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North Texas State University in Partial /i3 I (l LORD ACTON AND THE LIBERAL CATHOLIC MOVEMENT, 1858 - 1875 THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By William T. Shuttlesworth, B.A. Denton, Texas December, 1987 Shuttlesworth, William T., Lord Acton and the Liberal Catholic Movement, 1858-1875. Master of Arts (History), December, 1987, 105 pp., bibliography, 82 titles. John Dalberg Acton, a German-educated historian, rose to prominence in late Victorian England as an editor of The Rambler and a leader of the Liberal Catholic Movement. His struggle against Ultramontanism reached its climax at the Vatican Council, 1869-1870, which endorsed the dogma of Papal Infallibility and effectively ended the Liberal Catholic Movement. Acton's position on the Vatican Decrees remained equivocal until the Gladstone controversy of 1874 forced him to take a stand, but even his statement of submission failed to satisfy some Ultramontanists. This study, based largely on Acton's published letters and essays, concludes that obedience to Rome did not contradict his advocacy of freedom of conscience, which also placed limits on Papal Infallibility. PREFACE Lord Acton left his bench mark on the religious, intellectual, and political history of late Victorian England, notwithstanding that most of his actions-- editorials and essays in The Rambler, rejection of Ultramontanism, and opposition to Papal Infallibility -- met with failure. Acton, however, should be remembered as a man in search of the truth. Due to his leadership, the cause of Liberal Catholicism flourished briefly before Ultramontanism defeated it. In the end, Acton yielded to the very forces against which he had fought. This study focuses on his seventeen-year struggle against the Papal authority and attempts to show his impact on the Liberal Catholic Movement in England and in the Continent. His career as a journalist, opposition at the Vatican Council, and denunciation of its decrees evoke such questions as these: 1) What did Acton hope to accomplish by working with the English journals? 2) Was abandoning The Home and Foreign Review the best action to take? 3) How important was Acton's role at the Vatican Council? 4) What was Acton's policy toward Papal Infallibility? 5) Did Acton compromise his principles in submitting to Rome? This study is based on Acton's printed correspondence iii and works. Abbot Gasquet, Lord Acton and his Circle contains many of his letters, covering his journalistic career and other phases of his life. J. N. Figgis and R. V. Laurence (eds.), Selections from the Correspondence of the First Lord Acton and Josef Altholz and Damain McElrath (ed.), The Correspondence of Lord Acton and Richard Simpson, supplement Gasquet's work. Acton's essays published in Gertrude Himmelfarb, Essays of Freedom and Power, Douglass Woodward, Essays on Church and State, and Figgis and Laurence, The History af Freedom and other Essays, all furnish valuable insights into his life and thoughts. The scholarly works of Hugh MacDougall, Acton-Newman Relations and David Mathews, Lord Acton and His Times were especially useful. I wish to thank the library staffs of North Texas State University, Baylor University, and Southern Methodist University, who helped me find the needed materials. But all errors of statement and judgment are, of course, my own. William T. Shuttlesworth Denton, Texas October, 1987 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE0.0....................................... iii PROLOGUE: GENESIS OF THE LIBERAL CATHOLIC MOVEMENT . 1 I. LORD ACTON AND THE CATHOLIC JOURNALS: THE ISSUE JOINED ................. 17 II. LORD ACTON AND THE VATICAN COUNCIL: THE CHALLENGE REPELLED.............. 40 III. GLADSTONE AND THE AFTERMATH: TO YIELD OR NOT TO YIELD? . .... .. .... 63 IV. ASSESSMENT AND RETROSPECT ..................... 79 EPILOGUE: THE QUEST FOR RESPECT AND RECOGNITION . 88 CHRONOLOGY ....................................... 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY..................................... 95 V THE PROLOGUE: GENESIS OF THE LIBERAL CATHOLIC MOVEMENT The Liberal Catholic Movement began as a compromise between the traditional authority of the Church and the new pronouncements of the secular sciences and philosophies. The term "Liberal Catholic" incorrectly describes the nature of the movement, for it conveys a religious or political overtone. The Liberal Catholic Movement was not very liberal, nor was it strongly Catholic in its cause and philosophy. At first the movement focused on intellectual progress apart from the authority of the Church.1 Each country, however, had its own idea about when and where it should protest Papal encroachment. France, the largest Catholic nation, held a unique position vis-a-vis the Holy See in matters regarding church-state relations. Since the days of Charles VII (1422-1461) and the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (1438), France had been allowed to appoint her own bishops and control the national church. The majority of her bishops were Gallican; i. e., they believed that the Church should be submissive to the state or fully state-controlled. The Revolution had bequeathed to France an anti-clerical bias as well as democratic principles. 1 2 After 1830, F4licit Robert de Lamennais (1782-1854), a priest and former reactionary, rose to prominence as an opponent of Ultramontanism, a doctrine which urged the faithful to look beyond the mountains (Alps) to Rome for spiritual guidance.2 Charles X, he charged, had misused the Church to further his own ambitions. A social romanticist, Lamennais put his faith in democracy and an independent Church. The people, he argued, due to their devotion to liberty, should work for a free Church because of their common devotion to liberty. For Lamennais, the Liberal Catholic Movement served a political purpose.3 Lamennais'ideas appeared in the L'Aveni (The Future) a journal that began its short-lived publication in 1830. "God and Liberty -- unite them!" became its battle cry in an effort to bring about a union of Church and democracy. In order to separate the Church from the state, a strong liberal Papacy was required to ensure the freedom human of society.4 Lamennais was aided in this cause by two prominent colleagues: Charles Rene Montalembert (1810-1870) and Henri Dominique Lacordaire (1802-1861). These men founded the L'Avenir Movement. Despite the original popularity of this campaign with the Holy See and the people, it failed to reach its potential due to internal problems. Lamennais was too naive and busy with other interests; he also lacked leadership. For want of someone to guide the movement, it failed to achieve its political goals. Lamennais, Lacordaire, and 3 Montalembert, moreover, held different ideas on policy and procedure.5 In 1832, the L'Avenir Movement collapsed. Having debated the French bishops for two years, Lamennais submitted his ideas to Pope Gregory XVI for his approval or rejection. The Holy Father seized this opportunity to denounce the secular trends of the day. On 15 August 1832, he issued the bull, Mirari Vos, denying everything Lamennais stood for.6 Thus he was defeated by his own doctrine: the authority of the Pope. Lamennais submitted to the will of the Pope, but in 1834, when Gregory condemned his Paroles d'un croyant as contrary to God's word, he left the communion of the Church and became a disciple of Louis Blanc. His fall was a great loss to the movement, but he carried no one with him; Lacordaire and Montalembert continued the movement in France.7 Lacordaire reasoned that the best way to serve the Church and further his own cause would be to resurrect the religious orders which had been suppressed during the Revolution. He chose to reestablish the Dominicans, because they favored preaching and education.8 Montalembert's liberalism took a far different course than that of Lacordaire. Following the end of the L'Avenir Movement, Montalembert became the leader of Catholic journalism and organized a Catholic political party. Continuing the cry of "Liberty," Montalembert devoted his time to the issues of freedom of education and political 4 reform. He abandoned the ideals of the separation of church and state and democracy to follow a position more moderate than that advocated by the L'Avenir.9 The two opposing schools of the Catholic Church in France polarized in 1850 with the passage of the Loi Falloux.1 0 Ostensibly a victory for the cause of freedom of education, it nonetheless caused French Catholics to divide into Liberal and Ultramontane parties. The latter, perceiving the Church to be in a "state of siege," rallied around the absolute authority of the Pope. The organ of the Ultramontanists, the Univers, was edited by Louis Veuillot and the voice of the Liberals was Montalembert's Correspondant. While the debate continued, leadership of the Liberal Catholic Movement passed from the French. In Italy, the liberal cause paralleled and complemented the Risorgimento (Resurrection), as Italy's struggle for unification was called. The election in 1846 of Pius IX, a "liberal" Pope, brought new hope for unification under Papal leadership, allied with the liberal movement. But the temporal power of the Pope and his ambivalent role in the 1848 revolutions proved such an obstacle to the Risorgimento that on 15 November 1848, Italian revolutionaries murdered Count Pellegrino Rossi, the Papal premier. This act of violence drove the Pope into exile, but he returned to Rome in 1850, after the city had been secured by a French army (June 1849). For
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