ISUF 2020: IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

HOW THE HIGH-INCOME CLASS USES A PUBLIC SPACE: THE NEIGHBOURHOOD SQUARE IN GOIÂNIA/BRAZIL

Ninfa Regina Canedo, PhD student of and Urban , Universidade de Brasília, Brazil.

Valério A. Medeiros, Professor of Architecture and , Universidade de Brasília, Brazil.

Gabriela S. Tenório, Professor of Architecture and Urban Planning, Universidade de Brasília, Brazil.

ABSTRACT

The public space has an important role in fostering urban life, since it absorbs and mediates conflicts between public and private dimensions (CALDEIRA, 2007; VAZ, 2010; OLIVEIRA, 2013). Its appropriation and maintenance in Brazil have been considered ineffective, discontinued or privileged; the special differentiation and pressure is run by the higher income classes, which have territory control (LOJKINE, 1981; CASTELLS, 1983; VILLAÇA, 2001). This elite is composed by land owners who command the production process and is politically and ideologically dominant (OLIVEIRA, 1975). Its residence commonly occurs: (I) in the central areas in vertical condominiums (with easy accessibility to commerce, retail, and other services); and (II) horizontal condominiums in the urban fringes (because of safety, distinction, and availability of space). Based on these premises, this study aims at understanding in which way the higher income classes take possession of public spaces in the context of “neighbourhood squares”. With a descriptive and exploratory approach, it considers as a case study T-23 square in Goiânia, an expensive region that owns a complete . The analysis is structured in two parts: (1) identification of existing elements, activities, and ways of occupation; and (2), through interviews, records of motivating criteria of use and residential rental. The results point to a consistent appropriation, by users of different ages and profiles, in distinct activities in different periods; they reveal use and socialization of the residents. Vitality promoting elements, associated with the proximity of quality equipment and its good conservation, seems to justify the occupation and appropriation.

Keywords: public space, squares, high income classes, appropriation, Goiânia/Brazil.

INTRODUCTION

The role of public spaces has become increasingly prominent and relevant. Borja and Muxi (2000) reinforce that they cannot be considered residual spaces, since they greatly interfere in the vitality of cities. “Today as before, facilitating the meeting between people is the most important collective function in the ” (GEHL et al., 2003). Literature has demonstrated the important role of public space in the realization of mediation between users, absorbing conflicts between public and private, individual and crow, individual freedom and collective needs (BAUMAN, 2006; VAZ, 2010; TENORIO, 2012; OLIVEIRA, 2013). Its quality is related to the diversity of configurations and activities, which will stimulate different users at different times. Jacobs (2001) advocates for well- connected and densely populated spaces, where people feel safe with the presence of other people. It also states that the guarantee of the quality and vitality of the public space is related to the presence of people and activities.

The choice of the place of residence is often conditioned to the characteristics of the surroundings. Carvalho and Saboya (2017) state that more centralized areas that count with better integration and spatial differentials, have greater demand and consequently greater value. Considering that the value of the soil is conditioned by its proximity to the main center, the resulting pattern tends to be inversely proportional to the distance from the city center. The squares inserted in these areas, added to their aggregating elements of “well-being”, intensify this dynamic. The square has also added new values and meanings in contemporary society over the years; if, on one hand, urban life has become easier, with multiple stimuli, on the other, these experiences are increasingly dynamic and impersonal (VAZ, 2010). Neighborhood squares are expected to be implemented at the time of and urban expansion, but their implementation, appropriation and maintenance have been ineffective; in some cases, happening in a discontinued and / or privileged manner. It is observed, however, that the spatial differentiation is commanded by the high-income classes, which have greater control of the territory and condition the location of the other classes (LOJKINE, 1981; CASTELLS, 1983; VILLAÇA, 2001).

The high income class’ priority occupation in the urban fabric commonly occurs in two ways: in the central regions in vertical condominiums (easy access, supplied by trade and excellent services), or in horizontal condominiums on the fringes of the city (safety, distinction and greater individual space). The movement and choice of occupation goes beyond personal motivations, goes through urban planning and management strategies and the real estate market (CANEDO et al, 2019). When occupying city centers, it becomes very expensive and unattractive to real estate developers, so they move to areas far from urban centers in closed horizontal condominiums. On the other hand, with the easing of urban occupation, in the change of and the release of buildings at height, another path opens up, the market turns its gaze towards urban centers.

Based from the premise that the squares represent the public space par excellence, the study seeks to understand the manner of their occupation and appropriation by the high-income class in the context of the “neighborhood square”, aiming at identifying and relating the attributes capable of engendering social interaction. Therefore, the investigation of the characteristics that are linked to the physical interdependence relationships of the urban space contributes to the debate. Medeiros (2013), states that the study of these associations can reveal new interpretations about the urban phenomenon, providing inputs for the discussion on segregation, use and distribution of businesses and services.

In the present study, the high-income class here is revealed in the unity of different owner groups, which organize the means of production, consume rents and inheritances, command the production process and is politically dominant and ideologically hegemonic (OLIVEIRA, 1975). In short, it comprises a social strata of high purchasing power with common cultural and symbolic ties, which seek, in their occupation, to express their distinguishing characteristics.

METHODOLOGY

The research is of a descriptive and exploratory character, and it considered as a case study T-23 Square, located in Goiânia-Brazil, in a “noble” region. It has a complete infrastructure, it is surrounded by commerce and quality services, and it carries high real estate value, being occupied by the high-income class. The investigation was structured in two stages; the first aimed to identify the constant elements, the activities and the form of occupation of the square, using observation and behavioral analysis techniques. The configuration, the urban elements, the buildings, the circulation routes, permanence and present activities were evaluated (TENORIO, 2012). In the second, of an exploratory nature, we sought to identify the motivating criteria for the “declared choice” of the location, through interviews, which were done through the application of a questionnaire (Google Forms). It aimed to identify the profile of the resident, their preferences and

2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century motivations for choosing a home, and their relationship with the square. The population considered was 260 families who reside in the seven buildings located in the immediate surroundings. The questionnaire, consisting of 26 questions, was applied in December / 2019, with 52 people (responsible for the household) responding. Through the results, it was possible to build the Residents' Housing Career1, their past and current housing choices, as well as the appropriation, satisfaction and expectation of staying in the place. The city of Goiânia, founded in 1937, is 190 km from the federal capital. In the original plan, the urban planner foresaw the creation of several , green areas and squares (MARTINS JÚNIOR, 2013). The capital of Goiás today has more than 1.5 million inhabitants; it has an urban expansion marked by segregation processes, networks formed by large equipment such as shopping centers, hypermarkets and growing pockets of misery that are located in peripheral neighborhoods. According to data from the city administration (SEPLANH), in 2019, the city already counts 22 closed horizontal condominiums in its territory. However, in the 2010 years, there was a decrease in launches of these in favor of vertical condominiums, with the implantation and revitalization of public areas and the liberation for verticalization, allowing the movement of the high-income class from Goiânia to the urban center (CANEDO et al, 2019).

The choice of T-23 Square meets the questions raised, in order to assess the form of appropriation of a public space by a specific layer of society. For being in a large city, with common urban and social problems, but highlighted by the good quality of life2, this experience in location, form of implementation and management could confirm theories, highlight challenges and make new propositions.

ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSIONS

T-23 Square is in an easily accessible region of Goiânia, with complete infrastructure, surrounded by commerce and excellent services. It corroborates with the literature in the statement that more central areas, with better integration and served with spatial differentials, present greater demand and consequently greater value (VILLAÇA, 2001; CARVALHO AND SABOYA, 2017; ALARCON, 2004; MEDEIROS, 2013).

After the change of the city's master plan in 2007, the possibility of verticalization for buildings above 30 floors was opened. The real estate market moved, based on strategies of scale gain, envisioning potentialized profits in launches aimed at the high-income class. As segregating as closed subdivisions, horizontal condominiums surrounded by natural amenities in urban centers represented the “perfect marriage” for high-income class families. In a speculative initiative, three construction companies got together and hired an architecture firm to revitalize the square. Until that time, T-23 Square was surrounded by single-family residential buildings and underutilized plots. The project was initiated in 2010, with the approval and consolidation of a partnership with the city government, which provided the labor. In early 2011, the projects were launched and in 2012 the revitalization was delivered to the city.

The square is surrounded by parking spaces and divided into 4 areas (recreation, food, contemplation and community activities). It covers an area of 8,522 m² and, today, it is surrounded by towers of consolidated developments, with luxury housing units (Figure 1). Its permanence

1 The “Housing Career” comprises the structure, in a timeline, of the main events in the family life cycle, adding to professional and financial events, associating them with housing mobility (cf. BRANDSTETTER, 2004). 2 https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/brasil/go/goiania/panorama

3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century space has few barriers, measuring 99x86 meters, favoring pedestrians with a global view of the space. It has direct and safe connections to be traversed on foot, it serves as an alternative passage to collecting and arterial avenues, which are served by public , which, in theory, allows integration and flow of people.

Figure 1- Aerial view of T-23 Square. Source: Google Maps – 2019

It has a variety of urban furniture and accessories, general and directed lighting, favoring night use. The surrounding buildings are of a high standard and implemented together with the revitalization of the square. Maintenance is ensured by the Residents' Association (AMPT-23) of the seven condominiums that surround it.

Figure 2- T-23 Square. Source: Granted by AMPT-23 – 2019

Of the residents who answered the questionnaire, 54% are in the age group of 36 to 45 years-old and 35%, from 46 to 55 years old; 95% have a college degree, 75% of whom have postgraduate degrees. With regard to individual monthly income, 63% reach the level of above 20 minimum wages. The units are occupied by families composed by four and three people, respectively 50% and 33%, in the configuration of four and three suites (58% and 33%). The individual areas of the units are from 160 to 200 m² in 33% of the cases, and from 201 to 300 m², also in 33%. The others have an area greater than 301 m².

In the construction of the Residents' Housing Career, it was observed that the current residence is the third home for 46% of the respondents. In 85% of the cases, the previous dwellings were in vertical condominiums. In cases of occupation in houses, closed condominiums were located outside the centers. The finding dialogues with the perspective of Villaça (2001) on the importance of central location for the high-income population: 77% of the interviewees declared “location” to be the main motivator of choice when purchasing the property.

Regarding the change of residence to T-23 Square, their main motivations were: dissatisfaction with the size of the previous property (36%), specific location next to the square (28%) and change in

4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century social status (21%). The questionnaire revealed that the need is related to family events, such as marriage and family growth. It was observed that the majority of residents are adults in the process of family and heritage formation, seeking in their choices to contemplate the needs of work with the convenience of their children. Reconciling basic needs with leisure attractions ( and square), is of great value for high income class families. The motivation and choice of location arose from the desire and the promise of actions to revitalize and maintain the square, which would be guaranteed by AMPT-23, through physical maintenance and the offer of multiple activities.

T-23 Square project was conceived seeking interaction and sociability among peers, sheltering different age groups: 1) children - leisure on the playground, interaction at the fountain and bike and scooter rides 2) young people - two kiosks (hamburger and natural food), served with chairs and adequate lighting; 3) adults and the elderly - individual and group physical activities in fitness, walking, guaranteed by shaded areas. Figure 3 demonstrates the good frequency of use of the square facilitated by the spaces and promoting activities.

EVERY DAY Activities take place on all days and periods, FREQUENCY OF with the greatest frequency in the afternoon, 2 TO 3 DAYS A USE WEEK with walks, physical activities and snacks. The 1 DAY A WEEK 0% frequency is reinforced in the interaction 22% 31% EVENTUALLY between families on weekends. In addition to NEVER spontaneous and regular appropriation, the AMPT-23 promotes activities such as yoga 29% 18% classes, picnics, and celebratory festivities. Activities are open to the community; however, it should be noted that even if Figure 3 – Frequency of use. there is no barrier to access by the general population, the space is primarily occupied by the local community; it is believed that the behavior (intimacy and distinction) of the residents, apparently intimidates passersby, who feel excluded. When asked how they attend the square, 23.1% responded individually on walks and 75% in groups, especially with their children.

Figure 4- Activities at the square. Source: Cedida pela (AMPT-23) – 2019

5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century Regarding satisfaction with activities (Figure 5), they are satisfied: 42% said they were moderately and 25% were highly satisfied. Asked about satisfaction with maintenance, 46% of residents declared moderately, but 26.9% were dissatisfied, especially, according to them, due to the low quality of cleaning and maintenance. Such statements demonstrate the high degree of demand, which despite continuous use expected greater care for the place. Despite this, when asked about the possibility of staying in the locality, they were likely to stay. The figure also shows that 92.3% of respondents declared the high and very high possibility of staying at the address for the next five years.

LEVEL OF SATISFACTION WITH POSSIBILITY OF STAYING IN ACTIVITIES IN THE SQUARE THE SQUARE FOR THE NEXT 5 YEARS 8% 4% 0% VERY HIGH 6% VERY HIGH 19% 25% 2% HIGH HIGH MODERATE 27% MODERATE LOW LOW NONE 65% 44% NONE

Figure 5 – Level of Satisfaction.

The last question sought to identify the items of greatest dissatisfaction and motivators for future change. It revealed the presence of quality services and external leisure (square) to be the main responsible for satisfaction. The residents declared that the possible motivators for a could be the dissatisfaction with traffic, adequacy to the size of the property and in case they move out of the city.

CONCLUSIONS

In view of the investigation, it is possible to affirm that T-23 Square has fulfilled the role defined by Lamas (1993), as the public place of the meeting, permanence, commerce and circulation, which functions as a stage for festive events, celebrations and demonstrations. Revitalized about seven years ago, it remains active and in good conditions. Most of the regulars are part of a homogeneous (high income class) group, relate to each other, find a more fluid type of relationship in the square: apparently close, but with low commitment. Living in the square seems to partially supply the need for socialization in a select way, however in an open space. The balance of this interaction is guaranteed by the maintenance of the space, ensured by AMPT-23, indicating that involvement in the cause generates new bonds and promotes appreciation and a sense of belonging.

The positioning and location of the square, surrounded by tall and terraced buildings with good lighting, favor safe use for a longer time, corroborating with Jacobs (2001) in the defense of “eyes on the street” as promoters of security. The use and frequency are conditioned to activities and maintenance: a space that is always in use and taken care of, removes the presence of vandals and unwanted people, in addition to providing the “sense of order”, which seems to please users. The study confirms that the success of a public space like the square is related to several factors: constituent elements of the place (children's environments, conducive for sports, cafeterias); registration of what happens at its borders (commerce, services); initiatives led by freelancers (street vendors, street artists) and scheduled events (parties, fairs). It is known that a portion of

6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century individuals' satisfaction depends on specific locational characteristics and natural or man-made characteristics, whose absences and presences have an impact on well-being (HERMANN, B; HADDAD, 2005).

The results obtained, although exploratory, point out that the high-income class, in their occupation, seeks not only quality of life, but also social distinction and status. Because it holds economic capital, it also commands spatial differentiation in the control of the territory, conditioning the location of other social classes. The interviews reveal that the change of residence is related to the family life cycle and the search for amenities in the vicinity of shops and services. The exchange is justified by the association of urban facilities combined with coexistence and distinct external socialization present in the neighborhood square, resulting in a better quality of life for them. Finally, it is believed that the results obtained indicate that the occupation of the high-income class is associated with the new needs of the social stratum by reinforcing the role of the central location as a priority asset of urban life.

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CORRESPONDING AUTHOR

Ninfa Regina de Melo Canedo, PhD student of Architecture and Urban Planning, Universidade Nacional de Brasília, Brazil. Rua 1141 n.536 apt. 2502B CEP 74180081, Goiânia-GO, Brazil. [email protected].

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