors they had identified as ‘vulnerable’, and ‘persuadable’, and even knowing how they did it, does not remove the fear of what might be done in future with the database they created. My chart below pulls together most of what is in this latest ‘report’ on the state of play of what happened in the Referendum campaign vote. The red arrows are indicators of what we absolutely know from reports, published evidence, and statements made. The grey arrows represent conclusions which arise from what we know, but for which we do not have confirmation. So, start with the UKIP logo, and work your way up the left-hand side. In the middle lurks the logo for the SCL Group, which we believe has been liquidated - could it now be known as ‘Emerdata Ltd’? Above that is the SCL data warehouse, and no one seems to know where the file servers used for the warehousing are now located. We know UKIP data was copied by Cambridge Analytica, and since CA has been liquidated, we have to assume it was moved to the ‘warehouse’, hence the grey arrow. We know CA obtained 87 million Facebook accounts from GSR, and it is almost certain that data went straight into the ‘warehouse’. Thomas Borwick used one of his own companies, Voter Consultancy Ltd. to purchase electoral registers for 200 local authorities whilst working for Vote Leave - did those end up in the ‘warehouse’? We don’t know for sure, but it looks likely, since there is no evidence that Vote Leave made any such similar purchases. AggregateIQ, working for Vote Leave was able to source 7 million elector records, according to Dominic Cummings! Now drop down to the right-hand side and Vote Leave.
Recommended publications
  • The Cambridge Analytica Files
    For more than a year we’ve been investigating Cambridge Analytica and its links to the Brexit Leave campaign in the UK and Team Trump in the US presidential election. Now, 28-year-old Christopher Wylie goes on the record to discuss his role in hijacking the profiles of millions of Facebook users in order to target the US electorate by Carole Cadwalladr Sun 18 Mar 2018 06:44 EDT The first time I met Christopher Wylie, he didn’t yet have pink hair. That comes later. As does his mission to rewind time. To put the genie back in the bottle. By the time I met him in person [www.theguardian.com/uk- news/video/2018/mar/17/cambridge-analytica- whistleblower-we-spent-1m-harvesting-millions-of- facebook-profiles-video], I’d already been talking to him on a daily basis for hours at a time. On the phone, he was clever, funny, bitchy, profound, intellectually ravenous, compelling. A master storyteller. A politicker. A data science nerd. Two months later, when he arrived in London from Canada, he was all those things in the flesh. And yet the flesh was impossibly young. He was 27 then (he’s 28 now), a fact that has always seemed glaringly at odds with what he has done. He may have played a pivotal role in the momentous political upheavals of 2016. At the very least, he played a From www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/17/data-war-whistleblower-christopher-wylie-faceook-nix-bannon- trump 1 20 March 2018 consequential role. At 24, he came up with an idea that led to the foundation of a company called Cambridge Analytica, a data analytics firm that went on to claim a major role in the Leave campaign for Britain’s EU membership referendum, and later became a key figure in digital operations during Donald Trump’s election [www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/nov/09/how- did-donald-trump-win-analysis] campaign.
    [Show full text]
  • Investigation Into the Use of Data Analytics in Political Campaigns
    Information Commissioner’ Investigation into the use of data analytics in political campaigns Investigation update 11 July 2018 ? Contents Executive summary ................................................................................................................................. 2 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 6 2. The investigation ......................................................................................................................... 9 3. Regulatory enforcement action and criminal offences ............................................................ 12 3.1 Failure to properly comply with the Data Protection Principles; ........................................... 13 3.2 Failure to properly comply with the Privacy and Electronic Communications Regulations (PECR); ........................................................................................................................................... 13 3.3 Section 55 offences under the Data Protection Act 1998 ...................................................... 13 4. Interim update .......................................................................................................................... 14 4.1 Political parties ........................................................................................................................ 14 4.2 Social media platforms ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Amended Complaint
    Case 3:18-md-02843-VC Document 257 Filed 02/22/19 Page 1 of 424 Lesley E. Weaver (SBN 191305) Derek W. Loeser (admitted pro hac vice) BLEICHMAR FONTI & AULD LLP KELLER ROHRBACK L.L.P. 555 12th Street, Suite 1600 1201 Third Avenue, Suite 3200 Oakland, CA 94607 Seattle, WA 98101 Tel.: (415) 445-4003 Tel.: (206) 623-1900 Fax: (415) 445-4020 Fax: (206) 623-3384 [email protected] [email protected] Plaintiffs’ Co-Lead Counsel Additional counsel listed on signature page UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT NORTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA IN RE: FACEBOOK, INC. CONSUMER MDL No. 2843 PRIVACY USER PROFILE LITIGATION Case No. 18-md-02843-VC This document relates to: FIRST AMENDED CONSOLIDATED COMPLAINT ALL ACTIONS Judge: Hon. Vince Chhabria FIRST AMENDED CONSOLIDATED MDL NO. 2843 COMPLAINT CASE NO. 18-MD-02843-VC Case 3:18-md-02843-VC Document 257 Filed 02/22/19 Page 2 of 424 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1 II. JURISDICTION, VENUE, AND CHOICE OF LAW ........................................................6 III. PARTIES .............................................................................................................................7 A. Plaintiffs ...................................................................................................................7 B. Defendants and Co-Conspirators .........................................................................118 1. Prioritized Defendant and Doe Defendants: ..................................................118
    [Show full text]
  • Additional Submissions to Parliament in Support of Inquiries Regarding Brexit Damian Collins MP Dear Mr Collins, Over the Past M
    Additional Submissions to Parliament in Support of Inquiries Regarding Brexit Damian Collins MP Dear Mr Collins, Over the past many months, I have been going through hundreds of thousands of emails and documents, and have come across a variety of communications that I believe are important in furthering your inquiry into what happened between Cambridge Analytica, UKIP and the Leave.EU campaign. As multiple enquiries found that no work was done, I would like to appeal those decisions with further evidence that should hopefully help you and your colleagues reach new conclusions. As you can see with the evidence outlined below and attached here, chargeable work was completed for UKIP and Leave.EU, and I have strong reasons to believe that those datasets and analysed data processed by Cambridge Analytica as part of a Phase 1 payable work engagement (see the proposal documents submitted last April), were later used by the Leave.EU campaign without Cambridge Analytica’s further assistance. The fact remains that chargeable work was done by Cambridge Analytica, at the direction of Leave.EU and UKIP executives, despite a contract never being signed. Despite having no signed contract, the invoice was still paid, not to Cambridge Analytica but instead paid by Arron Banks to UKIP directly. This payment was then not passed onto Cambridge Analytica for the work completed, as an internal decision in UKIP, as their party was not the beneficiary of the work, but Leave.EU was. I am submitting the following additional materials to supplement the testimony and documents I gave to the DCMS Committee last year as follows: 1) FW PRESS INVITATION HOW TO WIN THE EU REFERENDUM INVITE ONLY.pdf a.
    [Show full text]
  • Supplementary Evidence from Chris Wylie
    A RESPONSE TO MISSTATEMENTS IN RELATION TO CAMBRIDGE ANALYTICA INTRODUCTORY BACKGROUND TO THE COMPANIES Mr Wylie was the Director of Research for SCL and Cambridge Analytica from 2013 to the end of 2014. SCL Group is a UK-based military contractor that specialises in Information Operations (“IO”). SCL’s clients have included the UK Ministry of Defence, US Department of Defense and various NATO militaries. Information Operations is the area of military strategy that deploys, manipulates or weaponises information to support operational objectives. Within IO, there are related fields such as Psychological Operations and Cyber Operations. It is important to highlight that as IO is a military strategy, which is often deployed in combat situations where the Data Protection Act would not apply, many IO approaches are not generally congruent with the Data Protection Principles. This is because there are two key objectives of IO. The first is the notion of “informational dominance”, which focuses on capturing, interfering or manipulating as many channels of information surrounding the target as possible. This is typically done, by necessity, without the knowledge of the target. The second is using information collected about the target to identify and then exploit mental vulnerabilities to provoke certain behaviours in the target that would be conducive to operational objectives. Cambridge Analytica (“CA”) was created by SCL Group with funding from Robert Mercer, an American billionaire based in New York. Robert Mercer installed the alt-right political activist Stephen Bannon as CA’s Vice President with responsibilities to manage the company day-to-day. Mr Mercer wanted to use the IO tactics SCL had used on military projects for his political aims in the United States, and elsewhere, including the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Disinformation and 'Fake News': Interim Report
    House of Commons Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee Disinformation and ‘fake news’: Interim Report Fifth Report of Session 2017–19 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 24 July 2018 HC 363 Published on 29 July 2018 by authority of the House of Commons The Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee The Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration and policy of the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport and its associated public bodies. Current membership Damian Collins MP (Conservative, Folkestone and Hythe) (Chair) Clive Efford MP (Labour, Eltham) Julie Elliott MP (Labour, Sunderland Central) Paul Farrelly MP (Labour, Newcastle-under-Lyme) Simon Hart MP (Conservative, Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire) Julian Knight MP (Conservative, Solihull) Ian C. Lucas MP (Labour, Wrexham) Brendan O’Hara MP (Scottish National Party, Argyll and Bute) Rebecca Pow MP (Conservative, Taunton Deane) Jo Stevens MP (Labour, Cardiff Central) Giles Watling MP (Conservative, Clacton) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the inquiry Christian Matheson MP (Labour, City of Chester) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication Committee reports are published on the Committee’s website at www.parliament.uk/dcmscom and in print by Order of the House. Evidence relating to this report is published on the inquiry publications page of the Committee’s website.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Explanatory Essays Giving Context and Analysis to Submitted Evidence
    Three Explanatory Essays Giving Context and Analysis to Submitted Evidence Part 1: Cambridge Analytica, the Artificial Enemy and Trump's 'Big Lie' By Emma L. Briant, University of Essex Last week, whistleblowers, including former Cambridge Analytica research director Chris Wylie, exposed much of the hidden workings behind the Cambridge Analytica digital strategy funded by the Mercers which empowered the US far right and their Republican apologists, and revealed CA’s involvement in the “Brexit” campaign in the UK. Amid Cambridge Analytica CEO Alexander Nix’s gaslighting and deflection after Trump’s election victory, few questions about this powerful company have been answered. As a propaganda scholar, I have spent a decade researching SCL Group, a conglomerate of companies including Cambridge Analytica who did work for the Trump campaign. Following the US election, I used the substantial contacts I had developed to research an upcoming book. What I discovered was alarming. In this and two other linked explanatory essays, I discuss my findings concerning the involvement of these parties in Brexit (See Part 2) and Cambridge Analytica’s grossly unethical conduct enacted for profit (See Part 3). I draw on my exclusive interviews conducted for my upcoming book What’s Wrong with the Democrats? Media Bias, Inequality and the rise of Donald Trump (co-authored with George Washington University professor Robert M. Entman) and academic publications on the EU referendum, and my counter-terrorism research. Due to my expertise on this topic, I was compelled by the UK Electoral Commission, Information Commissioners Office and the Chair of the Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee's Fake News Inquiry Damian Collins MP to submit information and research relating to campaigns by SCL, Cambridge Analytica and other actors.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    POLITICAL SCIENCE UNDERGRADUATE REVIEW VOL. 5 Winter 2020 ARTICLE 7 The Effects of Modern Data Analytics in Electoral Politics: Cambridge Analytica’s Suppression of Voter Agency and the Implications for Global Politics By Evan Oddleifson Introduction Each technological revolution, such as the advent of radio, television, the internet, and social media, has informed how politics and people engage in democratic processes. The Kennedy-Nixon presidential debate became the focal point of one such revolution when radio listeners and television viewers were perceived to be divided on the outcome of the debate. To explain this, later research suggested that television viewers weighed personality, rather than policy, more heavily than radio listeners (Gershon 2016). This changed how voters chose candidates and thus how those candidates campaigned - it changed politics. Moreover, it highlighted the importance of technology in politics. This issue has proven itself perennial, and has today reached a point where the technologies of persuasion have become so capable that their use has been construed as information warfare by senior US national security officials (Cadwalladr 2018), and as a credible cyber-threat. This paper maps the impacts of this modern technological revolution on individual, national and global politics. Specifically, this paper examines the effects of social media driven data analytics on voter micro targeting and electoral politics using Cambridge Analytica’s (CA) involvement in the 2016 US Presidential election and the 2010 Trinidad and Tobago General election to illuminate the electoral strategies and outcomes associated with their use of new data analytical processes. It hypothesizes that, if unchecked, the voter targeting technologies employed by Cambridge Analytica erodes voter agency.
    [Show full text]
  • October 14, 2020 Submitted Via Email and U.S.P.S. Federal Election
    October 14, 2020 Submitted via email and U.S.P.S. Federal Election Commission Office of Complaints Examination and Legal Administration Attn: Mary Beth deBeau, Paralegal 1050 First Street, NE Washington, D.C. 20463 [email protected] RE: Supplemental evidence for MUR 7147 Dear Ms. deBeau: On October 6, 2016, Campaign Legal Center (“CLC”) filed a complaint with the Commission alleging that the super PAC Make America Number 1 (ID: C00575373) had made illegal in-kind contributions to presidential candidate Donald Trump’s authorized campaign committee, Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. (ID: C00580100). The Commission designated the matter MUR 7147. CLC supplemented the complaint on December 2, 2016 and on April 12, 2017. We write to supplement the complaint with additional evidence in the form of newly published emails and other documents from the 2016 election. CLC’s original complaint alleged, among other things, that Make America Number 1 (also known as the “Defeat Crooked Hillary” super PAC) made unlawful and unreported expenditures in coordination with the Trump campaign by way of the common vendor Cambridge Analytica.1 The Trump campaign paid Cambridge Analytica $5.9 million in the 2016 cycle,2 and Make America Number 1 reported paying over $5 million to Cambridge Analytica after the super PAC began supporting Trump.3 Both Make America Number 1 and the Trump campaign contracted with Cambridge Analytica for similar services—such as developing the content of communications and targeting voters— and CLC’s original complaint alleged that Cambridge Analytica used or conveyed to Make America Number 1 information about the Trump campaign’s “plans, projects, activities or needs,” and that such information was “material to the creation, production, or distribution” of the super PAC’s ads supporting Trump or attacking his opponent, Hillary Clinton.
    [Show full text]
  • Rich Men and Brexit
    Rich Men and Brexit In the early 80s I took up a new appointment as the Conservative Party’s first Direct Mail Manager. I made regular trips to Nottingham to meet executives of Experian, a company, which in those days, was focussed on the capture of data from the electoral register. I studied the work they were doing of merging census data with the electoral register and quickly realised we could use what was then called socioeconomic demographics, to accurately identify those electors, whose lifestyles might make them more likely to contribute to the Conservative Party. Later, I worked on merging data the Party held from every kind of election result, and from all polling data, both private and publicly published, and shortly before Polling Day of the 1986 General Election the ‘data sandwich’ was ‘number crunched’. Just before taking Mrs Thatcher to her count in her Finchley constituency I was able to tell her our prediction from the ‘number crunch’ was that she would have an overall majority of 103 - the result was 102. Fast forward to the Trump Campaign for President in the United States, and the EU Referendum in the UK in 2016. The first earth-shattering difference was the progression of social media, which enabled our socioeconomic demographics of the 80s to use ‘Big Data’ to accurately identify what individual electors are thinking as we near the third decade of the 21st Century. The other was the spectacular advances in all aspects of Information Technology - more powerful computers, running on ever more powerful programs - and - AI - Artificial Intelligence.
    [Show full text]
  • Your Undivided Attention Podcast Episode 10: Rock the Voter
    Center for Humane Technology | Your Undivided Attention Podcast Episode 10: Rock the Voter Tristan Harris: So before we get into the show, we just wanted to provide a little update or reflection on why we're doing this. The problems that we look at every day, at the Center for Humane Technology, are really serious. They have to do with election integrity, social isolation, shortening of attention spans, the toxification of the information environment. We have to fix these things. And so as a small organization of no more than 10 people, work full-time on doing that. Oftentimes, people look at us and they say, are so glad that those guys are working on that. And we don't want that to be the case at all. This is something that requires every single person, especially those people who are inside technology companies to stand up and be part of the solution. And what that means is sometimes you'll see episodes every week and sometimes there might be a little delay. Aza Raskin: The only thing I'd add here is you know how Alan Greenspan used to walk around with a briefcase and reporters would look at the size of his briefcase and try to guess like... if it's really thick, they knew something was about to happen in monetary policy. You guys can do the same with us. If it's been a little while, that's because there's a lot of... like you can make some guesses about what's going on behind the scenes.
    [Show full text]
  • Big Data, Microtargeting, and Governmentality in Cyber- Times
    Big data, microtargeting, and governmentality in cyber- times. The case of the Facebook-Cambridge Analytica data scandal. Ellen Emilie Henriksen Master thesis in political science, Department of Political Science UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring, 2019 Word count: 47756 Big data, microtargeting, and governmentality in cyber-times. The case of the Facebook-Cambridge Analytica data scandal. 1 © Ellen Emilie Henriksen 2019 Big data, microtargeting, and governmentality in cyber-times Ellen Emilie Henriksen http://www.duo.uio.no/ Print: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo Word count: 47756 2 Abstract. This thesis aims to conceptualise microtargeting a as a security threat. The Facebook- Cambridge Analytica scandal has received substantial media attention, and subsequent proclamations as to how the use of microtargeting techniques – in this case psychographics – in political advertisement poses a threat to democracy. Answering what this threat actually is, however, is difficult. This paper proposes that microtargeting is best understood as a threat to governmentality, rather than democracy or governance. This follows from an argument that microtargeting is in its simplest form efficient advertisement, and thus a part of the competitive advantage of private actors in a capitalist system; a competition that is constitutive of the very liberal democratic political arrangement that it supposedly poses a threat to. What is more, microtargeting as technique is also deployed by the state in security practices, and the data used by both government and corporations originate to a large extent from the same data brokers. Thus, referent object and threat conflate, making microtargeting as a security threat notoriously context bound. To deconstruct that very context is the aim of this paper.
    [Show full text]