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133 CHURCH STREET RICHMOND VIC AUSTRALIA 3121 TEL (03) 428 4948 RACIST PROPAGANDA AND THE IMMIGRATION DEBATE

THE RADICAL RIGHT

Recent public statements by Professor Geoffrey Blainey regarding Asian immigration have served to engender heated discussion on immigration policy and, at the same time, to turn community attention to racial issues.

But Blainey did not begin nor will he end the debate. It has been brought to the fore increasingly by a recent upsurge in the dissemination of racist propaganda in many parts of Australia. The Human Rights Commission, among others, sees almost daily indication of such activity, emanating largely from Radical Right-wing organisations. These tend to stress anti-Asian sentiments (though lately an organised anti-Aboriginal Land Rights movement has also evolved). The main campaign targets are concealed beneath the rubric 'Asian' because, for historic reasons, the word has always had feared connotations in Australia, despite the fact that it has no real meaning, since it covers more than a dozen totally disparate groups. The extreme Right has the political nous to aim at different sections of the Asian communities in different cities. In Perth, which has the highest percentage of Asians in its population of any Australian capital city 'Asians' are the target; in Brisbane, capital is made out of anti-Japanese feeling; in , and Adelaide the Indo-Chinese, being the biggest and newest group, are the butt.

Covert operations of the Radical Right can only be assumed; influence through the conservative political parties is an obvious target; public propaganda, however, is of a more quantifiable kind and concentrates on whipping up anti-Asian sentiment, using the group as easily identifiable scapegoats for social ills and, at the same time, contributing to the power and high social profile of the perpetrators.

Anti-Asian

Posters in all sizes have been placed in large number in all capital cities printed with the words 'Stop the Asian Invasion' and giving the address of the Radical Right-wing group, National Action, which has addressess in Melbourne, Sydney, Perth and Adelaide. The slogan is similarly painted on walls.

Perth has long seen the words 'Asians Out' on bus-stop shelters in whole districts. This year witnessed the first direct attack on a Migrant Resource Centre, that of North Perth, where walls were daubed offensively.

?

A loiter is ( irculating to a munber of householders in Melbourne, purporting to come from the Victorian Ethnic Affairs Commission (EAC) telling the recipient that he/she is to billet an aboul-to-arrive Sri Lankan family. (A previous version of this letter was sent Australia-wide under the name of A1 i.rav.by, former Commissioner for Community Relations). In Western Australia the same letter purports to come from the Department of Social Security and refers to a Vietnamese family.

Additionally, very substantial numbers of a set of verses entitled 'Bless Australia, 1 Say' have been mailed to individuals and organisations. Under a thin veil of humour, they are in fact anti-Vietnamese, with strong racist overtones. The verses appeared on 4 May, 1983, in the Kilmore Free Press. After approaches from the Victorian EAC the paper refused to publish an apology to the Vietnamese community and was reported by the EAC to the Australian Press Council. On 23 February, 1984, the Council described the verses as 'racially offensive' and serving only 'to incite and inflame racial intolerance.' A subsequent press release from the EAC, detailing these events, stated that they hoped that 'all other media will take note of the Press Council's stand on this issue' and warned that the Commission 'would continue to carefully monitor all media to ensure that the ethnic communities in Victoria and Australia were not maligned by racist comments.'

A number ot small sporting and staff journals have reproduced the verses. When challenged by the Human Rights Commission they have sometimes expressed surprise that anyone finds them offensive. Because of its endemic, insensitive nature 'innocent' racism of this kind is difficult to combat.

Publications exhibiting pathological hatred, either anti-Chinese or anti-Semitic, are produced locally or imported from the United States, including those which 'prove' that there was no Nazi holocaust.

However, publications and posters are not the only work of the Radical Right. Asian students on several university campuses report personal abuse and assualt. This has led to the recent announcement by the Vice-Chancellor of Macquarie University that members of National Action had been barred from the university grounds, because its policies were undesirable and the group was clearly out to provoke violence. It is the first time in decades that a political group has been banned from campaigning in or entering a university campus. An enquiry has begun into the group's university activities in Sydney and the enquirers have already received bomb threats and abusive telephone calls. One of the problems that has to be faced is to prevent a wall of silence descending after assaults on Asians, whether at universities or in Housing Commission areas - a difficulty which the police frequently encounter. Fear often prevents those assailed from wishing the matter to be investigated. - 3 -

In Brisbane in early April 1984, Honda cars in a car-yard were deliberately scratched and racist posters of an anti-Japanese kind, over the name and Sydney address of National Action were strewn around. While a Sydney Morning Herald writer, Margaret Jones, recently received a series of abusive telephone calls and threats of violence in the wake of her article on .

Anti-Aboriginal

In recent years racist propaganda of the Radical Right had concentrated on Asians. Now, however, anti-Land Rights Committees have also been formed in various areas. One of these, the Save Victoria Committee, is believed to be an offshoot of the Australian League of Rights. Land Rights are presented in adversarial fashion, with the implication that 'their' gain will be 'our' loss. In early 1984 three people closely linked to the League of Rights conducted speaking tours in Victorian country areas, intimating to farmers that Aborigines could at any time march in on their land, supported in this action by the Victorian government. In South Australia, the controversy over mining of Roxby Downs has been exploited by the far Right, which frequently issues anti-Aboriginal statements in its arguments.

It is not difficult to deduce motivation for such actions (which have reacted against Aboriginal people for almost 200 years). Entrenched privilege, encompassing as it does political power and financial gain, constantly masses its forces to retain that privilege.

Aborigines also suffer a cradle-to-grave discrimination in their personal lives; unemployment, lack of housing, ill-health and disbarment from public places continue, regardless of their unlawfulness under the Racial Discrimination Act. Structural inequalities in every part of the social system range against blacks, who are not always able to appeal to police for protection, since police are sometimes themselves the main transgressor. In Western Australia, for example, complaints of police brutality are constantly made to the Aboriginal Legal Service, who have had as many as eight such allegations to deal with in a day. Queensland reserves are run as total institutions, with white staff governing access or otherwise of Aborigines to public services.

Radical Right-Wing Organisations

For many years there has been a complex meshing between the various Radical Right groups with activity increasing in the last year or two. As example, the National Socialist Party of Australia, which seemed to have withered, has reappeared under the leadership of Ross May, who attracted a crowd of 300 in the Sydney Domain on Sunday, 5 February 1984, with his message of racial hatred. The Sydney Morning Herald of 8 February commented: May has been hard at it with his vicious racism for years and many people regard him as a joke. But his message has been taken up, at least with regard to Asians, by increasing numbers of people, led by an assortment of groups in Australia's fragmented far Right.

A collaborator of May's is Robert Cameron, the convenor of the White Australia Movement, who also has recently been on a speaking tour through rural areas of Victoria.

Largest and oldest established group is the above-mentioned Australian League of Rights whose director, Eric Butler, has consistently espoused racist causes and literature. An announcement was made recently that the League was promoting a book opposing Aboriginal Land Rights and developing the case against multiculturalism.

The group currently most active, National Action, produces a magazine of Right-wing philosophy called Janus. Its editor, Eugene Donnini, has long been prominent in a range o f similar organisations. National Action also sponsored a candidate at the 18 February 1984 by-election at Hughes, N.S.W. (Jim Saleam) who polled 1.4 per cent of the total vote.

The Immigration Control Council in Western Australia, under the direction of Robin Linke, has been active for some years and contributes letters to newspapers on racial issues and various other types of racist propaganda.

Supporting these and a number of other extreme Right-wing organisations are ultra-conservative groups such as People Against Communism in Victoria and the Commonwealth Club in Adelaide. PAC has drawn the support of the president of the Victorian branch of the RSL, who has acted as chairman at meetings of combined Radical Right groups. Others include the National Flag Association and The Patriotic Lobby.

Media

A constant spate of letters to the editor from far Right members and also reports of meetings reiterate the same message: Asian migration must be stopped, since it causes unemployment and shortage of low-rental housing. Though newspaper editorials refute the suggestion, they nevertheless give space to such spokespeople. (As one of many examples: an address to a People Against Communism Rally in which Land Rights and also multiculturalism were attacked was fully reported in of 5 March 1984, followed by an editorial maintaining that immigration issues should not be debated on racial grounds).

On the evening of 13 March, 1984, the Bert Newton Show on Channel 9, which enjoys high ratings, interviewed Derryn Hinch, a popular radio personality. In the course of his remarks Hinch observed that there should be a moratorium on all immigration into Australia for the next two years. Viewers were invited to agree or disagree with this statement. Response was high, with 23,580 viewers agreeing with the proposition and 2,940 against. These numbers were subsequently used by Channel 9 in an advertisement to indicate the Show's popularity. - 5 -

The Recipients

Some Indo-Chinese newcomers are not aware of organised anti-Asian propaganda because of their minimal level o f English language comprehension and their over-riding concern with the business of practical resettlement. But many have become fearful of what they see as continuous and strengthening racist activity. Their anxieties are compounded by the implied threat to the family reunion programme, on which they depend to bring in relatives from the refugee camps.

The Commonwealth Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, in a recent submission to a parliamentary committee, pointed out that the Indo-Chinese communities had shown a great deal of initiative in overcoming their own problems. However, the official unemployment figures showed that 30.6 per cent of their number who arrived during the past two years are jobless. 'These problems are exacerbated by ... the absence of family and friends to support them in times of crisis.'

In Perth the Asian Community Centre serves as a focal point for those seeking redress.

Letters on the issue have appeared in the Saigon Bell, the Sydney-based Vietnamese language newspaper. Asians generally talk of obvious racial discrimination in the attitudes of estate agents and employers; some make complaint to the Human Rights Commission under the provisions of the Racial Discrimination Act.

A recent survey conducted by the Development Studies Centre, Australian National University refers to the 'social intolerance' from which Indo-Chinese refugees on the whole suffer.

BLAINEY AND IMMIGRATION POLICY

On 18 March 1984, Professor G eoffey Blainey of Melbourne University, in an address to Rotarians at Warrnambool, was reported to have said that 'The pace of Asian immigration to Australia is now well ahead of public opinion' and that the continued entry of Asians at the present rate could 'weaken or explode' the tolerance extended to immigrants over the past thirty years.' (Age 19 March, 1984)

He referred on a subsequent occasion to the possibility of an 'Asian takeover', the 'Asianisation' of Australia, 'disproportionate' numbers of Asian refugees, of 'Asians flocking' into neighbourhoods and people suffering through the presence of Asians. The reference appeared to be to race rather than culture, though Blainey has been emphatic in his denial of racism. In fact, the main group targeted in the race debate (south east Asian Chinese) are, by and large, better suited to the rigours of immigration to Australia than most other groups. They are 'urban, philistine, sophisticated, conservative, capitalist, multilingual, often Christian and tough' (Frank Campbell, CARE Newsletter No.59, May 1984). There is the danger that Blainey's statements, later to be taken up and expanded upon - 6 -

by the Federal Opposition, have given a respectability to racism which the Radical Right has been unable to achieve; to the catergorisation of migrant groups not by nationality or culture but by racial origin.

There was also a suggestion in his comments that working class areas where Asians are clustered show the most racial antipathy. There is no hard evidence to support the viewpoint that workers are more prejudiced than is the middle class. It could be said, however, that areas of deprivation and shortage of social amenities are ideal breeding-grounds for scapegoating, the blaming of shortages on newcomers. An obvious solution is to increase social supports in such areas, both for Asians and for the community at large.

A furore followed Blainey's talk and articles, with statements and letters to the editor pouring in from politicians, administrators, trade union leaders, social agencies and from members of the Asian communities themselves. Newspaper editorials largely supported the policy of the Federal government and of Mr. Stewart West, Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, who pointed out that less than 2 per cent of the Australian population was of Asian origin and, at current acceptance rate, the proportion would still be less than 4 per cent by the year 2000. Even areas of so-called 'high Asian density' such as Fairfield, NSW, contain in fact, fewer than 5 per cent of Asians.

Mr. C liff Dolan, president of the ACTU, considered that Blainey's comments were at best over-simplistic and 'at worst a throwback to the White Australia policy.' In a strong statement, Mr. Dolan asked, 'Should Australia close its doors to refugees? Should Australian residents be denied reunion with parents, wives and children?' He reminded readers of the ACTU's own policy on immigration:

that the selection of people for settlement in Australia should not discriminate between applicants with respect to race, religion, national origin, sex, language or age.

and went on to say that

The ACTU believes that settlement in Australia involves a two-way process of adaptation for both newcomers and the community at large. Both need to appreciate the different values, experiences and cultural realities which exist, while at the same time respecting the right of people to preserve and share their cultural identity. (ACTU Media Release, 28 March 1984).

The former Immigration Minister in the Fraser government, Ian MacPhee, stated that, far from causing unemployment,

immigration creates demand for goods and services which help to stimulate employment ... our existing population is not demanding enough goods and services to create the jobs which the unemployed want ... Newcomers require homes, furniture, cars and other goods and services which employ people to produce them. Those who migrate to Australia under the family reunion scheme come to guaranteed accommodation and employment of a kind not otherwise available to Australians. (News Advertiser, 4 April 1984). 7 t

Mr West pointed out that the only way the government could reduce Asian immigration would be by introducing discriminatory laws, since its increase stemmed from the large proportionate increase of Asians accepted under family reunion schemes, while European immigrants were no longer sponsoring near relatives in the same numbers as in previous years. (Hansard, 8 May 1984 Representatives.)

He cited settler arrivals as follows:

TOTAL SETTLER ARRIVALS

Asia Europe UK & Ireland

1982-83 26.37 21.2 29.3

1983-84 33.2 16.8 28.9 (half year)

Source: Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs.

Apparent support of the Blainey viewpoint came with the publication of an Australia-wide Gallup Poll (19 May 1984) which showed disapproval by 62 per cent of the population of the increasing proportion of migrants coming from Asia. It must be recalled, however, that in the late 1940s opinion ran strongly against the immigration of European refugees and with equal vigour against Italians and Greeks in the following decade. When the refugee programme began, only 23 per cent favoured Italian migration in the early '50s.

This is an indication that, if the government of the day has the courage to lead rather than follow public opinion on such matters, the presence of migrants will, by and large achieve acceptance in due course.

The same poll also indicated that 64 per cent of respondents thought that the current overal migrant intake (stated to be 90,000) was too high. In fact, the actual number of migrants entering Australia this financial year will be less than 70,000, since numbers were reduced in response to the unemployment situation. In the parliamentary debates Senator Chipp, Leader of the Democrats, drew attention to the fact that, in discussion of migrant intake, there was a tendency to compare Britain and Ireland with the whole of Asia ( Hansard, 9 May, 1984, Senate). Muddling of statistics was further compounded by the fact that the Bureau of Statistics includes Lebanon, Israel, Cyprus and Turkey in the definition of Asia.

As far as Indo-Chinese acceptance figures are concerned, these are as follows: - 8 -

Indo-Chinese Refugee Programme

Acceptances for Australia

1974- 75 691 1975- 76 1,049 1976- 77 I , 135 1977- 78 7,077 1978- 79 I I , 872 1979- 80 14,952 1980- 81 15,004 1981- 82 13,805 1982- 83 12,435 1983-84 (Target) 10,000* * estimate

Source: Department o f Immigration and Ethnic Affairs.

Stewart West pointed out (Hansard, 8 May, 1984, Representatives) that the rise in the percentage of Asian migration is due ot unusual rather than permanent factors. The fairly high refugee intake has continued (if in slightly diminished form) from Indo-China because of the family reunion programme and the fact that Indo-Chinese have strong incentives to migrate from wartorn countries and bad economic conditions. Australia's migration today, as in the past 35 years, though it contains a humanitarian element has at the same time enriched the country both economically and culturally to a substantial degree.

The Future

It would appear that the extensive expression of public viewpoint brought about by the Blainey statement indicates that the chief opinion makers favour a continuation of Asian immigration: journalists and editorials, spokespeople for a number of social agencies, ethnic and church groups. The Leader of the Opposition () has declared that his party does not want a diminution of Asian entry but rather an increase of European immigration. The Minister for Immigration has predicted 'a moderate upsurge in business migration in the next year' and also in the skilled area but otherwise no great change. (Hansard, 8 May, 1984, Representatives). But is is unfortunate the the debate was begun and therefore continues on racial lines which must give satisfaction to the extreme Right, who see their propaganda underlined and given credence.

Combatting racism is a difficult process. Certain measures are being undertaken in the schools, though these are not adequate. 'Community education', a phrase often used, is in practice hard to realise. A Community Relations Workshop, sponsored by the Victorian EAC, the Ecumenical Migration Centre, the Victorian Ethnic Communities Council and the Human Rights Commission is planned to take place in Melbourne in July 1984. Its aim is to equip ethnic organisations and adult educators of various kinds to be better able to combat racism. A teachers workshop that was conducted in November 1983 found that racial tension - y -

in schools and the community was a major problem, according to many teachers present. Among recommendations from the conference was the suggestion that in-service training should be available to all teachers both on 'Multiculture as a Workable Concept' and on 'Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Legislation.' The workshop also considered that cultural background material should be distributed to all schools and teacher training institutes, together with guidelines on multiculturalism. (Australian Centre for Indo-Chinese Research, Workshop on Secondary School Experiences in Australia of Indo-Chinese Students).

Discussions, seminars and statements from public figures will help establish confidence in the positive aspects of a multi-racial policy, as will anti-prejudice courses for children and adults. But there will still remain the hard-core racists, who stand to benefit personally and politically, and who are never short of funds for their endeavours.

The Human Rights Commission has recommended to the Federal government that amendments be made to the Racial Discrimination Act:

1) - To make it unlawful for a person to publicly utter or publish words which, having regard to all the circumstances are likely to result in hatred, intolerance or violence against a person or persons, or a group of persons, distinguished by race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin.

2) To make it unlawful to publicly insult or abuse an individual or group, or hold that individual or group up to contempt or slander, by reason of their race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin.

Under the terms o f the Act, conciliation followed by assurances that racist conduct would not recur would be the first approach. Where conciliation failed, a court or special tribunal could grant an injunction restraining the defendant from repeating the relevant act, or it could award damages. Deterrence would therefore be strong.

It is up to the general and ethnic communities to let the Federal government know that such amendments are both desirable and urgent.

In the meantime, care should be taken that the agenda for the immigration debate should not be drawn up by the Radical Right or by other conservative, high-profile sources. Discussion on such an important topic there needs to be, but it should be on rational not racial lines.

a) What is the optimum overall number of immigrants that Australia should take, having in mind (among other factors) the unemployment situation on the one hand and the need for a stimulus to the economy on the other? 10 -

b) What percentage of this intake should be allocated to family reunion, business, skilled workers, refugees or other categories?

These and other inter-related issues deserve critical debate. Those concerning race - 'Asian' versus non-Asian - do not.

Lorna Lippmann

May, 1984