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Factors Influencing Papua New Guinea's Foreign Policy in The Factors Influencing Papua New Guinea’s Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century Philip Mitna A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The Australian National University July 2018 © Copyright by Philip Mitna, 2018 All Rights Reserved ii Declaration No material in this thesis has been previously submitted for a degree at this or any other university. Except for those sources acknowledged in the text and footnotes, this thesis is the author’s original research. The work is no longer than 100,000 words. iii Acknowledgements My journey into researching foreign policy in Papua New Guinea started in a police establishment. Before I took up studies, I was a police officer based in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea. I had access to the monthly briefs that came in from all parts of the country. Through these official records, I have noted the increasing number of transnational crimes, particularly the increased number of pirated and counterfeit goods and the increased number of illegal immigrants at the turn of the century. It made me wonder if the increase in transnational crimes was related to the government’s ‘look north’ policy, a less articulated foreign policy that focused on China and the rest of Asia. The policy generated economic opportunities for Papua New Guinea, but simultaneously posed challenges to national security. My interest in foreign policy developed from that time. As a law enforcer, I could do little in terms of minimising the undesirable consequences of foreign policy, but I realised that I could contribute to influencing policies through research. That was how I started my journey in academia. I started at the Australian National University (ANU) College of Arts and Social Sciences (CASS), but cross-transferred when I changed my research focus from transnational crimes to foreign policy. I thank the Department of Pacific Affairs (DPA)—formerly State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM)—program at ANU for taking me on board to complete this journey. My journey in academia would not have been possible without the assistance of several people and organisations. I would like to acknowledge several sources that provided me with the crucial financial assistance that enabled me to begin and complete this work. I thank the people and government of Australia for the opportunity of the Endeavour Postgraduate Award scholarship. I extend my thanks to the ANU for the Postgraduate Research Scholarship. ANU continued the support after the Endeavour Postgraduate Award ended. I also thank DPA for endorsing the extension of my scholarship. iv Many people have supported me in this study and its completion is primarily due to their patience and assistance in my work. It is not possible to name them all here. First and foremost, I thank Julien Barbara, who accepted the task of the chair in my supervisory panel. Julien’s calm but firm and responsive presence has been reassuring throughout. Together with advisers Sinclair Dinnen and Ronald May, they have offered invaluable insights into politics, international relations and foreign policy throughout the study. The supervisory panel has directly challenged me to improve on initial ideas and I am very grateful for their clear-sighted comments and extensive feedback on my draft chapters. I have greatly benefitted from their constant support and guidance throughout this study. I am also grateful to many other people at ANU, such as Michael McKinley at CASS, who initially supervised me on the project on transnational crimes. I decided to look broadly at Papua New Guinea’s foreign policy instead of focusing specifically on the ‘look north’ policy and its implications on transnational crimes, so I changed schools. Nicole Haley supported my internal transfer to the DPA, to the College of Asia and Pacific (CAP) and made me feel welcome, for which I am grateful. Thiago Oppermann assisted when it came to important administrative matters. Thank you, Thiago. I thank Denghua Zhang, Michelle Rooney, Shaun Gessler, David Oakeshott, George Carter, Daniel Evans, Ellen Kulumbu, Lincy Pendeverana, Scott Robertson, Anita Togolo and the community of Pacific Scholars at the CAP for their collegiality and a tremendous sense of camaraderie. Bill Standish and Anthony Regan, through informal meetings, have enquired on the progress of my work, which in turn encouraged me to push on. Bill and Anthony, thank you. In the broader Canberra community, Louie Malaibe and Sam Wuvuai helped to make Canberra a home away from home. Thank you, gentlemen. In Papua New Guinea, Julie Wapo and Bartsch Morris supported me with documents on Papua New Guinea’s foreign policy. Bonny and Lena Korugl, Joe and Jane Kappa, and John Sebby provided transport during my v initial research on transnational crimes. Daniel Aloi, Anthony Sil and Paul Siwi provided the moral support from the very beginning. Thank you all. Most importantly, I acknowledged the contribution of Rebecca. She has provided unwavering support throughout this journey. My sincere thanks to my children, Nelson, Naomi and Gerel, for bearing with me. Together, we travelled this journey. Finally, my most profound gratitude and appreciation to my parents, Mitna Umba and Gerel Galma, who are barely educated but taught me the virtue of being educated and worked hard to educate me. Capstone Editing provided copyediting and proofreading services, according to the guidelines laid out in the university-endorsed national ‘Guidelines for Editing Research Theses’. vi Abstract This thesis investigates the factors that have been influential in shaping Papua New Guinea’s (PNG) foreign policy in the period 2003–2015. It focuses on three case studies as the baseline for analysis: the enhanced cooperation program (ECP) between PNG and Australia in 2003, the Julian Moti affair in 2006 and the case of West Papua in 2015. The period 2003– 2015 is significant because it encompasses several important developments that contributed to PNG’s shifting priorities, the most notable of which being the growing economy. PNG’s economic growth during this period gave the government a new sense of economic independence and confidence. The period showed a growing resistance to Australia’s influence in PNG. Leaders became more nationalistic and assertive. Deference to Australia was replaced with disputes and frequent opposition. PNG also developed a stronger sense of its place in the region and increasingly saw itself as a significant regional power with a role to play in shaping regional order. This research illuminates important areas of continuity and significant changes that have taken place in respect to PNG’s foreign policy over the period 2003–2015. An important area of continuity is the centrality of the PNG–Australia relationship. PNG has long aspired to conduct foreign policy that is independent from Australia’s influence, but this aspiration has been limited in part because PNG remained dependent on Australia. The period under review has not observed the emergence of a more coherent foreign policy that can minimise Australia’s influence in PNG. Political elites have evoked sentiments of nationalism and have deployed nationalist rhetoric—against perceived Australian dominance—to justify PNG’s independence and national sovereignty. However, the rhetoric was not translated into a coherent policy to downplay Australia’s influence. This was reflected in the ECP and Moti cases. Measured against key foreign policy concepts, the study did not convey a strong sense of institutional consolidation and coherence. Pervasive indigenous cultures played a significant role in foreign vii policy. The institutional context of foreign policy in PNG remains weak and more personalised in individual political leaders. The courts have acted to stabilise foreign policy engagement, but this is largely reactive. The case of West Papua reflected a subtle change in PNG’s foreign policy development. It provides an example of PNG’s departure from the traditionally reactive to the more strategic approach to foreign policy. The issue of human rights in West Papua has been a concern for PNG, but successive governments have refrained from condemning the human rights abuses and have often claimed that it was Indonesia’s domestic problem. In 2015, PNG departed from the non-interference policy and spoke openly against the human rights abuses in West Papua. This happened against a backdrop of regional positioning and strengthening. PNG deployed its nascent foreign policy tool—aid diplomacy—and consolidated its position in the region. It then pushed the issue of human rights through the sub-regional forum, the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG). This is a significant development in the evolution of PNG’s foreign policy, as it showed a concerted foreign policy. viii Contents Declaration .............................................................................................................................. iii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. iv Abstract ................................................................................................................................... vii Contents ................................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures .......................................................................................................................... xi List of Tables ..........................................................................................................................
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