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Les Gallicans FRANTZ Mémoire de Master (Histoire des Religion.) LES GALLICANS. « Non ! Depuis que le rayon céleste a gravé la croix sur le labarum, plus de guerres si ce n'est la guerre juste ! » Hyacinthe Loyson, juin 1869, gallican. « Qu’importent des milliers de vies humaines si les âmes ne meurent pas ! » Louis Veuillot, juin 1969, ultramontain. 1 « GALLICAN, E : Relatif à l’Eglise de France, partisan du gallicanisme. » « GALLICANISME : Doctrine ayant pour objet la défense des franchises de l’Eglise de France (gallicane) à l’égard du saint-siège. » Le Larousse, 2007. Pour réaliser cette petite étude, je me suis replongé dans l’histoire de France, tant il apparaît que le gallicanisme est au départ une théorie presque exclusivement politique. Il existe également un gallicanisme ecclésiologique, qui ne saurait être confondu avec la branche politique, sur lequel nous reviendrons en seconde partie de mémoire. Je me suis également appuyé sur le dictionnaire critique de théologie, puf, 2007, le site internet gallican.org, le livre de V. Martin, les origines du gallicanisme, Paris, 1939 ; l’ouvrage de G. Digard, Philippe le bel et le saint-siège de 1285 à 1304, Paris, 1936 ainsi que l’histoire des religions, tome II**, folio essai, 2001, sous la direction d’Henri- Charles Puech. Enfin, je me suis rendu aux offices gallicans de Bordeaux et me suis entretenu avec le Père Thierry Teyssot, Primat de l’Eglise Gallicane depuis 1987. I. Histoire. A. Origine politique du gallicanisme. L’Eglise Gallicane est le nom officiel de l’Eglise Catholique de France (de Gaule) depuis le début de l’évangélisation jusqu’en 1870. On retrouve cette racine, de nos jours, dans le titre donné à l’archevêque de Lyon, le « Primat des Gaules » (Lyon étant l’ancienne capitale du pays). L’adjectif gallican désignait également la liturgie en vigueur jusqu’à la décision de Charlemagne (couronné en 800) d’introduire le chant romain dans ses états. Les Catholiques « gaulois » ne se distinguaient en rien de leurs homologues européens jusqu’à ce que survienne une crise grave entre la papauté, sous le règne de Boniface VIII et le Royaume de France, gouverné par Philippe IV dit « le bel », en 1303. La France, en pleine réorganisation du royaume, avec en perspective la centralisation du pays, se heurtait aux difficultés financières rencontrées par le saint-siège. Le droit de régale, c’est-à-dire le droit que le roi de France avait sur les diocèses catholiques qui temporairement n'avaient pas d'évêques titulaires, fut à l’origine de la discorde, ainsi qu’un nouvel impôt levé sur le clergé, la décime. En 1296, le pape interdit par la bulle Clericis Laicos le versement par le clergé des subsides au souverain, lequel déplaçait sans autorisation les ecclésiastiques qui lui déplaisaient et nommait les évêques sans l’assentiment de Rome. Le pape se rétracta un an plus tard, Philippe IV ayant interdit la sortie d’or des frontières, privant ainsi Rome de revenus substantiels ; mais la discorde demeurait. Au cœur du débat, l’indépendance du royaume et des princes laïques sans l’immixtion de la papauté dans leurs affaires. En 1301, suite à une autre affaire (l’arrestation de Bernard Saisset, évêque de Pamiers), une autre bulle, Ausculta fili, fut fulminée par le Pape. Cette bulle affirmait la supériorité du pape sur le roi. 2 La riposte fut immédiate : le document fut brûlé en place publique, une réponse peu amène fut envoyée à Rome (« Philippe, par la grâce de Dieu, roi de France, à Boniface, soi- disant pape, peu ou point de salut… ») et, surtout, Philippe le bel convoqua les assemblées des trois états (noblesse, clergé, tiers-état) pour faire approuver sa décision, en 1302 et 1303. Le succès fut au rendez-vous, jusqu’au clergé français qui approuva à une large majorité la décision de Philippe. L’opinion publique suivait alors le roi (il est à noter que les conflits ouverts avec le pape n’étaient pas, au moyen âge, synonymes d’impiété). Boniface VIII aggrava la tension en fulminant une nouvelle bulle, Unam sanctam, en novembre 1302. Cette bulle professait la suprématie de l’Eglise sur les états, et donc l’obligation faite à toute créature humaine de se soumettre au Pape, fut-elle roi de France. Unam sanctam reste comme la première tentative papale d’instituer une théocratie occidentale. La suite est connue : Philippe le Bel envoya des hommes, dont Guillaume de Nogaret, afin de s’assurer de la personne du Pape en son palais d’Anagni, le 07 septembre 1303. La légende veut que Boniface VIII fut à cette occasion giflé par Guillaume de Nogaret (ou par Sciarra Colonna, son ennemi personnel). Dans le même temps, le roi lançait un appel à un concile général qui devait juger le pape pour hérésie, simonie et divers crimes. La mort de Boniface VIII, le 11 octobre de la même année, mit un terme à l’affaire. Par la suite, des arrangements entre l’éphémère Pape Benoît XI et le Pape français Clément V (Bertrand de Got) furent conclus. Mais le geste de Philippe IV, c’est-à-dire la convocation des états généraux pour entériner sa décision de s’opposer frontalement à la papauté, institua une tradition bien française qui devait perdurer longtemps, et qui accompagnera l’idée moderne d’état nation tout au long de son élaboration. B. Développement et apogée. Le concile de Vienne (1311-1312), outre qu’il dissolvait l’ordre des templiers non par une procédure judiciaire mais en vertu de l’autorité apostolique du Pape, mit en place un début de réorganisation de l’Eglise, ce qui appuya la théorie (naissante) de séparation du spirituel et du temporel. Il est vrai que Philippe le bel assista au concile accompagné de sa cour, et, incidemment, d’une armée. La papauté s’installa par la suite en Avignon, par crainte de l’instabilité politique en Italie (le conflit entre guelfes et gibelins rendait l’équilibre du pays précaire). Le roi de France, avec la papauté aux portes de son royaume, trouva l’occasion d’influer sur la politique de l’église pendant longtemps. La situation, renversée par rapport aux prétentions de la bulle Unam sanctam (80% des légats de l’église étaient alors français) dura jusqu’au retour de la papauté à Rome en 1378, ce qui entraîna (entre autres facteurs) le Grand Schisme d’Occident (1378-1418) ; lequel vit deux papautés s’affronter, l’une à Avignon, l’autre à Rome. Le Schisme prit fin dans une Europe affaiblie, en proie aux compagnies de routiers qui ravageaient les états. Le Pape fut reconnu comme tel lors du concile de Constance (1414-1417), concile qui proclama sa supériorité sur le pape (décret Haec sancta). Le principe de conciles à dates régulières, institué par le décret Frequens, assura l’indépendance des synodes face au Pape. 3 Le conciliarisme, doctrine servant de base à la réflexion gallicane, se trouvait adopté de facto. Le Pape était considéré comme le primus inter pares (conception sur laquelle les conciles Vatican I, 1869-1870 ; et Vatican II, 1962-1965, reviendront). Remarquons que c’est à l’occasion du concile de Constance que Jean Hus, venu présenter ses thèses et muni d’un sauf-conduit (qui sera vite renié), fut condamné comme hérétique et brûlé vif. Mais le désordre du Grand Schisme d’Occident avait déjà ouvert la porte à la Réforme. Le concile suivant, fixé par décret à Bâle pour l’année 1431, s’étendit sur plusieurs années et eut lieu dans plusieurs cités (1431-1441 à Bâle, Ferrare, Florence et Rome). Il réaffirmait le principe de supériorité du concile sur le pape, entraînant querelles interminables et menaçant l’Occident d’un nouveau Schisme. Le roi de France Charles VII proposa alors une médiation, promulguée le 7 juillet 1438 sous le nom célèbre de « Pragmatique Sanction de Bourges ». La Pragmatique Sanction reprit la plupart des articles rédigés à Bâle, en les modulant. Elle entérina le principe de supériorité des conciles sur le pape, en particulier appliqué au clergé français. Elle rétablit l’élection des évêques et des abbés, abrogea les nominations papales, fixa un âge minimum pour devenir cardinal et supprima les annates, un impôt jusque-là perçu (et levé) par le pape en personne. De surcroît, elle réservait aux universitaires un certain nombres de prébendes et renforçait, au détriment de la curie romaine, les pouvoirs juridictionnels des archevêques. La Pragmatique Sanction a, par la suite, été qualifiée de « constitution gallicane ». Pour asseoir sa politique de reconstruction nationale, Charles VII s’appuyait alors sur cette idée, acceptée par une large partie du clergé français à l’exception de la Bretagne. Cause de nombreux débats, la Pragmatique Sanction resta en vigueur (avec des modulations plus ou moins grandes dues à Louis XI) jusqu’à ce qu’intervienne un nouvel accord entre le Roi de France François Ier et le Pape Léon X, lors du concordat de Bologne en 1516. La nomination des évêques ne procédait plus d’un vote, mais devenait le fait du roi tout en étant soumise à la ratification du pape. Le concordat de Bologne adoucit le gallicanisme sans l’abolir. Le roi était de fait reconnu comme le véritable maître de l’Eglise de France. Le surgissement et le développement de la Réforme allaient changer les lignes de force en Europe, affermissant les bases de ce qui serait nommé au XIXe siècle l’ultramontanisme, et divisant les catholiques gallicans sur la conduite à tenir. C. Le surgissement de la Réforme : la radicalisation et l’ancien régime. L’influence de John Wyclif (1320-1384) et celle de Jean Hus (environ 1370-1415) furent déterminantes dans ce qu’il est convenu de nommer la Réforme Protestante.
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