72-15,325
WILHELM, Robert McKay, THE GEORGICS: A STUDY OF THE EMERGENCE OF AUGUSTUS AS MODERATOR REI PUBLICAE. [Portions of Text in Latin].
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 Language and Literature, classical
University Microfilms, A XERQXCompany, Ann Arbor, Michigan
© 1972 ROBERT KeKAY WI1£ELH
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE GBORGICSt A STUDY OP THE EMERGENCE OF AUGUSTUS AS MODERATOR REI FUBLICAE
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
By
Robert McKay Wilhelnii B.A., M.A*
The Ohio State University 1971
Approved by
Adviser Department of Classics PLEASE NOTE:
Some pages have indistinct print. Filmed as received.
University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My debts are numeroust I wish to acknowledge my gratitude to my adviser, Professor Charles L. Babcock, for his many perceptive comments, constant encouragement, and patience during the writing of this thesis* I also wish to express my appreciation to Professor Mark P. 0# Morford, whose helpful criticisms and suggestions, first as my M.A. adviser and then as reader of this thesis, encouraged my study of the Georgies: to Professor Vincent J. Cleary I am indebted for his inspiration and many fruitful suggestions throughout the course of this work* I am especially grateful to Professor Philip N. Lockhart who, in his seminar on the Georgies at the Ohio State University in 1969-1970, stimu lated and influenced the initial direction of this thesis: te sine nil altum mens incohat, Finally, I wish to thank my wife, Michelle, who spent many hours in typing the several drafts and final copy of this thesis.’
ii PARENTIBUS MEIS JET UXORI DILECTISSIMAE
iii VITA
March 30, 1 9 ^ • • • B o m — Stratford, Ontario, Canada I963-I967 *♦•••• Honours B.A., Classics, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada 1967-1971 •••••• Teaching Assistant, Teaching Associate, Department of Classics The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1969 ...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1971-1972 •«•••• Instructor, Division of Comparative Literature, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major field( Vergilian Studies
Latin Literature. Kenneth M. Abbott, Charles L. Babcock, Vincent J, Cleary, John T. Davis, Philip N. Lockhart, Mark P.O. Morford, Carl C. Schlam Greek Literature. Bernard C. Barmann, 0. A. V/. Dilke, Clarence A. Forbes, W. Robert Jones, Robert J. Lenardon Philological Studies. Donald W. Bradeen, Angeliki Drachmann, John B. Titchener CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii
V I T A ...... iv
FOREWARD . 1
CHAPTER It THE REPUBLIC: A THEORETICAL TREATISE ON ORDER ...... 3
CHAPTER lit GEORGIC It A STUDY OF ORDER IN THE MACROCOSM...... 16
CHAPTER III* GEORGIC H i A STUDY OF ORDER IN NATURE...... 66
CHAPTER IVi GEORGIC Ills A STUDY OF ORDER IN M A N ...... Ill
CHAPTER Vi GEORGIC IVs A STUDY OF ORDER IN THE S T A T E ...... 164
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 206
V FOREWARD
Throughout the Georgies of Vergil and the Republic of Cicero, the necessity of a moderator rei oublicae is a dominant theme. In the Republic, a treatise on the ideal form of government for Rome, Sol is symbolically equated not only with the political dichotomy created in the res publica by the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus, but also with the moderator rei publicae. whose position in the microcosm (the res publica), like that of Sol in the macrocosm (the nundus), makes him the dux et princeps et moderator luminum reliauorunu mens mundi et temperatio (Rep. 6,17). In the Georgies, a study of order in the macrocosm, nature, man and the state, the achievement and maintenance of order is associated with Jupiter and Sol, Liber pater and Apollo, and Aristaeus and Caesar, the moderatores of order in their separate spheres of influence. By extending the theoretical equation between Sol as moderator mundi and Sol as moderator rei publicae, Vergil develops a symbolic relation ship among his moderatores of order whose roles, though sepa rately established in each book, become intertwined with each other. Wracked by civil discord and strife since the appear ance of the duo soles following the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus in 133 B.C., strife that continued until the death of Julius Caesar and beyond, the res publica lacked a magister to control and to guide the unbridled forces which were tearing it apart. Under the tutelage and guidance of Apollo and Sol. Caesar Octavian is the rex who will restore order to the Roman state. By the poetic interweaving of the solar, Apollonian and Caesarian imagery, the Georgies are Vergil's master plan for the restoration of the Saturnian Golden Age, the symbolic reflection of order in the new state. Finally, in addition to the fusion of a literary- philosophical tradition with political implications in poetic terms, Vergil takes note of the intensive building programmes undertaken by the military nrincines during the decade of the Georgies when public monuments represented the political and religious ideology of their architects, and were a means of directing and controlling public opinion. Vergil's monument, the Georgies, shows the young Caesar as founder (auctor) of order and prosperity in the Saturn!a regna. In this poem one can see the realization of Cicero's moderator rei publicae in imperial terms, especially in Aristaeus, whose historical counterpart, Caesar, achieves the regeneration of the state (regnum) and emerges as sole ruler in the state. In the Georgies, in fact, a new state is created, and its first moderator. Augustus, is brought into being. CHAPTER I
THE REPUBLIC* A THEORETICAL TREATISE ON ORDER
At the beginning of the Republic, the opening con versation centers around a striking astronomical phenomenon* the unusual appearance in the sky of duo coles in the year 129 B.C. Although Scipio Africanus Minor, the patron of the Scipionic Circle, explained this appearance to his audience as a perfectly natural astrological phenomenon occurring at fixed times when the moon came between the earth and the sun (1*25), Gaius Laelius Minor, the Stoic sapiens and political advisor to Scipio, gave a much more forbidding interpretation* Laelius symbolically equated this ominous astrological occurrence with the political duality created in the res publica by the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus (1«3D* quid enim • • • auaerit, quo modo duo soles visi sint? non quaerit, cur in una re publica duo senatus et duo paene iam populi sint? nam ut videtis, mors Tiberii Gracchi et iam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partis. This equation was not merely a symbolic or poetic interpre- i tation of the cosmological phenomenon* rather, this ominous and chaotic condition of the macrocosm arose from the
3 political duality fostered in the res publlca by the tri bunate of Tiberius. Laelius, a conservative Republican with the hindsight of Cicero, saw that the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus was the beginning of the end of the Re publican form of governmenti for the tribunate of Tiberius was not only the first serious blow to the oligarchic monopoly over the res publica. but alBO the first step along the road which eventually led to the Principate. The tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus in 133 B.C. stands at the head of an era that is characterized by revolution and change. Tiberius' blow at the traditional form of government at Rome set in motion political changes that led to and were resolved only by the establishment of the Principate of Augustus approximately 100 years later. The political actions of Tiberius seriously disrupted the respubllca by weakening the influence of the senate, which had effectively controlled the government and increasingly had come to shape the destiny of Rome and of the world since the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus in 509 B.C. Tiberius' most serious blow to the oligarchic monopoly and to the mos maiorum of the Romans was his attempt to establish a regnum.* The revolution ignited by Tiberius* attempt to
The charge of regnum. though belonging to the jargon of post-Sullan politics (D. C. Earl, Tiberius Gracchus— A Study in Politics. Collection Latomus 66 £ Brussels: 19^3J» p. 107), reflects the political reality of the programme of Tiberius. The term regnum. used first by Cicero to describe the political predominance of Tiberius Gracchus over the rest of the aristocracy and oligarchy, 5 achieve a regnum resulted, during the century that followed, in successive attempts "by several principes. notably Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Caesar, Antony and Octavian, to achieve and maintain sole power. During these years not only did the power of the senate and the assemblies lapse into insignifi cance, but the direction of the res publica itself passed from the hands of the oligarchy into the firm grasp of one man. When Cicero began to write the Republic in 5^ B.C. he already realized in what direction the res publica was headingi but, in order to avoid giving offense to anyone by commenting too directly on contemporary matters, he set the dramatic date of his philosophical treatise on the ideal form of government for Rome in 129 B.C. Therefore the forms a significant theme in the literary tradition concern ing the Gracchan tribunate of 133 B.C. Cicero states* Ti. Gracchus regnum occupare conatus est vel regnavlt is ouidem paucos menses (Ainic. In the lug, of Sallust C. Memmius, a tribune of the plebs, says that the nobility accused Tiberius Gracchus of trying to make himself king (parare regnum 31.7). In the life of Tiberius Gracchus by Plutarch, the formulation of Tiberius' regnum is a signifi cant theme which runs throughout the account* Plutarch re ports that Eudemus, the Pergamine ambassador to Rome, offered Tiberius a royal diadem and a purple robe, the sym bols of kingship (1^.1)* in addition, Plutarch refers to an incident in the concilium plebis, where Tiberius raised his hand to his head to indicate that his life was in danger (19*1 )I when this action was reported to the senate as a sign that Tiberius was asking for a crown, Nasica demanded that the consul should take steps to remove this tyrant who was destroying the libertas of the res publica (19*2 )• Cf. also Cicero Brut. 212, Off.1.109. Phil. 8.13* Florus 2.2* Val. Max. 3.2.17, 5*3*2. For modern discussions of the career of Tiberius Gracchus, see D. C. Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, pp. 105ff.» and W. Allen Jr., "Caesar's Regnum (Suet. Jul. 9*2)" TAPA 8^ (1953) 227-236. 6 ominous picture of astrological chaos reported by the speakers as occurring after the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus not only sets the scene for the ensuing political discussion, but also symbolically introduces the change about to take place in the traditional political system at Rome* Xn the Republic. Scipio Africanus Minor (Scipio Aemilianus), a leading political contemporary of Tiberius Gracchus and the exponent of Cicero's own theories in the dialogue, expresses his preference for a monarchy as the best of the simple forms of government (2.43)»* nam ipsum regale genus civitatis non modo non est reprehendendum, sed haud scio an' reliquis simplicibus longe anteponendum. According to Scipio, the rex, a man of almost divine powers, foresaw any threatening changes, and while holding on to the reins of government, directed and controlled the course of the res publica just as did those rectores et conserva- tores rei publicae of the elder Scipio (2.51)*2
Although Scipio*s preference for monarchy stems from his appreciation and understanding of the origin and evolution of Rome under the regal system (Rep. 2.3, 2*22, 2.51, 2.64-66), he qualifies his choice in two ways* any loss of liberty would not be brooked by the people (1.43,471 2.43,50)1 tyranny, the natural perversion of monarchy, is the worst form of rule and the most destructive to the res publlca. In referring to the reign of Tarquinius Superbus Cicero says* videtisne igitur. ut de rege dominus extiterit uniusaue vitio genus rei publicae ex bono in deterrumum conversum sit? Cf, also 1.44 and 3*^3* 2The elder Scipio*s words of encouragement to his grandson are as follows* nihil est enim illi principi deo, 7 bonus et sapiens et peritus utilitatis dignitatis- que civilis, quasi tutor et procurator rei publicae; sic enim appelletur quicuraque erit rector et gubernator civitatis. The regal period of good government, however, came to an abrupt end with the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, whose misuse of his powers caused a degeneration of the monarchy into a tyranny of the worst kind (2.44-, 2,51), Pride, cruelty and excessive ambition for personal power and wealth characterized the reign in which the Roman aversion to kingship had its roots. Within his own lifetime and memory, Cicero could point to several occasions when one man either aimed at a coup d*etat or actually succeeded in establishing a personal power tantamount to tyranny (Phil, 5*17)** Cinnam memini, vidi Sullam, modo Caesaremt hi enim tres post civitatem a L, Bruto liberatam plus potuerunt quam universa res publica. At the time when Cicero was writing the Republic, his own qui omnem mundum regit. quod quidem in terris fiat, acceptius quam concilia coetusque hominum jure sociati. quae civitates appellantur; harum rectores et conservatores hinc profecti hue revertuntur (6.13) *Cf. also Phil. 2,108i Memineramus Cinnam nimis potentem. Sullam postea dominantem. modo Caesarem regnantem videramus, Although Pompeius Magnus is conspicuously absent from both of these quotations, Cicero informs us in a letter written in February 49 B.C. that Pompeius was hankering after a Sullanum regnum (Att. 8.11.2)t genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur. multis qui una sunt cupientibus. an censes nihil inter eos convenire. nullam pactionem fieri potuisse? hodie potest, sed neutri l-Cf. also Fam. 1.8.1 (Jan. 55 B.C.)* Quae (res communes) auales sint non facile est scribere. Sunt quidem certe in~~amicorum nostrorum pot estate. ~~atque ita ut nullam mutationem umquam hac hominum aetate habitura res esse videatur. Also Q. PT. 3.5 and 6.4- (Oct. or Nov. 5^ B.C.)» Angor, mi suavissime frater. angor nullam esse rem publicam. A (Rep. 5 .1)1 itaque ante nostram memoriam et moB ipse patrius praestantes viros adhibebat. et yeterem morem ac maiorum instituta retinebant excellentes viri. Of. also C. WirszubskiV Libertas as a Political Idea at Rome During 9 nostris enim vitiis, non casu aliquo, rem publicam verbo retinemus, re ipsa vero iam pridem amisimus • * « Since the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus, the Roman world had been battered by warfare and civil strife-- spheres which offered equal opportunities for the self-assertion of individual ambitions and for the achievement of that personal dignitas commensurate with one's political pre eminence. In Roman public life the excessive pursuit of this dignitas was, according to Cicero, a destructive factor both to the preservation of the mores antiqui and to the strength of the state (Off. 1.6*f)i difficile autem est, cum praestare omnibus concupieris, servare aequitatem, quae est iustitiae maxime propria. ex quo fit ut neque disceptatione vinci se nec ullo publico ac legitimo iure patiantur, existuntque in re publica plerumque largitores et factiosi, ut opes quam maximas consequantur et sint vi potius superiores quam iustitia pares. nam quidquid eiusmodi est, in quo non possint plures excellere, in eo fit plerumque tanta contentio, ut difficillimum sit servare sanctam societatem. declaravit id modo temeritas C. Carsaris, qui omnia iura divina et humana per- vertit propter eum, quern sibi ipse opinionis errore finxerat principatum (1 .26). In the struggle either to defend or to enhance individual dignitas. the ambitious desires of such military princjpes ad Marius, Sulla, Pompey and Caesar, led not only to tyranny but also to civil war.* the Late Republic and Early Principate (Cambridge* 1950)* pp. 53ff. *Cf. above Rep. 5*if* Cf* also a similar view in Sallust Cat. 9ff.* 52.19i Hist. 1,7,11-12,16m ., and in Horace Carm. 3•24.35* 10 Furthermore, the illegality, violence and loss of libertas which accompanied the successive attempts by these principes to acquire excessive and exclusive dignitas strengthened Cicero's opinion (even after the writing of the Republic) that ambitious men were the decisive factor in the decline of the effectiveness of Rome's excellent constitution.* Hence Cicero's great concern for the man who is to direct and control the res publica. The fifth and sixth boohs of the Republic give a picture of the princeps civitatis— the rector, moderator and gubernator whose wisdom and authority guide the res publica. In the fifth book— the da instituendo principe civitatis according to St. Augustine (de Civitate Dei 5*13)— the moderator rei publicae is described in terms recalling the rex as con trasted with the tyrant (5 *8)»2 ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderator! rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. Unselfish and devoted service is demanded of this moderator rei publicae. who not only guides and inspires his subjects but also considers the beata civium vita. The pursuit of personal dignitas and the desire for worldly aggrandizement, such as the celebration of triumphs or the erection of *Cicero Att. 7*3*4, 8,11. 10.4.4j Florus 2.13.14i Seneca Ep, 14.13, Ben. 2,20.2| Tacitus Hist. 1.50.3# 2,38.1. Cf. also C, Wirszubski, Libertas. pp. 74 and 79* 2Cf, above pp. 6 and 7* 11 public statues in his honour (6 .8 ), do not distract or divert the ideal statesman who, although duly honoured by the people (5 *9 )» is devoted to serving and directing the res publica. Furthermore, as foreshadowed in the Somnium Scipionis. the mundane rewards and honours are transient compared to the everlasting fame and eternal happiness reserved as a reward in the afterlife for those men who labouriously devoted their lives to the best interests of the res publica.* In the Somnium Scinionis. Scipio Africanus Maior appears in a dream to his adoptive grandson, Scipio Aemilianus, during the letter's siege of Carthage. After informing his grandson of his coming role as restorer of order to the state when it has been threatened and disrupted during the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus (6.11-12), the elder Scipio reveals that such rectores et conservatores rei publicae (6 .13) have a place reserved in heaven for them where they will live in everlasting happiness. The two are joined by the father of the younger Scipio, Aerailius Paulus, and these three proceed to discuss the nature of the universe and the harmony of the spheres. Stoic and p Platonic in origin, Paulus' description of the cosmos derives from the Cleanthean view of the world as* a macrocosm t ^Cicero Rep. 6,13 and 29. Cf. also Att. 8.11.1 and Off. 1,85. 2 ' v Cf. P. Boyance, "La religion astrale de Platon a Ciceron," REG, 6$ (1952) 31?ff. 12 •to which man is exactly correspondent as a microcosm. In the macrocosm, order and harmony are maintained by Sol, the dux et urinee~ps et moderator luminum religuorum. mens mundi et temperatio (6.17).* Resting midway between the earth and the sky, Sol remains steadfast in position while steering and guiding the macrocosm. In the res publica. the corresponding position is held by the rector gubemator et moderator rei publicae— the ideal statesman whose wisdom and guidance steer the state. This correspondence is clearly stated by Scipio Maior (6.26)* deum te igitur scito esse, siquidem est deus, qui viget qui sentit, qui meminit, qui providet, qui tarn regit et moderatur et movet id corpus, cui praepositus est, quam hunc mundum ille princeps deus* et ut mundum ex quadam parte mortalem ipse deus aeternus, sic fragile corpus animus sempiter- nus movet. The younger Scipio is not only the deus but also the ideal statesman whose wisdom and guidance direct the state. By choosing Scipio as his ideal statesman (1.71)» and by setting the dialogue in the past at the outset of the Age of Revolution, Cicero expresses his love for the spirit of republican patriotism and emphasizes the Ennian dictum which he quoted at the beginning of his discussion on the moderator rei publicae (5 *1)* moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque. The emphasis placed on the men of the past and on the *For a discussion of the significance of Rep. 6.17, on Sol as dux et princeps et moderator, see A. Ronconi, Cicerone. Somnium Scipionis (Florence* 1961), pp. 100-105. 13 virtues of the Republican constitution suggests that the Republic is a vindication of the vetus res publica and not a theoretical description and justification for the establishment of a Principate under a moderator rei publicae with monarchial powers.* Although Vergil later finds in the Republic the seeds of one-man rule and the Principate in embryonic form, the Republic was intended as a justification of the vetus res publica and a plea to the principes of Cicero*s day for unselfish and devoted service to the Republican form of government. Despite the preference which Scipio expresses for monarchy as the best of the three simple forms of government, Cicero has this exponent of his own political theories opt for the mixed constitution,^ in which the concordia ordinum is preserved by the ideal *C. Wirszubski, Libertas. pp. 86-87. ^In the mixed constitution, as envisioned by Cicero, the three simple forms of government (monarchy, aristocracy and democracy) were not only present together but also worked togetherj the senate, through its influence and au thority, conducted the business of government, the people retained their libertas and the elective power, and the consuls held their executive imperium. regal in character, yet sanctioned by lav/ for one year (2 .56). The theory of a mixed constitution is further supported by Scipio*s defini tion of the term res publica as a res populi (1.39)* In describing the mixed constitution, Cicero is largely in debted to the sixth book of Polybius (6 .3.4), who also dis tinguishes three forms of government along with their per versions 1 a monarchy which degenerates into a tyranny, an aristocracy into oligarchy, and a democracy into ochlocracy. Cicero*s debt'to Polybius is briefly treated by W. W. How, "Cicero's Ideal in his De Republics." JR5 20 (1930) 28-30* "Yet, much as Cicero built on Polybius, he cannot be regarded as a servile or uncritical adherent (p. 30)." Cf. also G. H, Sabine and S. B. Smityi, On the Commonwealth (Ohio 1 1929)» pp. 33-3^ and 56ff. 14 statesman, the moderator rei publicae (1 .70* 2 ,56* 2*65,66, 67). In the preservation and establishment of the Con cordia ordinum, the moderator rei publicae plays a signifi cant role. Although the predominance of this moderator- rei publicae in the affairs of state foreshadows the position of the Princeps as established by Augustus, the ideal pilot of the res publica occupies a position v/ithin the framework of the mixed constitution. The man of almost divine powers holding the reins of government securely in his hands (1.45), the rex contrasted with the cruel tyrant (2 .51, 67-69), the gubernator who not only guides and inspires his citizens but also looks after the beata civium vita (5.8), and Scipio Aemilianus in quo nitatur civitatis salus (6 .12), all represent the type of rectores et conservatores whose func tion as guide and guardian is not to alter, but to preserve the balance of the mixed constitution. It is significant that wherever Cicero uses the term rector or moderator the phrase rei publicae or rerum publicarum is also used (2 .51* 5.8* 6 .6 * 6 .13). Thus, in view of Scipio*s definition of the res publica as the res populi. the position of the moderator rei publicae in the mixed constitution or as the chief exponent of concordia ordinum cannot be reconciled with a res publica under a moderator rei publicae with ex clusive monarchical powers. In view of the dominant position of the moderator rei publicae in the affairs of state, the Republic has been interpreted not only as a theoretical description and justification for the establishment of a Principate under Pompey,* but also as the model employed for the political organization under Augustus.^ There may be some truth in the former, and certainly the latter can be supported. But the Republic should be principally inter preted as looking back towards an ideal which Cicero en visioned in Scipionic Rome, and towards the restoration of the vetus res publica. The utopian and idealistic nature of Cicero's remedy for the evils of his day, the preservation of a mixed constitution under a moderator rei publicae. becomes clear when set against the Georgies, the Vergilian Republic and master plan for the restoration and maintenance of order in the state set in imperial terms. *E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchic und das Principat des Pompe.jus (2nd ed, t Stuttgart 19197, pp. 5 and l?o. o G. Ferrero, The Greatness and Decline of Rome, Vol. 4 (New York* 1909l» pp. 132ff. CHAPTER II GEORGIC It A STUDY OF ORDER IN THE MACROCOSM The first Ccorgic introduces the theme of order in the macrocosm— a macrocosm which encompasses four levels, the heavens, nature, man and the state.* Order in this macrocosm is chiefly associated with Jupiter, Sol and Caesar, who have parallel roles in the maintenance of order In their respective spheres of influencet Jupiter in the macrocosm, Sol in the heavens, and Caesar in the state. The imagery of order initially associated with Jupiter, Sol and Caesar is closely linked with Liber pater and Caesar Octavian in the second book, and with Apollo and Caesar Octavian in the third booki in the fourth Georgic. a study of order in the state, Vergil describes his theory of political order in terms of the organization and composition of the regnum apium— a microcosm, the structure and behaviour of which correspond exactly to that of the macrocosm. Sol, the moderator mundi. and Caesar, the moderator rei publicae. ^■Although all four levels of the macrocosm appear together in the first book, nature, man and the state receive separate treatment in the remaining three books. 16 whose roles in the macrocosm and in the microcosm (the state) correspond exactly, appear in all four hooks, as the symbol of order and regeneration. ..In the first Georgic. the imagery of macrocosmic order is treated in a three part study which establishes the parallel roles of Jupiter, Sol and Caesar as moderatores of order in their respective spheres of influence* 1-42* Introduction* the four possibilities of Caesar's role in the microcosm. 43-460* Jupiter* moderator of order in the macrocosm* 4-3-203* Jupiter's imposition of labor* prelude to order in civilization 204-4-60* Jupiter's introduction of signa* the signs of order 204-460* Sol* moderator mundi 204-350* Sol* moderator of order in the zodiac and in the zones 351-460* Sol* the certissima signa of order 461-5? Caesar* moderator rei publicae* the auctor frugum et potens tempestatum In the macrocosm, Jupiter has an important role in the achievement of order* he is not only a god of agriculture, the pater ipse colendi (121), who has imposed improbus labor on the agricola, but he is also a great god of the sky and of weather (353)* wh° placed unfailing signa in the heavens to direct and to guide the agricultural labours of the farmer. Likewise Sol has a significant role* he not , only governs (regit) the twelve signs of the zodiac which bring the seasons (232), but he also supplies the most trustworthy signs to the farmer (439)* These roles of 18 Jupiter and Sol in the macrocosm are paralleled by the position- of Caesar in the microcosmt the state. In the invocation there is some uncertainty about Caesar's sphere of influence (24-42), Although four possibilities which range over the whole cosmos are mentioned, god of the earth (25-28), god of the sea (29-31), god of the sky (32-35)» and god of the underworld (36-39)* it is Caesar's role as auctor frugum and potens temoestatum (27) that is symbolic ally established in this Georgic. As auctor frugum and potens tempestatum Caesar's role in the establishment and maintenance of order in the microcosm (the state) corresponds to that of Jupiter and Sol in the macrocosm. It is the purpose of this study of the first Georgic to show that Vergil's symbolic equation of Caesar with Jupiter and Sol has its origins in both the political atmosphere of the 40's and 30*s B.C., which is never far removed from the imagery of the Georgies as a whole, and in the philosophical background of this'Georgic. The solar imagery pervading the Georgies derives significance from the role and position of Sol, the moderator mundi. in Stoic philosophy. Although it was Cleanthes who first referred to the sun as t 6 tV v ^M-o u i x & u Toff k 6 o |jlou ,1 the theoretical equation of Sol as moderator *J. von Arnim, Stoicorum Veterum Fragments (Leipzigt 1921), 1.499* K\€<£d-8t)<; 6 Stu)Ih6q Iv 5 Jupiteri the Imposition of Labor In the first Georgic Jupiter has a dual role* he is not only a god of agriculture, but also a god of the sky and of weather. This dual role is developed by Vergil in two major sections of the first Georgict (1) 43-203i Jupiter and the imposition of laborj (2) 204-460* the farmer's calendar and the weather signs. As pater ipse colendi, Jupiter is portrayed as a benevolent but demanding god concerned for the well-being of the human race. In the origin and progress of civiliza tion, Vergil has assigned a significant role to him (121-124)* pater ipse colendi haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque per artem movit agros curis acuens mortalia corda nec torpere gravi passus sua regna veterno, These lines are central to Vergil's whole reworking of the Golden Age myth, which is a dominant theme throughout the Georgies.1 Vergil has Jupiter put obstacles in the path ^Vergil's reworking of the Golden Age myth formed the 20 of man so that he must employ his intelligence and ingenuity in order to survivei* the spontaneous fruitfulness that once characterized the age before Jupiter has been removed (125- 128): ante Iovem nulli subigebant arva colonij ne signare quidem aut partiri limite campum fas eratj in medium quaerebant, ipsaque tellus omnia liberius nullo poscente ferebat. Jupiter, in fact, has introduced into the world such evils as poisonous snakes, wolves and inclement weather at sea, all.of which were absent from the traditional picture of the Golden Age (129-132): ille malum virus serpentibus addidit atris, praedarique lupos iussit pontumque moveri, mellaque decussit foliis ignemque removit, et passim rivis currentia vina repressit. Although Jupiter removed man's basic staples and necessities, mel and vina and ignis (131-132), these hardships were imposed on mankind in order to force him to master the various artes (133)* central discussion of my M.A. thesis, The Golden Age Theme in Vergil*s Georgies and his Predecessors (Ohio State Uni- versity: 1969). The symbolism and imagery of Hesiod's Golden Age form the basis of succeeding treatments. Though incorporating conventional motifs, Vergil reworks the myth to suit the tone and spirit of the Georgies by making labor the central image. IB. Otis, Vergil: A Study in Civilized Poetry (Ox ford: 1964) interprets this passageTn a similar way (p. 157)* Otis, however, says that Vergil "omits Prometheus altogeth er." But in Vergil's reworking of the Golden Age myth, as I suggested in my thesis (p. 58), Jupiter has assumed the role of Prometheus, the educator of mankind. L. P. Wilkinson, The Georgies of Virgil (Cambridge: 1969), has a similar view of the role of Jupiter. He says that Vergil "by a masterstroke transfers his (Prometheus') role to Zeus himself, pater ipse, the god of Aratus, Cleanthes and Chrysippus (p. 140) 21 ut varias usus metitando extunderet artis By his ingenuity, man has discovered the secret of fire which Jupiter had hidden in flint (135)• Furthermore, man has not only learned to sail, but he has also given names to the stars (137-138)* navita turn stellis numeros et nomina fecit Pleiades, Hyadas, claramque Lycaonis Arcton. and he has also learned the art of hunting and fishing (139-1^2)* turn laqueis captare feras et fallere visco iuventum et magnos canibus circumdare saltus* atque alius latum funda iam verberat amnera alta petens, pelagoque alius trahit umida lina. According to Vergil, labor omnia vicit (145). Thus, by imposing labor on mankind, Jupiter has not only forced man to use his intelligence to survive, but he has also assumed the role of educator of mankind, which other versions of the development of man assign to Prometheus. In assigning such a role to Jupiter, Vergil has made a significant change in the traditional mythological view of the origin and development of civilization as it is found in the Works and Days of Hesiod and in certain later writers. For Hesiod, the Golden Age is the first of five stages in the history of civilization* Golden Age (109-120); *In the Prometheus Vinctus Aeschylus gives the credit for human progress to the culture-hero Prometheus (455-469). Cf. also T. Cole, Democritus and the Sources of Greek Anthropology. Monograph of APA, 25 (Western Reserve University Press* 1967) 6 and 99* 22 Silver Age (121-139); Bronze Age (140-155)l Heroic Age (156- 173)l Iron Age (175-201)# Hesiod's view of the evolution of mankind is basically pessimistic. The designation of four ages by the four important metals of the ancient world is in itself an indication that the theory of decline is the fundamental idea of the legend. The picture is one of continuous degeneration, with the exception of the Heroic Age,1 from a state of idyllic, pastoral happiness, to the Iron Age, in which Hesiod himself lived. For Hesiod, the Golden Age was the best of the five ages in which man lived a peaceful existence free from wars and dissension, grief *The Heroic Age represents an incorporation of epic data, and it may actually be an innovation on Hesiod's part to account for the heroic age of the Trojan War and the epic cycles. Cf. James Adam, Religious Teachers of Greece (Edinburgh; 1909), p. 77. There has been considerable de bate among scholars as to the interpretation and sources of Hesiod's view of the origin of civilization. In his review of Studien zum antiken Svnkretismus aus Iran und Griechenland by R, Reitzenstein and H. H. Schaeder, A. D. Nock, JHS 49 (1929) 114-115, believes that Hesiod's account and comparable Iranian views of history go back to stock ideas which formed part of the heritage common to Greece, India and Persia. H. C. Baldry, in "Who Invented the Golden.Age?" C£ 46 (1952)89- 92, deals briefly with the problem of Hesiod's sources, suggesting that Hesiod was the first to bring the "golden race" or any such phrase into classical thought. T. G. Rosenmeyer, in "Hesiod and Historiography" Hermes 85 (1957) 257-285, seeks to solve "the question whether the Five Ages passage is, in its intention, parable or history.(p. 2657." He concludes that the scheme of Five Ages is not just aetio logies!, for although Hesiod presents a "collection of facts and A€76(jt£va , he seems to lose sight of the original purpose and becomes a historian in the narrower sense of the word (p. 281)." R. H. Martin, in "The Golden Age and the Cyclical Theory in Greek and Latin Literature" G&R 12 (1943) 62-71, sees a cyclic arrangement in Hesiod's account, drawing an analogy with the myth in Plato's Politicus (272C-274dT, 23 labort the earth willingly supplied man with all his needs. Labor was regarded as a curse or burden put upon mankind by an angry god (176-178)i uuv 7&p Si*i yivoc. eori cnfi'npeov* (Ou8£ nor* rpap 7cauaovrai Kap.aT0\) Kal 6i£\joq. ov8£ ti vuhtujp q>$€ tp(5(JL€VOt* XaAcnaq SS Ocol SuLJOTOUOt (XCpCp.PaQ* Several verses later, Hesiod comments on the introduction of labor (289=190)i ttJc 6* dpcTpq iSpuJia SeoX -itpOTrdpotSeu ?Or|Kau a-SauaTO t • Although labor has no part in the Hesiodic Golden Age, it is not completely condemned, for it does bring wealth and prosperity. What is more, the gods and men alike are angered by the man who lives idly and who does not work (303-306)i . Tip 81 Seol vcp,eoujcn >tal &v£peqr 6c wev acpviq £u>n, HTTprjucatTl KOSOUpOlC €lK€>\OC 6p7T|V, ol t€ (leXiCTcrdaiu xdp.aTov Tpvxoucriv aepYol eoSovTec* In the Georgies, the labor imposed on mankind by Jupiter is ultimately responsible for the return of the Saturn!a regna. the Vergilian equivalent of the Hesiodic Golden Age, and for the harmonious life in the regnum apium.* Labor, rather than being a burden or a curse, as it was for Hesiod, is part of the divine plan of Jupiter to lift man from the torpor of an idyllic existence in a lethargic *See the discussion in Georgic ^.1^9-227 on the significance of labor in the regnum of the bees. z k Golden Age.* Here Vergil has in mind not the angry god of Hesiod, "but the benevolent and omnipotent Zeus of the Hellenistic philosophers and poets, such as Cleanthes and Aratus. In order to understand fully the nature and role of Jupiter in the first Georgic, it is necessary to consider the role of Zeus in Cleanthes* Hymn to Zeust Ku 6 ic t * A-OcuaTULiu, ^ 7tayHpaT£q a te Zcv, cpucreuiQ Apyny^, v6|.ioi> iiera Ttavira Tivpcpvuiv^ XCtTpc! ai yap TtauTtacri Sep-iq ■SuriToTcn 7tpoaao6av. e k crov y a p y d u o q eto'' tixod ixCproM-a X a y S u T c q poftuoi, oaa ^uue i t c nal SuriT* i yaTav* 5 Tip ac xa-Sup-vricru) n a \ cr6v x p a T o q a Per Ac fcnu. c o l 6 1?] Ttaq^ofic wAcpLoq, £X toaopLCVoq n e p l y a T a v ^ TteC-ScTaiL, r\ xcv aynq, nal indu i^tcS acto xpaTcirai* ro to u eye tq Anocpy&v AuuaiTotq uno x^P^tv Am/pAht!, 7tup6erTa, Act^uuovTa xepauuAv* 10 tou yap i^Tto TtXrjyfjq epuaewq TtauT* cpya ■^Otis, Vergil, pp. 157-158* 25 Tp Zeus is invoked (1-6) not only as the most glorious of immortalsi nuStoT* dSavaTujv (1)» but also as the founder and originator of nature, Zcu, cptfacujq dpXTyyd (2). Furthermore, he is addressed as the father of the race of man ( 4 - 5 ) * According to Cleanthes, man has not only descended from Zeus, Ik aou 'yap Y^voq (*0» tut also has the image of Zeus within him (*J--5)» It is also significant that Cleanthes describes Zeus as guiding everything according to nomos, vdpoo \i£tcl 7tdt>Ta nupepvSu (2). In describing the universal reign of Zeus (7-16), Cleanthes concentrates on the supreme control which Zeus has over the cosmos ( 7-8), The whole cosmos moves under the sway of Zeus and nothing is accomplished on earth or in heaven without him. As a ready attendant to help him, Zeus has the double-edged fiery thunderbolt (11). With its help, Zeus directs the univer-: sal logos throughout the whole cosmos (13-16). On earth and in the heavens everything depends upon Zeus, the unaToq paaikeuq (1*0. Cleanthes, however, refuses to make Zeus responsible for the existence of evil in the world (17)* The Hanoi , in their own ignorance ( AvoCaic^ neither per ceive nor listen to the universal nomos of Zeus (2*0. Their refusal to follow the universal nomos results in their 26 misfortune and unhappiness ( S6(7p,opoi 23i tvavrCa twvSc yevtcrQan 31). Zeus, however, is able to bring order out of disorder and to make straight the crooked (18-19), Whether the naxoC wish it or not, Zeus is the vrcaToq paaiXcvq who maintains order in the cosmos vdp-ov • ^he hymn ends with a prayer to Zeus, the giver of all gifts (32-39)» in which Cleanthes asks Zeus to help him live a life in accordance with the divine logos. Therefore, he demands of Zeus that he take away man's ignorance and allow him to attain Icnowledge ( yud&M.'n), by which Zeus governs the cosmos (33-35). In this hymn Zeus is the paciXcvq of the cosmos, which is willingly obedient to him (8 ). The realm of Zeus extends to all parts of the universe, including not only the stars which move through the sky, but also the earth and the sea (15-16). Zeus' rule is tempered by justice and reason. The justice of Zeus is explicitly mentioned in the opening invocation, v6p,ov |±£tcx (2 ) and in the prayer at the end, SCxtiq p.6Ta (35). Thus Zeus rules the cosmos, just as the Greek paorikctfq rules over the city, both being subject to lav/. The rule of Zeus is not tyrannical, and the hostile depiction of Zeus' usurpation of power described by Hesiod 1 is absent. Furthermore, Zeus resolves everything into harmonyj disorder itself is turned into order and everything is *Theogonv 6l7ff. 2? harmonized with the good (20), Whether man is good or had, order is maintained in the cosmos hy 2eusi the planets con tinue in their course, the sun continues to shine and the seasons to return in their proper order. This hymn of Cleanthes reflects hasic Stoic tenets, and convictions that are significant for an interpretation, of the first Georgic. particularly the role of Jupiter. The Stoic conviction that the world constitutes a true moral order, whatever may be the apparent reality of physical and moral evil, is represented in the hymn by the role of Zeus. It is man's duty, so far as he can under stand, to live in accordance with the divine will, Man is part of nature and he is subject to nature's law* but, because he possesses reason, and therefore is above the animals (3-*0 » he is not a mere tool subject to nature. Man's reason places him in a close relationship with the divine (indeed, according to Cleanthes man has descended from Zeus, 2), for the soul which is in man is one with the soul which animates nature. To live in accord with nature means to live in accord with the world order. In the first Georgic Vergil sets forth his theodicy and his description of man's place in the universe. Vergil, like Cleanthes, has portrayed Jupiter as the ruler and director of the macrocosm. At the height of the storm, Jupiter appears wielding his thunderbolt, the symbol of his divine and omnipotent power (328-334)t 28 ipse pater media nimborum in nocte corugca flumina molitur dextra., quo maxima motu terra tremit; fugere ferae et mortalia corda per gentis humilis stravit pavorj ille flagranti aut Atho aut Rhodopen aut alta Ceraunia telo deicit; ingeminant Austri et densissimus imbert nunc nemora ingenti vento, nunc litora plangunt,1 As in Cleanthes* Hymn to Zeus. Vergil has also depicted the universal and cosmic dimensions of the power of Jupiter* the earth, the beasts and man from all geographical parts of the cosmos feel the power and presence of the great king of the heavens (^15-^22)* haud equidem credo, quia sit divinitus illis ingenium aut rerum fato prudentia maiorj verum ubi tempestas et caeli mobilis umor mutavere vias et Xuppiter umidus Austris denset erant quae rara modo,. et quae densa relaxat, vertuntur species animorum, et pectora raotus nunc alios, alios dum nubila ventus agebat, concipiunt. Although Cleanthes refuses to admit that Zeus is responsible for the existence of evil in the world, Vergil portrays Jupiter as introducing the evils characteristic of the more degenerate Hesiodic ages. The removal of the idyllic life of the Hesiodic Golden Age, which is character ized by a lethargic and mindless existence, is, according to Vergil, part of Jupiter's divine plan— a training for man (133)i2 1See below for the death of Caesar (46off.), which causes a similar reaction throughout the cosmos. The uni versal effects of Caesar's death reflect the equation which Vergil is developing between the cosmic dimensions of Jupi ter's role and Caesar's role in the maintenance of order in in the microcosm. ^Aeschylus, in the Agamemnon (165), maintained that the object of Zeus was to bring man to qppdvrjaic or cwxppocruvT| through suffering. Cf. also T, Cole, Democritus, pp. 2-3. 29 ut varias usus meditando extunderet artis The hard life imposed on man by Jupiter has led to his survival by the discovery of various artes and ultimately to the growth of civilization. That man is capable of sur mounting the obstacles in his path is made clear at 145-146: labor omnia vicit improbus et duris urgens in rebus egestas. Although Jupiter has introduced inrorobus labor, it is a labor which is diligent and unceasing rather than evil. If improbus has a negative quality, it is hard to explain the labor not only of the laus Italiae (136-176) and of the laus ruris (458-540) in the second Georgic. but also of the bees and the old man in the fourth Georgic. The results °f labor are too valuable, and much too contemporary to be ignored. Diligent and unremitting labor is a more accurate interpretation* the work is durus and adsiduus. but it yields positive and good results, the divini gloria ruris. first mentioned at line 168. The first Georgic does not picture the beneficial and positive side of the labor of Jupiter, but when considered in connection with Georgies 4 There has been considerable discussion on the inter pretation of improbug. See particularly: L. P. Wilkinson, The Georgies, p p . 1*3*3-143. Wilkinson interprets improbus labor m a good"sense, as "Jupiter's more excellent way"(p. 136) of removing man from the imperfect Golden Age. B. Otis, Virgil, p. 157, does not feel, however, that the word improbus can be divested completely of its harsh and bitter connotations, since Vergil does not deny that work and pover ty are unpleasant. H. Altvogt, Labor Improbus: Eine Virgil- studie (1952* apud Otis, Virgil, p. 1571 note 1), denies that improbus ever had a good sense. Otis approvingly quotes J. Henry in Aeneidea (Dublin: 1873-79) 2.175,' who interpreted improbus As always being a term of reprobation. 3 0 2 and labor* becomes more attractive, and the will of Jupiter is made more clear. In the first Georgic the tillage of the soil is the basic labor of the farmer. The very opening lines after the invocation to the gods refer to the plough and to the tillage of the soil (4-3-46) i Vere novo, gelidus canis cum montibus umor liquitur et Zephyro putris se glaeba resolvit, depresso incipiat iam turn mihi taurus aratro ingemere et sulco attritus splendescere vomer. The idea of force and of the necessity for hard work are emphasized from the very beginning in the words depresso. ingemere. attritus and splendescere. Furthermore, the far mer must plough the field four times a year (47-48)** ilia seges demum votis respondet avari agricolae, bis quae solem, bis frigora sensit. Vergil depicts the land on the point of exhaustion, for the grain crops (flax, oats, poppies) have all but eaten the very life out of the soil and have restored nothing (77-78)* 1-Servius ad Verg. G . i,Z*8 i BIS QUAE SOLEM BIS FRIGORA SENSIT quae bis et dierum calorem et noctium senserit frigora* per quod duplicem ostendit arationem. vernalem et autumnalem. nec enim ad tempora acstatis vel Hiemis referre possumus. quod ait 'bis solem.~~bis frigora*. quia non sunt in Italia in uno anno duae aestates et duae hiernes . . . Cf. also Pliny HN 18,20.181, who also interprets this passage to mean four ploughings* quarto Seri sulco Vergilius existimatur voluisse, cum dixit. optimam esse segetem. quae bis solem. bis frigora sensit. Theophrastus Caua. P1«3*2Q;. 7 : ^ 8?. KaTCp^aoria eu t$ vcau Hat* ApxpOT^paq T&q wpaq Hal O^pooc nal xt l|iwuoq ortutq x e ip-acr-Ofi wal T*iXtu>0fi 1*1 yfj I Theocritus Id* 25.25* . . , Tpi*6Aoiq amSpov ve lotcriv/SoS'otc paAAoimq nal TcrpaTtdAoiatv ipo£a*q. See also the notes in t.E. Page, P. Vergili Maronis Bucolica et Georgica (London* 1898), pp. 18S-187, and W. Richter, P. Vergili! Maronis Georgica (Munich* 1957). p. 127. “ 31 urit enim lini campum seges, urit avenae, urunt Lethaeo perfusa papavero somnoj The fertility of the soil appears to be under attack con stantly i et segnem patiere situ durescere campumi (72) ' effetos cinerem immundum iactare per agros (81) sive illis omne per ignem excoquitur vitium atque exsudat inutilis umor (87-88) To combat the deteriorating condition of the soil, the farmer must manure and scatter ashes on the land (79-81)i sed tamen alternis facilis labor, arida tantum ne saturare fimo pingui pudeat sola neve effetos cinerem immundum iactare per agros. He must also build irrigation and drainage ditches which will bring water to the thirsty fields. Even his threshing floor is being constantly undermined by rodents and pests, so that steady, manual labor is needed to keep it in ready working condition and free from weeds (178-186)i area cum primis ingenti aequanda cylindro^ et vertenda manu et creta solidanda tenaci, ne subeant herbae neu pulvere victa fatiscat, turn variae inludant pestesi saepe exiguus mus sub terris posuitque domos atque horrea fecit, aut oculis capti fodere cubilia talpae, inventusque cavis bufo et quae plurima terrae monstra ferunt, populatque ingentem farris acervum curculio atque inopi metuens formica senectae. Man must struggle constantly against a hostile universe in order to maintain orderj if labor is forsaken he will be carried to disaster, ;}ust as the man who ceases rowing is carried away by the current (199-203)I sic omnia fatis in peius ruere ac retro sublapsa referri, 32 non aliter quara qui adverso vix flumine lembum remigiis subigit, si bracchia forte remisit, atque ilium in praeceps prono rapit alveus amni. The struggle of man with the soil is appropriately described in terms of man conquering the earth. The farmer, as the Roman legionnaire from the time of Marius and Sulla to Vergil's own day, sets out to conquer the earth; the metaphors of his battle with the soil are vivid and force ful (94-99 > * multum adeo, rastris glaebas qui frangit inertis vimineasque trahit cratis, iuvat arva, neque ilium flava Ceres alto nequiquam spectat Olympo; et qui, proscisso quae suscitat aequore terga, rursus in obliquum verso perrumpit aratro excrcetque frequens tellurem atque imperat arvis. In this passage, the underlined verbs are suggestive not only of the physical exertion but also of the laborious struggle of the farmer with the soil.* Imperare. a very strong word in Latin, and commonly used in the environment of a master or government giving orders to subjects, is the root verb for the word imperiun.2 Originally referring to the administrative and military power possessed first by the *Otis, Virgil, p. 156* "Here such words as frangit, trahit. suscitat. perrumpit, the harsh s and c sounds (proscisso, suscitat. exercetcjue), the laborious and momen tarily anticlimatic second qui clause (97)# the spondees of line 97# the caesura after the verso (98)# the synaloepha of line 99 (tellurem atque), the position of iuvat (1. 95* two shorts set off by caesura and diaresis) along with much else— all build up a towering impression of the exertion, the struggle by which the farmer finally dominates his fields." p For a similar use of the word see Cicero (Sen.15). who says of the earth* quae numquam recusat imperium. 33 Icings at Rome, and after expulsion by the republican officials who replaced them, the term imperium gained special significance during the first century B.C. when, it applied to the extraordinary commands conferred on the military generals by a special grant of imperium.* Supported by a loyal and well-trained army of soldiers, the military principcs set out to conquer foreign nations and bring them under Roman imperium. In the Aeneid. Vergil asserts that the extension of her imperium is a special ars of the Romans (6.851-853)* 'tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento (hae tibi erunt artes), pacique imponere morem, parcere subiectis et debellare superbos.' In the Georgies. Vergil has similarly described the work of the agricola in military termsj the farmer must learn to impose his imperium on the earth, just as the Romans, and in particular in this book, Caesar,^ have imposed their imperium *A. E. R. Boak, "The Extraordinary Commands From 80 to 48 B.C.i A Study in the Origins of the Principate," The American Historical Review 24 (1918-1919) l-25« o The title of Imperator. which during the Republican period was conferred on a victorious general informally by his troops and formally by the senate, took on new dimensions when, at various times, Julius Caesar adopted the title Imperator as one of his cognomina in the same way that Felix had been adopted by Sulla, or Magnus by Pompey. See E. T. Salmon, A History of the Roman World from 30 B.C. to A.D. 138 (New York* 1944), p» 5* In 40 B.C. Octavian permanently adopted Imperator, instead of Gaius, as his praenomen. Cf. also L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor. Mono graph of APA (Connecticuti 1931), pp. 130-131. Miss Taylor refers to the growing preeminence of Octavian at Rome during the 40*s and 30's as evidenced by his titles, such as Imperator. which associated him with divus Julius. 3 ^ over the world. Just as the Roman soldier comes face to face with his foe, so the farmer comes to grips with the soil (10^-105)t quid dicam, iacto qui semine comminus arva insequitur cumulosque ruit male pingus harenae. In this struggle, it was Ceres, a native Italic grain- goddess who had assumed much of the character of the Greek Demeter and not only introduced the art of agriculture, hut also taught men how to use implements (1^7-149)t* prima Ceres ferro mortalis vertere terram instituit, cum iam glandes atque arbuta sacrae deficerent silvae et victum Dodona negaret. His tools and implements are appropriately described as his arms (l60-l6l)i dicendum et quae sint duris agrestibus arma. quis sine nec potuere seri nec surgere messes. So armed the farmer attacks the soil. But one implement receives special notice from Vergilj several lines are spent on detailed instructions for making the plough, the chief implement of the Roman agricola (169-175)* continuo in silvis magna vi flexa domatur in burim et curvi formam accipit ulmus aratri. huic a stirpe pedes temo protentus in octo, binae aures, duplici aptantur dentalia dorso. caeditur et tilia ante iugo levis altaque fsgus stivaque, quae currus a tergo torqueat imos, et suspensa focis explorat robora fumus. The adversary nature of the cum clause suggests again the necessity of labor and the military struggle of the farmer to make a living. 35 This description of the plough is symbolicit matters little whether or not the plough Vergil described can be constructed. The plough as a currus (17*0 is an indication that Vergil's purpose in this passage is something other than technical accuracy, for wheeled ploughs did not become common until long after Vergil's death.2 Although currus is commonly used of the racing, war or triumphal chariot,3 Vergil has deliberately used currus in reference to the plough, the practical tool of the farmer, and a symbol of the art of agriculture and of the labor imposed on the farmer by Jupiter.^ The plough (currus. 17**) like any of the three types of chariots, needs the firm direction exercised by a driver who is able to control the team. At the end of the, 4 Numerous attempts to reconstruct Vergil's plough have proven fruitlessi Page, Georgica. pp. 202-20**i A. S. P. Gow, "The Ancient Plough," JHS 34 (191*0 2i*9-2751 R* Aitken, "Vergil's Plough," JRS *f6 (1956) 97-106, In a technical study of the plough as found in modern Spain, France and northern Italy, Aitken concludes that if a model of the plough described by Vergil can be found, it would be that in use in northern Spain and southern France, the closest in design to those found in excavations in Cisalpine Gaul. The inabil ity of commentators to agree on the construction of Vergil's plough, reinforces my belief that Vergil's purpose is other than technical or literary accuracy. See below, p. 68, note 1. 2Servius regards the plough as wheeled (ad Verg. • G. 1. 17**i Currus. Ideo currus propter morem provmciae suae, in qua aratra habent rotas. Pliny HN 16.172 refers to the wheeled plough ss a novelty in his day. Cf, also Catull. 6**.9 , where currus is used of a ship. 3 's.v. currus in the Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford* 1969), fascicle 2, p. **76. \ s a result of both the practical and symbolic values, the words aratrum and vomer appear with extreme frequency in the poem* 1,19, **6 , 981 162, 169-17**. 213, 261-262, **9**, 506\ 2.189 203. 207, 211, 223, 366, **2**, **62, 513; 3 .50, 62, 515, 519,5251 **.512. 3 6 first Georgic, Vergil pictures the driver of a currus (chariot) as unable to control his team (512-51*0* ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae, addunt in spatia, et frustra retinacula tendens fertur equis auriga neque audit currus habenas. The utter chaos suggested by this final picture of the first book reflects the condition not only of the state, now bereft of its moderator, but also of the agricultural world, the implements of which are turned into weapons of war (506-508)1 non ullus aratro dignus honos, squalent abductis arva colonis, et curvae rigidum falces conflantur in ensem. This chaos of the agricultural world and man*s incessant struggle against a hostile world are graphically pictured in the elaborate precautions necessary to fortify the threshing floor against weeds and animals (178-186)i area cum primis ingenti aequanda cylindro et vertenda manu et creta solidanda tenaci, ne subeant herbae neu pulvere victa fatiscat, turn variae inludant pestesi saepe exiguus mus sub terris posuitque domos atque horrea fecit, aut oculis capti fodere cubilia talpae, inventusque cavis bufo et quae plurima terrae monstra ferunt, populatque ingentem farris acervum curculio atque inopi metuens formica senectae. Even the farmer*s crops decay (187-199) if he does not engage in harsh and unremitting labor, for the world has deteriorated and is continuously deteriorating (199-203)* sic omnia fatis in peius ruere ac retro sublapsa referri, non aliter quam qui adverso vix flumine lembum remigiis subigit, si bracchia forte remisit atque ilium in praeceps prono rapit alveus amni. 37 Although Jupiter made life difficult for man in order to compel him to develop his artes. the macrocosm was providen tially organized by the pater ipse colendi to give advance warning of natural dangers, so that man can take precautions (231ff. and 351ff.). In the first Georgic Vergil alludes only once to the gloria which the agricola might obtain, if, like a Roman soldier, he imposes his imperium on the soil (167-168)* omnia quae multo ante memor provisa repones, si te digna manet divini gloria ruris. Since this reference to the divini gloria ruris occurs immediately before the symbolic description of the plough, the meaning could not be more clear* only through the labor of the plough will the divini gloria ruris be obtained. Since it was Ceres who taught men the art of agriculture, Vergil gives prominence to the festival with which she is honoured at the beginning of spring (338-350)* in primis venerare deos? atque annua magnae sacra refer Cereri laetis operatus in herbis extremae sub casum hiemis, iam vere sereno. turn pingues agni et turn mollissima vina, turn somni dulces densaeque in montibus umbrae, cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis adoreti cui tu lacte favos et miti dilue Baccho, torque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes, et Cererem clamore vocent in tecta; neque ante falcem maturis quisquam supponat aristis quam Cereri torta redimitus tempora quercu det motus incompositos et carraina dicat. Thus alma Ceres (1.7), like the alma Venus of Lucretius (1.2), represents a creative and productive spirit in the Georgies. When, in the second Georgic. Vergil describes Italy as the 3 8 magna parens frugum-(2.173). he has moved from a broad and universal impression of creativity represented by Ceres to a particular and precise picture of Italy as the exemplum of productivity and creation. Jupiter* the Introduction of Signa In order to help the agricola in his diligent struggle against the continually deteriorating condition of the earth, Jupiter has placed the constellations and stars in the heavens to indicate the proper season for ploughing and sowing and to prognosticate the weather. This is the theme of the second major section of the first Georgic. Vergil gives a rather technical view of the macrocosm, a view influenced by the Phaenomena of Aratus.* The role of Although in the first Georgic Vergil was undoubtedly influenced by Aratus* Phaenomena, he probably also had at his disposal Cicero’s Latin version of Aratus' Phaenomena which appeared some time before 60 B.C. Cf. Cicero Nat. Deor. 2, 104, where he says that he translated the works of Aratus as an adulescens. Vergil would also have had Cicero's translation of the Prognostics by Aratus, which appeared later. Cf. Victor Buescu, Leg Aratea (Paris* 1941), PP* 28- A. S. Pease M. Tulli CiceronicTDe Natura Deorum (Cam bridge* 1958). Vol. 2, p.~~803? See also A. S. Pease, "Were There Two Versions of Cicero's Prognostics?11 CP 12 (1917) 302-30**-. G. B. Townend, "The Poems," in Cicero, ed. by T. A. Dorey (London: 1964), p. 117, indicates that Cicero "regarded the Aratea as a whole as a creation of which he might be proud." Indeed, writers of the first century B.C. owed a great deal to Aratus' first Latin translator. A second translator of Aratus during the first century B.C. was P. Terentius Varro Atacinus. Cf, Servius ad. Verg. G, i.375-377, 379, 387, 397. 39 Jupiter in this section is clarified by an understanding of the role and nature of Zeus in the Phaenomena, In the Phaenomena, a didactic poem on the constellations, the pro logue is a hymn to Zeus in which the beneficence and omnipotence of the Cleanthean Zeus is again the subject (1-18) i *Eh Ai&q ipxwp.co'-Ba, t 6 u ou S^tcot * a v 8 p € q £iup.EV &ppr|TOV p.€aTal SJ^Atbq Tcacrai u2v & 7 Dta£, nacrat 8* du-&piwitiuu aryopaL pecrTri SI ■BaXaao’a H al 7tauTTi S^A ioq K€XPTip.€$a ndvTcq, t o u 7 ap H al 7 £uoq clpeu, 6 8* riTUoq duSpumoiai 5 Sc^ta crrijjiaCuGi, Aaofcq 8* £rcl Ip 7 0 i> l^efpet p. ip.ptfoHun> Pi6toio* \ l y c i8* 6 te Bu5Xoq d p £ a rr| pouol tc Hal jitm /Anai. h i y t i 8* o tc Serial wpai nat According to Aratus, the universe is full of the presence of Zeus, who is devoted to caring for men. Zeus indicates to men the right time of the year to plough the soil and to plant the grain (5-8)• He has also put the constellations and stars in the heavens to signify what man must do in each season (10-13), This dual role of Zeus is the key to the whole poem. In the first part of the poem (19-732), Aratus describes the twelve signs of the zodiac placed in the heavens by Zeus in order to indicate to the farmer the proper season for ploughing and sowing (740-743)* 40 "Axpa ye vuKTmu h c Tvai SvoKaCScKa poTpai apjtiai £ ittc Tu ,T‘a $£ nov p.^7au elq £viauT<5i>, ujpr] |i£v t* &p6crcu vciouq, Furthermore, the constellations are of great importance to the sailor, who plans his voyages according to the signs of the zodiac (744-747)* Kai ^u ^ T i q >tal v-rtt u o Xv k ^ cttou ijjAjuoq tropacaT Ceiuou h.ci.lv'thx^u o c ’Apwroupoio rit tcuiu aXXu)U, 01 t * u»teca?ou ipuouT at a a T t p e q 4(.LCplAuKTiq, OL T€ 7tpUJTT|Q ?Tt PUHTOq, In the second part of the poem (733-1154), Aratus describes the cnfyjurra which mankind can obtain by observing not only the stars (778-908), but also the tcrrestial phenomena (909* 1141). Since man does not have ti . ability to foresee misfortune, Zeus openly helped man by putting the stars in the heavens to aid him (768-772). Furthermore, man re ceives crTpaTa from the moon and the sun. In the Georgies Jupiter, like the Zeus of Aratus, has zoned the heavens in ordor to indicate to man the right time to do the right thing. The universe is established by Jupiter to be man's almanac. The sun traverses in a yearly circuit through each sign of the zodiac, bringing the seasons in a fixed order and at the proper time of the year (231-232)1 Idcirco certis dimensum partibus orbem per duodena regit mundi sol aureus astra. What is more, man has been placed in the temperate zones of the earth by the grace of the gods (237-239)* kl has inter mediamque duae mortalibus aegris munere concessae divum. et via secta per ambas, obiiquus qua se signorum verteret ordo. Despite this divine concern for man, labor is still necessary. The agricola cannot waste his time, for when it storms the farmer must sharpen the ploughshare (259-265)* even on holidays work does not cease (266-269). And at night there is no rest for the farmer and his wife (287- 296)* Multa adeo gelida melius se nocte dedere aut cum sole novo terras inrorat Eous. nocte leves melius stipulae, nocte arida prata tondentur, noctes lentus non deficit umor. et quidam seros hiberni ad luminis ignis pervigilat fcrroque faces inspicat acuto. interea longum cantu solata laborem arguto coniunx percurrit pectine telas, aut dulcis musti Volcano decoquit umorem et foliis undam trepidi despumat aeni. Jupiter, like the benevolent Zeus of Aratus, has placed the constellations and stars in the heavens as unfailing signs for the prognostication of the weather (351—355)« Atque haec ut certis possemus discere signis, aestusque pluviasque et agentis frigora ventos, ipse pater statuit, quid menstrua luna moneret, quo signo caderent Austri, quid saepe videntes agricolae propius stabulis armenta tenerent. These lines form the introduction to the section on the weather signs (351-^60). Here Vergil indicates how the observant agricola can prognosticate the weather conditions by watching the signa given by the animals, the moon and the sun. Signs of bad weather (351-392) are followed by signa denoting good weather (393-^23)* The moon and the sun also give prognostics, the latter giving those surest and most 42 trustworthy. But observation of natural phenomena gives more than a knowledge about the weatherj historical events too are forboded by the various signa. The disturbances which range throughout the whole cosmos at the death of Caesar ana an indication of Jupiter's concern and a warning of the approach of misfortune for the Roman nation at Philippi.* Soli the Moderator Mundi Sol provides the source for the most pervasive imagery in the first Georgic, while labor is the dominant theme. A large number of lines and a strategic position are allotted to Sol as moderator mundi. The role and im portance of Sol in this capacity are developed in two major sections* the farmer's calendar (204-350), and the weather signs (351-460). In both of these sections Sol figures in the central image. It is Sol whose yearly course through the signs of the zodiac brings the four seasons of the year, and whose prognostics are the most trustworthy. In assigning this role to Sol. Vergil has again been influenced by the Stoic cosmology of Cleanthes, who had located the ruling part of the cosmos in the sun and by the Republic of Cicero, where Sol, the moderator mundi. is symbolically equated with the moderator rei publicae (Rep. 6.17)i *0tis, Virgil, p. l6o, calls them a "veritable Walpurgisnacht." 4 3 deinde suiter mediam fere regionem Sol obtinet, dux et princeps et moderator luminum reliquorum, mens mundi et temperatio, tanta magrdtudine, ut cuncta sua luce lustret et compleat. In describing the moderator rei publicae. Cicero uses solar imagery which recalls the passage just quoted (6.26)* deum te igitur scito esse, siquidem est deus qui viget, qui sentit, qui meminit, qui providet, qui tam regit et moderatur et movet id corpus, cui praepositus est, quam hunc mundum ille princeps deusi et ut mundum ex quadam parte mortalem ipse deus aeternus, sic fragile corpus animus sempiternus movet. Cleanthes was led to this conclusion by his investigation into natural science.* Observing that nothing could exist without warmth, Cleanthes inferred that warmth constituted the essence of all living things'. Since the sun supplied warmth to the world and to all living things, then the sun must be t 6 'fyyetiovix<5u of the cosmos. According to Cleanthes, the sun moves in an oblique course through the zodiac, and since it strikes the world ^Cicero Acad. Pr. 2,126* Cleanthes. qui quasi maiorurn est gentium StoTcus. Zenonis auditor, solem dominari et rerum potin put at» Nap. D . 2.41* negat ergo esse dubium, horum ignem sol utri similis sit, cum is quooue efficiat ut omnia floreant et in suo quaeque gcncre pubescant. , J. von ArnimSVP 1.502* o6k &v^7uujffau 8'outoi K\eau-8r|D Tbu rpiXdcroQOV, aq avTtxppq rcXfjxTpov t6d f|Xtov xaXei* 7ap Tatq VucrroXaTq, cpeCSu>u Tctq auyaq, olov XMicrcmjv top Kocry,ov etq r?|V luapp,6uiov 7tope fav [to cpSq] l § Cf, also J. von Arnim SVP 1.499i et constat quidem (mundus) quattor elementis terra aqua igne aere. cuius principalem solem quidem putant. ut Cleanthes. 44 with its rays, it is called a plectrum** o & k dv^'yvujaav 8* o ^ t o i KAedvOtp) t 6 u cpi^daoqpov, 8c SuTtKpuq TtXfjHTpou t 6u t|Xlop xaXcT? In the farmer*s calendar, Vergil traces the course of the sun through parts of the zodiac (204-232) and over the zones of the earth (233-258). Aureus Sol not only governs (regit) the twelve signs of the zodiac, but as we noted earlier he also passes through each constellation of the zodiac in his annual circuit (231-232). Vergil, however, traces the course of Sol through only two zodiacal signs, Libra (208-214) and Taurus (215-218), and through the con stellations and Btars closely connected with these signs, Auriga, Anguis (204-206), and the Pleiades and Corona Borealis (222-224). When the sun enters Libra the day and the night are of equal length (208-214)* Libra die somnique pares ubi fecerit horas et medium luci atque umbris iam dividit orbem, excercete, viri, tauros, serite hordea campis usque sub extremem brumae intractabilis imbremj nec non et lini segetem et Cereale papaver tempus humo tegere et iaradudum incumbere aratris, dum sicca tellure licet, dum nubila pendent, Libra, the seventh sign of the zodiac, was recognized officially as occupying one/twelfth of the zodiac when the Julian calendar was instituted at Rome in 47 B.C. by Caesar. Previously, the Chaldean and Greek writers such as Eudoxus, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus knew only eleven signs of the zodiac1 they therefore made the eighth sign, Scorpio, do - J, von Arnim, SVF I. 502. 4-5 double duty, with the claws of Scorpio occupying the space of the seventh sign.1 Vergil, however, has hinted at the introduction of Libra between Scorpio and Virgo in the Julian calendar (32-35)* anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis panditur (ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit)i This extended passage on the nature of Libra and on the agricultural duties to be carried on under this sign of the zodiac not only represents a significant contemporary reference to the Caesarian calendar, but also shows Vergil either creating or supporting Caesarian propaganda. During the decade of the Georgies. Libra and Virgo appear to have been rival claimants as the natal sign of Caesar Octavian.2 Since Libra was just beginning to rise on ix Kal, Oct. paulo ante solis exortum, there can be little doubt that Vergil is correct in assigning Libra as the zodiacal sign of the future princeps. Although Vergil’s preference Servius ad Vcrg. G. 1.33* Aegyptii duodeelm esse adserunt signa, Chaldaei vero undecim* nam scorpium et Xibram unum signum accipiunt. chelae enim scorpia librain faciunt. 2 Suetonius Aug. 5* natus est Augustus M. Tullio Cicerone C. Antonio consulibus ix Kal. Oct. paulo ante solis exortum .” . . Although Suetonius has reported Augustus as being born a little before sunset, we cannot be sure of the sign. Cf, R. J. Getty, "Liber et Alma Ceres," in Studies in Honour of Gilbert Norwood (Toronto* 1952), pp. 172-183, Getty remarks, p. 177* "We do not know how many minutes and seconds were implied by the biographer’s paulo ante solis. exortum. but it was obviously touch and go whether, at the precise moment when Octavian came into the. world, Virgo had left the horoscopus clear for the first degree of Libra." for Libra rests on the traditional astrological practice of assigning a man's natal star to the sign which was rising at his birth, a second method determined the zodiacal star by the sign then occupied by the moon.1 Literary and numismatic evidence suggest that Augustus himself, calcu lating his birth according to the moon, which must have been in Capricorn or very near it, believed he was born under this sign.3 Indeed Manilius, writing his Astronomicon during the Augustan principate, appears to have accepted, both Capricorn (2. 507-509) and Libra (4. 547-552) as the natalica sifoia of Augustus.** Vergil's choice of Libra, ^J. G. Smyly, "The Second Book of Manilius," Hcrm- athena 38-39 (1912-13)» P« 157* Smyly quotes Cicero Div. 2.91 in support of his theory that the natalicum signum was determined by the moont Cum ut ipsi dicunt. ortus nascentium luna moderetur, eaque animadvertant et notent~sidera natalia Chaldaei. quaecumquc lunae iuncta videantur. ^Manilius Astronomicon 2. 507-509? Germanicus Arat. 558-560f H. Mattingly and E. A. Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage I (London* 1923) PP» 48, 61-62; B. M, Coins. Rom. Emp. X (London* 1923) cxvii-cxix.107? R* J* Getty, "Liber et Alma Ceres, p. 179» points out that Capricorn appears be tween the heads of Roma and Augustus on the Vienna Cameo, which is dated c. A.D. 12 by A. Furtwangler, Die antikcn Gemmen (Leipzig* 1900) 2,257. plate LVI. ^Suetonius Aug. 94* tantam mox fiduciam fati Augustus habuit. ut thema suum vulgaverit nutnmumque argentcum nota sideris Capricorni. quo natus est, percussit. Smyly, "The Second Book of Manilius," says that "the mean moon was at the twenty-first degree of Capricorn when Augustus was born. \lanilius Astronomicon 2.507-509* contra Capricor- nus in ipsum/ convertit visus (quid enim mirabitur ille V maius. in Augusti felix cum fulserit orturn); 4.547-552* sod cum autumnalea coeperunt surgere Chelae./ felix aeouato genitus sub pondere LibracV/ iud'ex examen sistet vitaeque necisque/ inponotque iugurn terris legesque rogabit./ Tllu'm urbes et regna trement nutuque regentur/ unius et caeli post terras jura manebunt. 4 ? however, was deliberate* first, it was appropriate to have the new princeps' born under a sign which received first official recognition in the Julian calendar* furthermore, the lunar natal sign of Rome was Libra (Cicero Div. 2, 98)** L, quidem Tarutius Firmanus, familiaris noster, in primis Chaldaicis rationibus eruditus, urbis etiam nostrae natalem diem repetebat ab eis Parilibus, quibus earn a Romulo conditam accepimus, Romamque, in iugo cum esset luna, natam esse dicebat. Thus, it was quite appropriate to have the second founder of Rome born under the natalicum signum of Rome.2 And finally, the sign Libra, representing a balance,3 Was a suitable natalicum signum for the just ruler of the new age *Cf, also Manilius Astronomicon 4. 773* Libra . , . qua condita Roma: Solinus I. 18* Romulus . • • fundamenta iecit . , . Sole in Tauro, Luna in Libra constitutis. 2R. J, Getty, "Liber and Alma Ceres,V p. 178* ^Cf. Manilius, who refers to the balance on several occasions. 3» 305* Chelarumaue fides iustaeque examina Librae: 4. 547* sed. cum autunnales coeperunt surgcro Chelae/ felix aequato genitus sub pondere Librae./ iudcx examen sistet vitaeque necisque. Cf, also Acneid 12, 725-726, where Vergil shows Jupiter holding up two scales in even balance* Iuppiter ipse duas aequato examine lances/ sustinet. wherein lie the diverse destinies of Aeneas and Turnus. In the proem of the De Bello Civili, Lucan exhorts Nero to sit exactly in the middle of the macrocosm so that he does not upset the cosmic equilibrium (1. 58-57)* librati pondera caeli/ orbe tene medio. According to Cicero, Sol occupies approximately the middle region of the heavens (Rep. 6,17* mediam fere regionem), and was the dux et princeps et moderator luminum reliouorum, mens mundi et temperatio (Rep. 6,17). Cf. H. P. L^Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient Vforld (Oslo* 1953)i P» 29* "In the very guise of Sun-Cosmocrater Nero appears to us in the huge statue in the vestibule of the Golden House." Cf. also Tacitus, who uses the word librare of the maintenance of order and balance in the res publics (Hist. I.I61 si immensum imperii corpus stare ac librari sine rectore posset, dignus cram a quo res publica inciperet). 4 8 which Caesar, under the tutelage of Apollo-Sol, was ushering in. Thus, Vergil, by hinting at Libra as the natal sign of Caesar Octavian, has placed the future princeps in a strategic political position. Furthermore, Vergil has exploited the symbolic association of the sign to suggest Caesar Octavian's predestined role as the second founder of Rome and as the regenerator of world order. Vergil also discusses the path of the sun through the constellation Taurus (215-218)* vere fabis satioj turn te quoque, medica, putres accipiunt sulci et milio venit annua cura, candidus auratis aperit cum cornibus annum Taurus et adverso cedens Canis occidit astro. Candidus . . . Taurus suggests the entrance of the sun into the zodiacal sign of Taurus in April, the opening month of the year* aperit annum.* Furthermore, when the sun ^When Sol enters Taurus on April l?th, this signifies the coming of spring and the opening of the agricultural year. The phrase aperit annum refers to the derivation of Aprilis from aperire 03 the "month of opening," (Page, Gcorgica, p. 210, note on line 217). This native Latin etymology seems to have been preferred by the more patriotic Romans, such as Varro LL 6, 33, as opposed to the Greek derivation of Aprilis from the name Aphrodite. Varro says* Secundus (mensisj ut Fulvius scribit et lunius, a Vcnere. quo'd~'ea sit Aphrodite* cuius noinon ego antiquis litteris quod nusquam inveni, maais puto dictum, quod ver omnia aperit. Aprilc-m. Cf. also Verrius Flaccus (cTL T2 pp. 235. 2ff6)*^ Inacrobius Sat, 1,12.24* Servius ad Verg. 6,1.43* Aprilis vero dictus est, quasi terras tepore aperlens* i.217* "aperit" autcm ideo ait, aut quia aprill menso sol in tauro est. quo cuncta aperiuntur, et aliufl est "aperire annum," aliud "inchoare," nam nullus dubitat. Martio mense, ut supra diximus. annum inchoare. The second etymology derives April from Aphrodite. 0vidf Fasti 4. 6l- 115, rejects the traditional Latin etymology from aperire as an attempt to deprive Venus of the honour of having the month^named after her. Cf. also Sir J. G. Fraser, Publii Ovidii Hasonis Pastorum Libri Sex (London* 1929) 4. (Tlj H. Hoenigswald, "On Etruscan and Latin Month Names, " AJP 62 (1941) 199-206. enters Taurus, the Dog Star (Canis) withdraws and sets heliacally. When the sun is in Taurus, it is time for the farmer to plant beans, clover and millet, a sign that the growing season has returned. It has also been suggested that in this passage Vergil is thinking of the snow-white bulls with gilded horns that were sacrificed in the Roman triumphs.* More appropriate, however, is Vergil’s deliber ate choice of the zodiacal sign Taurus, the solar natal sign of Rome, to complement his previous inference of Libra as the solar natal sign of Caesar Octavian, and as the lunar natal sign of Rome. Thus, Caesar Octavian and Rome are closely linked through their solar natal signs, since Sol was not only entering Taurus when Rome was founded on April 2ist, 753 B.C., but also was in the third degree of Libra on September 21st, 63 B.C., when Caesar Octavian was born.^ In his description of the zones of heaven (233-253), Vergil continues to trace the course of the sun and he also develops more clearly the relationship between the macrocosm and man. The heavens are divided into five zones correspond ing and parallel to the five zones on the earthi a torrid *Page, Georgica, p. 210, note on 1.217,. Cf. also the note on 2.146. 2 Plutarch (Rom. 12) says that Rome was founded xi Kal. Mai, when the sun was just beginning to enter Taurus. 3ln his review of H. W. Garrod's edition of Manilius II (Oxfordj 1911), T. Nicklin, CR 28 (1914) 271-274, says that the sun on September 21st was then at 175°3* (or 2?3* of Libra). zone in the center, two frigid zones at the north and south po3.es, with two temperate zones between each of these ex tremes j it is in these temperate zones that man, by the grace of the gods, makes his living (233-239)1 quinque tenent caelum zonae1 quarum una corusco semper sole rubens et torrida semper ab ignit quam circum extremae dextra laevaque trahuntur caeruleae, glacie concretae atque imbribus atrisj has inter mediamque duae mortalibus aegris munere conccssae divum, et via secta per ambas, obliquus qua se signorum verteret ordo. The significance of this passage is threefold. First, Vergil has introduced the theme of polarity into his universe, a polarity of temperatures in five zones. He carefully points out that the middle zones, where the tem perature is moderate, have been assigned to man, and that man can make his living here if he watches the stars.1 Secondly, the sun passes in his yearly circuit through the temperate zones and thus gives his prognostics to man. The point is forcefully made that the signa given by the stars foretell the seasons, the time of harvest, and the time of sowing and sailing. Finally, although this description of the heavens stands alone without reference to the work which goes on below, it is the sun which provides the connecting link between the heavens and the earth. The sun not only passes through the zodiac to maintain order in the cosmos, but also provides man with the signa to carry on his agricultural pursuits. This theme of polarity looks forward to the second Georgic. where Italia is shown to be the land of temperate climate in contrast to all other lands. Soli the Certissima Signa In his section on the weather signs (351-^60), Vergil gives a detailed and technical description of prognostics by which the observant farmer can foretell the weather. Not only the arrangement of the prognostics, .but also the importance which Vergil gives to solar signs, places Sol in a strategic position in the Georgic. Although this section of the first Georgic has been influenced by the Phaenomena of Aratus, Vergil has rearranged the order of the prognostics of his source in order to place Sol in the position immediately before the portents at Caesar's death. The following diagram shows the .arrangement and classifica tion of the v/eather signs in both the. Phaenomena of Aratus and the first Georgict Phaenomenat Georgic Ii 1-18 Frooemium to Stoic i-/*2 Prooemium to Sol and Zeus Caesar i9-.Jj.53 Zodiaci description 43-203 Jupiter* the intro- of the constella- duction of labor tionsj a handbook of the heavens 4-54-732 Account of celes tial circles and refusal to expound on the motion of the planets 559-732 the calendar* rising 204-350 the calendar and setting of stars under a given zodiacal sign 733-1154 The Weather Signs 351-514 Signs of Things to (Diosemeiae) 1 Comet 733-777 Introduction of 351-355 Introduction! oater both Sun and Moon iose statuit * • • quo signo 778-818 Prognostics of. 356-423 Prognostics of Moon Animals 819-891 Prognostics of 424-437 Prognostics of Moon Sun 892-908 Prognostics of 438-460 Prognostics of Sun Manger 909-1141 Prognostics of 461-497 Sol prophesied doomt Animals the portents of Caesar's death? symbolic storm 1142-1154 Conclusion 498-514 Condition of the Roman nation because the prognostics were ignored? hope that Octavian will restore order. In the Phaenomena Aratus has placed the signa of the moon and the sun at the beginning of the Diosemeiae to form a bridge between his astronomical verses and his weather signs. Vergil, however, has deliberately reversed the order of the prognostics in order to place the signa given by Sol immediately before the signa and portents foreboding destruc tion to the political world at the death of Caesar. Although the signa given by the animal world and by the moon are important for the agricola, they have been placed in a less strategic position in the Georgies. Sol gives the surest and most trustworthy signa (438-440)t 53 sol quoque et exoriens et cum se condet in undas signa dabit; solem certissima signa sequentur et quae mane refert et quae surgentibus astris. Quae mane refert and quae surgentibus astris introduce and establish the movement of the following passage, in which Vergil describes the signa given by the rising and. setting sun (441-460)t . ille ubi nascentem maculis variaverit ortum conditus in nubem medioque refugerit orbe, suspecti tibi sint imbres: namque urget ab alto arboribusque satisque Notus pecorique sinister, aut ubi sub lucem densa inter nubilia sese 445 diversi rumpent radii, aut ubi pallida surget Tithoni croceum linquens Aurora cubile, heu, male turn mitis defendet pampinus uvasi tarn multa in tectis crepitans salit horrida grando, hoc etiam, emenso cum iam decedit Olympo, 450 profuerit meminisse magis; nam saepe videmus ipsius in vultu varios errare coloresi caeruleus pluviam denuntiat, igneus Euros; sin maculae incipiunt rutilo immiscerier igni, omnia turn pariter vento nimbisque videbis 455 ferverei non ilia quisquam me nocte per altum ire neque ab terra moneat convellere funem, at si, cum referetque diem condetque relatum, lucidus orbis erit, frustra terrebere nimbis et claro silvas cernes Aquilone moveri, 460 In this passage the signa of the rising sun (441-449) arc paralleled by those which appear as the sun sets (450-457)* In both sections the concentration is on the signa which forecast disaster; if Sol rises covered with spots and shrinks behind a cloud, suspect rain; when rays of light shoot out from behind a cloud or pallida Aurora rises from the croceum cubile of Tithonus, watch out for hail. Like wise, surgentibus astris. Sol will show various colours (452) to foretell rain or will turn red to forecast a windstorm. Only when a bright sun rises and sets in a clear sky on the 54 same day is good weather prophesied (458-460)i at si, cum referetque diem condetque relatum, • lucidus orbis erit, frustra terrebere nimbis et claro silvas cernes Aquilone moveri. Sol warns of the approach not only of bad and good weather but also of events of historical importance. At the murder of Caesar, Sol covered his head, mourning for the dead Caesar in the manner of a Roman*mourning the loss of a relative or friend (466-467)* ille (Sol) etiam exstincto miseratus Caesare Romam, cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit. It is significant for my thesis that both Caesar and Sol appear together in the same line. Caesar is exstinctus. and the imnia saecula (468) which committed this crime face the possibility that Sol will never rise again. The murder of Caesar provokes the disruption of the whole cosmos by omens foreboding disaster and destruction. The universality of the approaching disaster is marked by the appearance of signa in all areas of the cosmos (469-471)1 tempore quamquam illo tellus quoque et aequora ponti, obscenaque canes importunaeque volucres signa dabant. Vergil claims that the miseries which the Roman world and Italia suffered are a direct result of the assassination of Caesar. He gives a wide range of signa. both geograph ically and cosmologically, moving from the volcanic erup tions in Sicily to the clashing arms in the sky over Germany, to the earthquakes which rocked the Alps (471- 475)« 55 quotiens Cyclopum effervere in agros vidimus undantem ruptis fornacibus Aetnam, flammarumque globos liquefactaque volvere saxa! armorum sonitum toto Germania caelo audiit, insolitis tremuerunt motibus Alpes. Within this passage itself, Vergil moves from beneath the earth (in agros Cyclopum) to the sky over Germany (toto caelo), to a point between these two macrocosmic extremes (Alpes). The note of personal observation of these disasters is obtained by the use of vidimus (472).* What is more, Eridanus. rex fluviorum (482-483), overflowed his banks and carried away the stalls and horses, ominous fibres appeared in sacrificial victims (483-484), wells flowed with blood (485), and wolves howled in the cities (486). This passage, which began with the volcanic eruptions from the forges of the Cyclopes, ends in the heavens with the appearance of lightning and shooting comets (487-488): non alias caelo ceciderunt plura sereno fulgura nec diri totiens arsere cometae. These omens were but a prelude to the battle of Philippi (489-492): ergo inter sese paribus concurrere telis Romanas acies iterum videre Philippij nec fuit indignum superis bis sanguine nostro Emathiam et latos Haemi pinguescere campos. In the description of the portents at the death of Caesar, Vergil is clearly relating history and real events between the time of the death of Caesar and the battle of *Cf. Horace Carm.1.2.13 for a similar use of vidimus to describe the portents which indicated the anger of the gods at the assassination of Caesar, and foreboded the approach of the civil war between Antony and Octavian. 56 Philippi.* The use of the word ergo (489) shows that Vergil presents the murder of Caesar as the immediate cause of the disorders in the cosmos and also of the civil war. Not only do the fields lie wasted, but the plough has been turned into swords (506-508)» tam multae scelerum facies, non ullus-aratro dignus honos, squalent abductis arva colonis, et curvae rigidum falces conflantur in ensem. The central emphasis in this passage is on the agricultural chaos that has descended on the Roman world. The first section on the introduction of labor closed with a similar picture of chaos (202-203)* si bracchia forte remisit, atque ilium in praeceps prono rapit alveus amni. Corresponding to this chaotic image is the final description of the book, in which the charioteer can no longer guide his own course (512-514)* ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae, addunt in spatia, et frustra retinacula tendens fertur equis auriga neque audit currus habenas. The conclusion of the first Georgic presents a grim picture of what has happened to Italy in the century following the Gracchi. The country slipped in its struggle against the current of events and was washed downstream to disorder and chaos. Agricultural pursuits are forgotten; the fields lack the firm control which is exercised over them by the agricola, and the state lacks the guidance of the steadying *D. L. Drew, "The Structure of Virgil^ Georgies." ajp 50 (1929) p. 250. 57 force supplied by a firm ruler. In the Republic, as we noted above, Cicero located the guiding and steadying force of the state in the moderator rei publicae. whom he symbolically equated with Sol, the moderator mundi. In the first Georgic. the assassination of the elder Caesar', whose position in the microcosm corresponds to that of Jupiter in the macrocosm and Sol in the heavens, has removed the embodiment of order in the state. The rise of a new Caesar suggests the restoration of order and peace (498- 504) i di patrii Indigetes et Romule Vestaque mater, quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, hunc saltern everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo ne prohibete. satis iam pridem sanguine nostro Laomedonteae luimus periuria Troiae; iam pridem nobis caeli te regia, Caesar, invidet atque hominum queritur curare triumphos. In Carm. 1,2 Horace's answer to his question cui dabit partes scelus expiandi / Iuppiter?(29-30) and prayer for the restoration of order following the assassination of the 4 elder Caesar recalls the ending of this Georgic (45-52)* serus in caelum redeas diuque laetus intersis populo Quirini, neve te nostris vitiis iniquum ocior aura tollatj hie magnos potius triumphos, hie ames dici pater atque princeps, neu sinas Medos equitare inultos te duce, Caesar. *S. Commager, The Odes of Horace> A Critical Study (New Haven* 1962), p. T?6* This ode "was almost certainly written during the early twenties, when Horace had already celebrated the victor of Actium (Epod. 9 1 C.1.37)." Vergil, and later Horace, both look to and address Caesar Octavian as the destined regenerator of the Roman world, and the director (princeps according to Horace Carm, 1.2.50) of the state. When a Caesar is again in control of the state.(the currus which is out of control at the end of the first book), agriculture will regain its proper stature, and the optimism suggested by the regnum apium and the old man of Tarentum in the fourth Georgic will seem hardly out of place. The Satumla regna described in the laus Italiae of the second Georgic (136-176) will have been achieved, the symbolic reflection of order in the state. Caesar: Moderator Rei Publicae When Vergil began writing the Georgies about 37 B.C. the Roman state was on the verge of collapse. The first Georgic ends with a vivid description of the miseries which the Roman world, and Italia, suffered for man's impious act against C. Julius Caesar. The battle of Philippi between the Republican forces and those of the triumvirs is but a horrible reminder of the civil strife and political disorders which had been destroying the Roman world since the appear ance of the duo soles in the sky after the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus. At the close of the first Georgic the country is beset by wars, and Rome, like the charioteer who cannot control his chariot, is borne along by Mars impius (511-51^)* saevit toto Mars impius orbe, ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae addunt in spatia, et frustra retinacula tendens fertur equis auriga neque audit currus habenas. Despite this pessimistic tone in the first Georgic, Vergil sees two ways in which the agricultural world and the state can be saved from destruction. First, the Saturnia regna, the Vergilian equivalent of the Hesiodic Golden Age, will return to the Saturnia tellus through imorobus labor. If labor is neglected, the state will be carried to disaster and disorder, just as the man who stops rowing is carried away by the current. The second ray of hope is the young Caesar. Vergil makes a patriotic plea to the native Italian gods not to prevent Caesar from aiding the disordered world (^98-501)1 di patrii Indigetes et Romule Vestaque mater, quae Tuscum Tiberira et Romana Palatia servas, hunc saltern everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo ne prohibete. This reference to the hunc iuvenem is the first clear refer ence to the adopted son of divus Iulius, But since Vergil makes a definite reference to the elder Caesar at line ^66, the identification of the Caesar in the prologue has been a significant problem. In the prologue Vergil refers to the possibility of Caesar becoming a godj but he has declined to say which Caesar (2A-39)« tuque adeo, quern mox quae sint habitura deorum concilia incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, 25 terrarumque velis curam, et te maximus orbis auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem accipiat cingens materna tempora myrtoi an deus immensi venias maris ac tua nautae 60 numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule, 30 teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis; ,anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis panditur (ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit)i 35 quidquid eris (nam te nec sperant Tartara regem, nec tibi regnandi veniat tam dira cupido, quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem)• Although most commentators feel a necessity to decide in favour of one Caesar of the other, I believe that Brown has come closest to the truth when he states that the "divinities of earth, sea, sky and underworld implied by the terms of lines 2*1-39 seem appropriate to both Caesars."1 The ambiguity and duality of the Caesar image in the pro logue is deliberate, for Vergil means to suggest both Caesars at once, Caesar the dictator and Caesar-Octavian. By suggesting four spheres of influence over which both Caesars could rule, Vergil has developed a symbolic relation ship between divi filius and divus Iulius who, after his death, became officially apotheosized and returned to that sidereal abode "from which come the rulers and pre- E. L. Brown, "Numeri Vergiliani," Latomus 63 (1963) p, ^3» Although Brown has carefully shown (p. 43, note 3) and discussed the suitability to both Caesars of the particular details mentioned by Vergil, he has succumbed to the traditional necessity of deciding in favour of one Caesar or the other, by indicating his preference for the Caesar=Octavian equation. Cf., however, H. Mattingly, "Caesar in the First Georgic." CR 56 (19^2) 18-19, 61 servers of states."* Caesar1s sphere of influence and role in the macro cosm is the main concern of the proem. A key to the inter pretation of this passage is to he found in the de facto monarchy which Caesar the dictator established at Rome, the essential feature of which was his own divinity. When Caesar appeared at the Lupercalia on February 15» 44 B.C., officially bearing the title of dictator perpetuus, he was in fact the sole ruler of the Roman world. Although Caesar's position of supremacy was not unprecedented, there is evidence that Caesar*s regnum connoted more than just the unconstitutional power which the preceeding military principes had achieved;2 for Caesar*s accumulation of offices and honorific titles placed him in an exceptional position ih the state. In 46 B.C., by decree of the Senate, Caesar*s war chariot was dedicated in the Capitolium before the cult statue of Jupiter; in addition, a statue of Caesar was set up in the temple depicting the Imperator standing with one foot on the world globe.3 What is more, in 45 B.C. a series *Cicero Rep. 6.13* omnibus qui patriam conservaverint. adiuverint, auxennt, certum esse in caelo definitum locum, ubi beati aevo senvoiterno fruantur; nihil est enim illi prinolpi dco, qui omnem mundum regit, quod quidem in terris fiat accept.iuSj quam concilia coetusque hominum jure sociati, quae civitates appellantur; harun rcctore3 et conservatores hinc profecti hue revertuntur. 2Wirszubski, Libertas. pp.- 87-91. -^A similar statue of Augustus is to be seen on the San Vitale relief in Ravenna. See J. J. Bernoulli, Roemische Ikonographie (Stuttgarti 1882), vol. 2, pi. VC and p. 25^. of copper coins were minted on which the thunderbolt, the symbol of the power of Zeus-Jupiter, appeared behind the head of Julius Caesar,* In Wf B.C. Caesar received the ■title nater patriae which emphasized the paternal relation ship to the state which the Roman kings once had, and which characterizes the role of Jupiter in the first Georgic as pater ip3e colendi (121), In this year also, the Senate declared that Caesar should be a god and a temple erected to him and his Clementia (Dio App, BCiv. 2.106j Plut, Caes. 57)* In the tympanum of the temple is the representation of a globe which again suggests the cosmic dimensions of the influence and power of Caesar, A priesthood, under the direction of a flamen Divi luli. was instituted to look after the worship of Divus Iulius.3 Furthermore, it has been observed that "the word divus in the title conferred on Caesar suggested some relationship to Jupiter and Zeus, with which it is etymologically connected. *Taylor, Divinity, p. 71, fig. 6 . 2 . Ibid., p. 69, fig, 5 . ^Miss Taylor says that the institution of this priesthood "shows Caesar as a god (p. 68)," Relying on Cicero*s reference in the second Philippic (110) to Antony as the flamen Divi luli. Miss Taylor rejects the opinion of modern scholars that the "name of Divus Iulius was not conferred on Caesar until after his death (p. 69)." h Taylor, Divinity, p. 70. Cf. Horace Carm. 3«5«lff»» where such a relationship between Jupiter and Augustus is suggested* Caelo tonantern credidimus Iovem / regnare* praesens divus habebitur / Augustus. 63 The relationship which Caesar fostered between himself and Jupiter received visual representation in his fourfold triumph celebrated in September, 46 B.C. On the last day of his memorable triumph Caesar rode in the triumphal chariot drawn for the first time by the white horses of Jupiter and Sol.*- By wearing the toga picta. and carrying the thunderbolt and sceptre of Jupiter, borrowed from the temple of the god for the occasion, Caesar became Jupiter O incarnate. As Jupiter, Caesar became, for a short time, deus and moderator mundi. which is the position assigned to Caesar in the first Georgic. Furthermore, the fact that the triumphal chariot should be drawn by the horses of Jupiter and Sol is but the historical reality behind the emphasis which Vergil has placed on the sun in the first Georgic. For Vergil has represented Sol not only as the ruling part of the cosmos, but also as the certissima signa of Jupiter. Caesar himself assigned such a position to Sol. In 46 B.C. he took upon himself the task of reforming the calendar, which was ninety days behind the natural year.3 The Republican calendar, which was "a purely civil calendar, designed to guide religious, political legal and business ■''Livy 5.23.5* Iovis Solisque equis aequiper- atum dictatorem in religionem etiam trahebant. triumphosque ob earn unam maxime rem clarior ouam gratior fuit. cf. Dio 43.14,3, 2' J. C. Fraser. The Magic Art and Evolution of Kings (London* 1911), p. 174. •'P. VI, Y/ilson, The Romance of the Calendar (New York* 1937), p. 111. “ 61* activities of the Roman citizens,"1 was useless for the agricola. The agricultural handbooks of Cato and Varro show a regulated time sequence in which the various labores of the farmer are reckoned according to the stars. Instead of reforming the old calendar which was based on the lunar year, Caesar instituted the solar calendar of 36$\ days, which was more accurate and more stable than the traditional lunar calendar, and which agreed with the seasons. By introducing the solar calendar Caesar showed that the moon, traditionally associated with Jupiter,2 did not offer an accurate measure of time. Therefore, when Vergil asks at the opening of the first Georgic under what star, quo sidere, the agricultural work is to proceed, the answer must be either the sun or the moon. The answer is immediately supplied (5-6)i vos, o clarissima mundi lumina, labentem caelo quae ducitis annumr The use of the plural address here is neither for mere metrical convenience, nor a proper locution for the sunj rather, it is deliberate. There are, in fact, duo soles in the first Georgici Sol, the moderator mundi. and Caesar, the moderator rei publicae. Although for Cicero the duo soles symbolized the dichotomy in the res publica as a result of the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus, the duality *A. K. Michels, The Calendars of the Roman Republic (Princetom 1967), p. 16. 2 H. J. Rose, Religion in Greece and Rome (New Yorki 1959). p. 207, of the Ciceronian image is no longer present or operative in the Georgies. There is only one sun and one Caesar, whose positions in the heavens and in the state correspond exactly. The position of the elder Caesar in this parallel role allows Vergil to subsume the Caesar now rising to power into the same role and to effect a useful ambiguity in reference to the two Caesars. The use of the name of Caesar is a deliberate attempt to suggest the continuity of order and direction of the res publica under the younger Caesar whose role as moderator rei publicae with exclusive monarchical powers is legitimized in the fourth Georgic in the description of the regnum apium. Furthermore, in this Georgic, Vergil hints that if Caesar, referred to in the prologue as auctor frugum et potens tempostaturn (27), obtained control of the currus (both the plough and the chariot), order will be restored in the microcosm, the structure and behaviour of which corresponds exactly to that of the macrocosm. Caesar the dictator and Caesar Octavian have played their separate and mingled roles in the first Georgic. The former's place has been fixed and his contribution to Home’s future established. The latter has gradually assumed his name and prominence, indeed to some extent has..eclipsed his divine predecessor, and the Caesar who will predominate in the remaining books is the victor at Philippi and Actium, the restorer of peace, and the controller of the newly ordered state. CHAPTER III GEORGIC lit A STUDY OF ORDER IN NATURE The second Georgic« a study of order in nature, is essentially about cultus. cultivation and civilization. Although on a literal level Vergil is concerned with the cultivation of the vine, the civilizing gift of Bacchus, who is invoked in the prologue, poetically and symbolically he is concerned with the growth and development of civilization. Pregnant with Italian nationalism, this Georgic emphasizes the achievement of civilization in the Saturnia tellus. a land standing at the center of the universe, as does the aesculus. the sacred tree of Jupiter (288-297). Furthermore, like Sol in the first Georgic. who is Tb 'fyyejiov of the universe and in fact becomes the certissima signa, the Saturnia tellu3 is not only xb ■i^yejiov ik *In general I am indebted to Otis, Virgil, p. 1^9, for this outline, although it has been modified in part. Cf. also Wilkinson, The Georgies, pp. 91-92, whose structural analysis of the laus ruris I accept for the most part. 66 6 7 1-8 Invocation to Bacchus 9-258 Variatioi 9-82 variatio in propagation 83-IO8 variatio of trees and vines 109-135 variatio in lands and climates I36-I76 laus Italiae 177-258 variatio of soils in Italy 259-457 Cultus of the trees and vines* 259-314 place and method of planting 315-345 laus veris 346-419 care of the vine against pests 420-457 care of other trees and of the olive 458-540 Laus ruris: 458-492 recognition of bona* of the Iustissima tellus C458-474), and of scientific knowledge (475-492) 492-512 worldly ambition leads to civilization sub alio sole 513-542 Saturnia regna In this book Vergil gives a considerable amount of technical information about the land and its plants. It has been recently shown that most of Vergil's technical information in the first two Georgies is neither reliable nor complete*1 elsewhere a proof of incompleteness is found in Vergil's fifty lines on the care of the vine as opposed to only six *K. D. White, "Vergil's Knowledge of Arable Farming," FVS 7 (1967-1968) 11-22. lines on the care of the olive in the second Georgic.* The actual reason for the brief reference to the olive is given by Vergil himself when he states non ulla est oleis cultura (420). To criticize Vergil for inaccuracies or incompleteness in the treatment of his subject is to miss the point of the Georgies completely. Vergil did not intend the Georgies to be a didactic treatise which could be used by farmers as a mamal on how to till the land and produce good crops. This was realized by Seneca, who wrote in one of his letters that Vergil did not write the Georgies to instruct farmers? but rather to entertain his readers.2 Thus, in order to see exactly what Vergil is doing in the second Georgic. I believe that one must turn again to Cicero's Republic. Here Cicero recounts the birth, growth and maturity of the Roman state. In this brief account of the history of Rome, cultus is a very important word, used each time in relation to the land. It appears first v/hen Cicero writes of the rescue and upbringing of Romulus, "... pastoresque eum sustulissent et in agresti cultu laboreque aluissent (2.4). ^■p. D'Herouville, "Virgile Podte de l'Olivier," REL 19 (1941) 142-146. See especially pp. 142 and 145. where D'Herouville remarks that after stating in the third line of book 2 that the book v/ill be particularly about the olive, as well as about the vines and other trees, Vergil mentions it very rarely. He concludes that it would be almost useless for Vergil to advise the Italians about growing olives, since it was something they did so well. Seneca Ej>. 86.15* ut ait Vergilius noster. qui non quid verissime sed quid decentissime diceretur aspexit. nec agncolas docere voluit. sed legentes~delectare. What is more, the location of the state which Romulus even tually establishes must be selected v/ith an eye to perman ence and security.(2.5-6). Cicero gives as one of the causes of Rome's destruction of Corinth and Carthage in 146 B.C, their abandonment of the cultivation of their fields in favour of maritime trade*' " . . • quod mercandi cupiditate et navigandi et agrorum et armorum cultum reliquerant (2 .7)•" He further notes the wisdom of locating Rome on the banks of a river, so that she could import and export and . • . eodemque ut flumine res ad vieturn cultumque maxime necessarias non solum mari absorberet, sed etiam invectas acciperet ex terra, ut mihi iam turn divinasse ille videatur hanc urbem sedem aliquando et domum summo esse imperio praebituramj (2 .10) Finally, Cicero says of Numa Pompilius* Ac primum agros, quos bello Romulus ceperat, divisit viritim civibus, docuitque sine depopulatione atque praeda posse eos colendis agris abundare commodis omnibus, amoremque eis otii et pacis iniecit, quibus facillime iustitia et fides convalescit, et quorum patrocinio maxime cultus agrorum perceptioque frugum defenditur. (2 ,26) In addition to the emphasis on cultus agrorum. the stress on the concept of Iustitia along v/ith Fides in this passage should also be noted, since Iustitia is an important part of Vergil's concept of civilization, a concept which will be discussed below in relation to the Saturnia regna in the laus ruris (458-474). In these passages of the second book of the Republic Cicero suggests that the land itself and its cultivation play a major role in the establishment of a state. He adds significance to this view by using an 70 agricultural metaphor to comment on Romulus' plans for the establishment of a res publica (2 .5)« urbi autem locum, quod est ei qui diuturnam rem publicam serere conatur diligentissime providen- dum, incredibili opportunitate delegit. In the second Georgic Vergil is also talking about the sowing of a res publica. Vergil, however, has redefined the Ciceronian res -publica and civilization in terms of empire and one-man rule. The parallel remains, but Cicero is concerned in the second Republic with the establishment of the city of Rome in her advantageous location on the Tiber, while Vergil enlarges the scope to examine Italy, the Saturnia tellus, and her strategic position in the world. Vergil emphasizes a broader Italian patriotism and nationalism by describing the ascendancy of Italy, her men and her civilization over the rest of the world. Vergil saw the possibility of this civilization taking shape in Italy under Caesar Octavian at the time he was writing the Georgies. In the laus Italiae (136-176) young Caesar is shown at the extreme limits of the world fighting to make Italy safe for the agricola, who, through cultus agrorum and labor, will restore order to the Saturnia tellus wracked by civil discord and strife since the appearance of the duo soles in the sky during the tribunato of Tiberius Gracchus. As we have already mentioned in our discussion of the first Georgic. Caesar has a role in the microcosm parallel to that of 71 Jupiter and Sol in the macrocosm.* In the second Georgic Vergil enlarges the Caesarian imagery by stressing the younger Caesar's role not only as protector of Italy and everything that is Italian, but also as the restorer, along with the fanners, of the Saturnia regna through labor and cultus. An examination of the second Georgic reveals the importance of the word cultus to Vergil's purpose. His initial appeal to the farmers asks them to learn the cultus of all the different types of plants, fruits and trees (35- 37)« Quare agite o proprios generatim discite cultus, agricolae, fructusque feros mollite colendo, neu segnes iaceant terrae. Although on a literal level he is concerned with the cultus of plants and trees, his choice of language suggests a symbolic expansion to man's civilization. This becomes clear in such passages as 49-53» where the vivid personifi cation of the trees and their potential for education again employs cultust tamen haec quoque, siquis inserat aut scrobibus mandet mutata subactis, exuerint silvestrem animum, cultuque frequenti in quascumque voces artes haud tarda sequentur. A few lines later the fields are endowed with ingenium (177-178)i *As I have suggested on pp. 64-65, the position of the elder Caesar in this parallel role allows Vergil to subsume the Caesar now rising to power into the same role and to effect a useful ambiguity in references to the two Caesars. 72 Nunc locus arvorum ingeniis, quae robora cuique, quis color et quae sit rebus natura ferendis. Although ars and ingenium indicate the human qualities of skill and talent, Vergil has applied both to trees, fields and the cultivation of the land. Thus, it would seem that he is writing not merely about horticulture, but about men and civilization as well. In the second book of the Republic, which may well have served as the model for the second Georgic. ars and ingenium form a significant factor in Cicero's concept of civilization. The greatness of Rome can be traced to the ars and ingenium of her people* . , , nostra autem res publica non unius esset ingenio. sed multorum, nec una hominis vita . . . (2.2) ac tamen facile patior non esse nos transmarinis nec inportatis artibus eruditos, sed genuinis domesticisque vlrtutibus. (z.29) Furthermore, Cicero pays heed to the ars and ingenium of the early kings who laid the foundations of Rome and established her institutions. Romulus had ingenium divinum (2,*0, and although Servius Tullius was a slave as a child, he grew up to be king because he never hid the ingenium he possessed (2 .37). Lucius Tarquinius, recognizing the genius in the young slave, gave him an excellent educa tion in all the artes which he himself had studied (2.37)» qui (Servius) cum famulorum< in> numero educatus ad epulas regis adsisteret, non latuit scintilla ingenii quae iam turn elucebat in pueroj sic erat in omni vel officio vel sermone sollers. itaque Tarquinius, qui admodum parvos turn haberet liberos, sic Servium diligebat, ut is eius vulgo haberetur 73 filius, atque eum summo studio omnibus iis artibus quas ipse didicerat ad exquisitissimam consuetudinem Graecorum erudiit. V/e have noted Cicero's attention to cultus. ars and ingenium as significant factors in the origin of Roman civilization. Unlike Cicero, however, who wanted to restore the vetus res publica which Caesar the dictator had called a sham,* Vergil describes in the second Georgic how to build a new civilization that will endure. Y/hat is needed in order to do this is an application of cultus which incorpor- ates variatio. ars.' ingenium. labor and iustitia. The Republic not only developd a close relationship between cultus and the land, but also pointed out that neglect of the land caused states to fall (2,8)» Vergil urges the agricolae to learn the cultus of all types of plants and trees and by referring to soils, crops, trees and plants, Vergil states his theory of civilization in terms of the land— basic, essential and very Italian. Variatio is essential to any civilization, and throughout the second Georgic Vergil stresses this aspect cultus. The theme of variatio is introduced immediately following the introduction (9 )* Principio arboribus varia est natura creandis. Two ways of propagating trees are discussed, one natural (10-21), the other artificial (22-3*0 . In the section on *Suet. Caes. 77* nihil esse rem publicam appellationem modo sine corpore ac specie. Cf, M. Gelzer, Caesar. Politician and Statesman (Cambridge. Massachusetts* 1968), p. 27^K 74 natural propagation Vergil states that certain trees* such as the osier, poplar and willow, spring up sponte sua (10-13)J the chestnut and oak, Jupiter's tree, propagate by seed (14-16)i pars autem posito surgunt de semine, ut altae castaneae, nemorumque Iovi quae maxima frondet aesculus, atque habitae Grais oracula quercus. Finally, cherries, elms and the Parnassian laurel send up small shoots from the roots which develop into another tree (17-21). Other trees, however, must be propagated arti ficially by man (22-34)i sunt alii, quos ipse via sibi repperit usus* hie plantas tenero abscindens de corpore matrum deposuit sulcis, hie stirpes obruit arvo, quadrifidasque sudes et acuto robore vallos. 25 silvarumque aliae pressos propaginis arcus exspectant et viva sua plantaria terraj nil radicis egent aliae, summumque putator haud dubitat terrae referens mandare cacumen. quin et caudicibus sectis (mirabile dictu) 30 truditur e sicco radix oleagina lignot et saepe alterius ramos impune videmus vertere in alterius, mutatamque insita mala ferre pirum et prunis lapidosa rubescere corna. The various artes which man acquired through usus when Jupiter removed the Golden Age (1.133) ar® now put into practice. Vergil refers to six artificial methods of propagation employed by man to supplement the natural method of reproduction. Man's ability to transplant suckers (23-24), or to graft the apple shoot onto the plum-trunk (32-34), emphasizes not only the various methods of propagation, but also the numerous artes which man has mastered. Of these, grafting or transplanting would seem 75 to be the most important according to Vergil. After listing the natural ways a tree can grow W****9)» Vergil refers to the process of grafting and budding (73-82)t Nec modus inserere atque oculos imponere simplex, nam qua se medio trudunt de cortice gemmae et tenuis rumpunt tunicas, augustus in ipso fit nodo sinusi hue aliena ex arbore germen includunt udoque docent inolescere libro. aut rursum enodes trunci resecantur, et alte finditur in solidum cuneis via, deinde feraces plantae immittuntur; nec longurn tempus, et ingens exiit ad caelum ranis felicibus arbos, miratastque novas frondes et non sua poma. This combining of two types of trees to form a third variety (80-82) not only results in a better tr.ee, but also represents a significant theme in Vergil's concept of civilization* the agricola must learn the art of transplanting or grafting if he wants to produce the best crops. Similarly, a civilization or state can only exist and prosper if the art of grafting or transplanting is practiced. Xn the second book of the Republic Cicero also recognized the importance of combining with what is native to Italy whatever is best in other cultures (2 ,3*0 * influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Therefore, in his catalogue of vintages and exotic trees (83-108), Vergil includes v/ines not only from Italy but also from Greece as well* furthermore, his list of trees includes some eastern varieties such as the ebony from India *Cf. Richter, Georgica. p, 76 (116) and the acanthus from Egypt (119)• * Italy is such a fruitful and prosperous land because the best vegetation from other lands has been transplanted to her soil. The combination of non-Italic varieties of wines with those which are indigenous is what makes Italia the very fertile and productive country described in the laus Italiae (136-176). Moreover, Vergil's invocation at the beginning of the second Georgic to Bacchus Lenaeus, a god who himself has been trans planted to Italy from Greece,2 introduces the Vergilian concept of grafting and blending the non-Italic with the native variety (2-8 ); nunc te, Bacche, canam, nec non silvestria tecum virgulta et prolem tarde crescente olivae. hue, pater o Lenaeei tuis hie omnia plena muneribus, tibi pampineo gravidus autumno floret ager, spumat plenis vindemia labris; hue, pater o Lenaee, veni, nudataque musto tingue novo mecum dereptis crura coturnis. *Cf, Page, Georgica. commentary on lines 109-135; cf, also Richter, Georgica. p. 199* ^Bacchus had reached Greece from Italy before that. According to Diodorus Siculus (2.38), Dionysus, a god or a man, introduced the artes of civilisation and religion to the natives over whom he ruled for fifty-two years; at his death, the kingdom passed on to his sons (cf. also Lucian Dionysus 1-4; Arrian Anab.5.1-2, 6.28.1-2; Apollodorus Bibl. 3 ,5,1-2; Ovid Met. 4,2077 This story of Dionysus' conquest of India and his triumphal return, riding in a car pulled by leopards (Diodorus Siculus 4.5.2), originated following Alexander's Indian campaigns. Cf. A. D. Nock, "Notes on the Ruler-Cult, I-IV," JHS 48 (1928) 21-43. See particularly pp. 21-30, on Alexander and Dionysus. "But the general idea of the god's journeys far and wide in Asia was certainly older, for Euripides (Bacchae 13-20), who died before Alexander the Great was born, has put into the mouth of Bacchus an account of his wanderings over Lydia, Phrygia, Persia, Bactria, Media, Araby the Blest, and the whole of Asia," says Sir James G. Frazer, in Publii Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum Libri Sex (London; 1929)# vol. 3 , p. 107. 77 In these lines Bacchus is addressed as the protector of the vine and the producer of wine. In this role Bacchus is not the Greek Dionysus worshipped by Bacchants in wild mountain orgies,1 but the god with the functions of the Roman Liber pater, whose original agricultural competence as a grain-spirit has been merged with that of the Greek Dionysus as the god of the vine.2 "The whole book is full of this conception of Bacchus, which, though it is clothed with Greek cult titles . . . is really Italian in idea."3 Vergil has already suggested the native Italian nature and role of Bacchus Lenaeus in the opening prologue of the first Georgic where Liber is invoked along with alma Ceres, an ancient Italian deity.(7). Since this old Italian deity> Liber pater, had no mythology of his own, the characteristics and rites of the Greek Dionysus were engrafted to the native Italian stock. The transplantation of Bacchus to Italian soil resulted in numerous benefits and gifts (4-6)* hue, pater o Lenaee* tuis hie omnia plena muneribus, tibi pampineo gravidus autumno floret ager, spumat plenis vindemia labrisj quid memorandum aeque Baccheia dona tulerunt? (45*0 Y/hat is more, since Liber's bounty^ is indicated by the 1G. 4.520-522| Aen. 4.301-303* 7.385-389. 2C. Bailey, Religion in Vergil (Oxford* 1935)» PP* 38 and 1471 M, V/. Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London* 1899), pp. 54-57* ■^Bailey, Religion, p. 150. \lanilius Astronomicon 4,203-204* librantes noctern Chelae cum tempore lucis / per nova maturi post annum munera Bacchi. zodiacal sign Libra, at once the "namesake (of Liber) in all but declension and gender,"* Vergil's preference for Libra in the first Georgic as Caesar's natal sign is now closely connected with the growth of civilization in Italy# While in the first Georgic the appropriateness of Libra rested not only in a contemporary reference to the Julian calendar but also in the birth of Caesar and Rome under the same sign, in the second Georgic the suitability and symbolic implica tions of Liber have become enlarged; for the ascendancy of Italy, her men and her civilization over the rest of the world, exemplified particularly in this Georgic by the laus Italiae, the laus veris and the laus ruris, enlarges the scope of Libra's influence from Roman to broader Italian associations. Furthermore, by bringing the zodiacal sign of Libra into close relationship with the function of Liber, Vergil has symbolically associated the role of Liber, as the deity responsible for cultus and thus for Italian civiliza tion, with Caesar, the auctor frugum et potens tempestaturn (1.27), and the regenerator of the world. In addition to the cultus of the vine, Bacchus has also introduced tragedy and drama to Italy (380-396)1 non aliam ob culpam Baccho caper omnibus aris 380 caeditur et veteres ineunt proscaenia ludi, praemiaque ingeniis pagos et compita circum Thesidae posuere, atque inter pocula laeti mollibus in pratis unctos saluere per utres nec non Ausonii, Trois gens missa, coloni 385 1Getty, "Liber et Alma Ceres," p* 79 versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto, oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis, et te, Bacche, vocant per carmina laeta, tibique oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu. hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu, 390 complentur vallesque cavae saltusque profundi et quocumque deus circum caput egit honestum. ergo rite suum Baccho dicemus honorem carminibus patriis lancesque et liba feremus, et ductus cornu stabit sacer hircus ad aram pinguiaque in veribus torrebimus exta colurnis. In this passage the origin of Attic tragedy is closely connected with the origin of Roman drama; according to Vergil, when the goat was sacrificed to Bacchus because it ate the vine (371-378), the Athenians (Thesidae, 383) instituted rustic festivals at which prizes were given for the ingenium displayed in the dramatic productions (382-383)* At the Italic festivals too, dramatic contests were held in honour of Bacchus. The versus inooimrti and risus solutus (386) are the Fescennini versus which consisted of repartees exchanged among the participants at village festivals. Although the Fescennini versus were traditionally viewed as the product of native genius,* Vergil has represented them as being developed by the Ausones, a transplanted race, Troia gens missa (385)* It is not only plants and trees, there fore, which Vergil emphasizes as being composites of two or more varieties, but people and their cultures as well. Here Vergil is alluding to the combination of Trojan stock, coloni Ausonii. with the people who originally inhabited *Livy 7'»2j Horace Boist. 2.1.1^5-155• Italy** The Y/estward movement of the Ausones towards Italy continues the theme of transplantation and grafting, and it also has significant contemporary political implications in the light of Antony's reported desire to transfer the Homan capital to Alexandria,2 In the laus ruris Vergil contrasts the life of the farmer in the Saturnia tellus with the lives of those who, no longer satisfied with life in Italy,^ rejoice in civil bloodshed and also seek v/ealth and a new homeland sub alio sole (512).^ During the period in v/hich Vergil was writing the Georgies, the most prominent Roman who might be so characterized was Antony. His marriage with Cleopatra, his apparent fascination with the East, and actions carefully played on by the younger Caesar suggesting an attempt to transplant the seat of pov/er from Rome to Alexandria, caused great alarm. The struggle between 1 In the Catiline Sallust emphasizes the composite nature of the Romans (6.1-3) and also suggests in the speech assigned to Caesar that what has made Rome great is the fact that the people v/ere never afraid to incorporate honourable foreign institutions into their ov/n system (51*37)* maiores nostri, patres conscripti, neque consili neque audaciae um- eguere; neque illis superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta. si modo proba erant, imitarentur. 2Dio Cassius 50* ^4-* 1 > . . , ot i xal raXAa Ta OpuAovpeva d A r j^ n etT), tout* eotiv oti, <£u x p a T i V n, T ify t c itSAiv aqxuu T p [ t c ] KAeoTtaTpqt xapuiT ai nat tS xpaTOt; rfp A iy v itro v jjLCTaO^aei Suetonius Iul. 79*3» reports a similar story about Julius Caesar, Cf, also Horace Carm. 3*3*17. Nicholas of Damascus, however, says that this was proved false by Caesar* will (20). ■^Dio Cassius $0* 3-6* ^Cf. Horace Epod. 16,37-^0, v/here he refers to the abandonment of Rome and emigration to the Islands of the Blest. 81 Antony and Cleopatra and the younger Caesar for Caesar's power is the fundamental political fact of the decade of the Georgies. This polarization, reflected in Antony's association with the East and Caesar Octavian's association with the Y/est, is accentuated even more by the establishment of Italy as common ground between them. This political reality is ironically reflected in the laus Italiae (136-176), where Vergil locates the Saturnia tellus at the center of the universe and indicates in poetic terms the proper direction of transplanting and grafting (173-176): salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, magna virum: tibi res antiquae laudis et artem ingredior sanctos ausus recludere fontis, Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen. In these lines Vergil acknowledges his debt to Hesiod, proclaiming that he is transplanting Hesiod to Italian soil, for he carefully points out that he is Romanizing the theme: Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen (l?6). Thoroughly Italianized in the grafting process, Hesiod's ideal Golden Age becomes a real Saturnia regna not only set in contempor ary Italy, but also achieved through the farmer's labor. The idealized pastoral existence of the Golden Age as found in Hesiod's V/orks and Days. Vergil's Eclogue k or Erode 16 of Horace is completely out of harmony with the dominant theme of the Georgies: the glorification of the agricultural life of the Italian farmer and of his labor.* *L. P. Yfilkinson, "The Intention of Vergil's Georgies." G&R 19 (1950) 19-28. 82 In the second Georgic. Vergil's Italianized version of the Golden Age theme appears in the laus Italiae (136-176), the laus veris (3I5“345)* and the laus ruris (458-542). The first passage emphasizes the ascendancy of Italy and of her civilization over the rest of the world* the second amplifies the ver adsiduum of the laus Italiae (149) and recalls the durum genus of the first Georgici the third praises the superiority of country life and of the iustissima tellus. These three passages, which fall under the rhetorical category of laudes.. 1 elaborate upon the themes introduced in the more technical passages of the book* 2 variatio. ars and ingenium. and labor and grafting. A detailed examination of these laudes will reveal that these so called digressions 3 not only add unity and cohesion to the poem, but also give political and philosophical foundation to Vergil's patriotism and nationalism. Laus Italiae In the laus Italiae, Vergil follows Ennius in calling ^Quintilian Inst. 3*7.6, 3.7.26-27.. Cf. also Cicero Verr. 2.2.2-11 for the laudes Siciliae. ^Macrobius Sat. 5•16.7 says that the laudes were introduced to avoid the monotony of the tedious technical passages. ■^Otis, Virgil, pp. 148-151* refers, incorrectly I think, to these sections as digressions. Cf. however, Sir J. Mountford, "The Architecture of the Georgies," PVS 6 (I966-I967) 25-34. Mountford sees the various laudes as an integral part of each Georgic. all arising "naturally from the immediate subject matter of the content in which they are set (p. 31).H 83 Italy Saturnia tellus,1 suggesting, as in the case of Bacchus and Liber, transplanted Greek and native Italian elements in Saturn. First of all, and most obviously, Saturn is identified with the Greek Kronos, who ruled during the Golden Age in Hesiod's Works and Daysi in the Euhemer- istic tradition, Saturn was also said to have been an early king of Italy.2 The early conflation of Saturn with Kronos resulted in a mythology which, like that of Bacchus and Liber, was almost indistinguishable from that of his Greek counterpart. Evander's account in Aeneid 8.314-32? of Saturn's flight to Italy points to these early traditionsi Saturn, forced to flee from Olympus (319-320), arrives in Italy where he gathers the primitive folk into a community, civilizes them and gives them laws (321-322).3 in the Georgies, however, the emphasis and focus on Saturn is quite different. Saturn is associated with the early beginnings of Italian civilization as a god of agriculture, whose festival, the Saturnalia, celebrated on December 17th, connected him with winter sowing.*1 Varro, in the De Lingua Latina (5*64), says that the name Saturn seems to have been *R. 0. L ., Warmington, Vol. I, frag. 26. 2I. S. Ryberg, "Vergil's Golden Age," TAPA 89 (1958) p. 126| Cf. also Bailey, Religion, p. 104. ^Vergil's account of Saturn's arrival in Italy in the Aeneid appears to have much in common with the story as given by Dion. Hal. 1.38f. ^Bailey, Religion, p. 40. 8 4 derived from the root satus. meaning "sowing” or "planting.” Furthermore, one version of Saturn's story made him the auctor of agriculture, with the result that Ianus ordered "observari eum maiestate religionis quasi vitae melioris auctorem.”* In the second Georgic Vergil refers to Saturn in his original character as an agricultural god when he calls the pruning knife of the vinekeeper the curved tooth of saturn (406-40?)* et curvo Saturni dente relictam persequitur vitem attondens fingitque putando. Vergil wants the reader to associate Saturn with not only Kronos, but also v/ith his own original Italian function as the god of planting and sowing, tasks urged on the farmers in order to bring back the Saturnia regna. In the laus Italiae Vergil reemphasizes the theme of labor intro duced in the first Georgic by connecting the return of the Saturnia regna through the labor of the farmer. Aratus, in the Phaenomena. seems to have been the first to introduce labor, in the form of ploughing, into his treatment of the Golden Age (110—113)t XaXeitfi 8* (tatae ito SdA aaaa, nal piov omau VTjcc; dx oh po-&*u rn 'ta e a x o u , pdcq >tal a p o rp a n a l cu tti rtdTiua \ u m v p,up£a xavta reapeTx* Atari, Surrcipa Sixatau. ^Macrobius Sat. 7*6.18. 2 Once again Vergil has synthesized a Greek and an indigenous Italian myth. Greek associations, however, are secondary to the Italian and native aspects of the god which Vergil emphasizes in this Georgic. This innovation of labor in the traditional picture of the Golden Age indicates that Aratus, unlike Hesiod, does not consider labor an ill inflicted on the degenerating Silver and Iron Ages by the angered Zeus. The significance of labor in the divine plan for the rejuvenation and regenera tion of the earth has already been noted in our discussion of the first Georgic. where it was. pointed out that Jupiter introduced labor so that man would have to use his ars and ingenium to survive (1,121), The heroic legend of Jason at Colchis which forms a prelude to the laus Italiae (140-1^2), introduces the plough and the theme of labor which were so prominent in the first Georgic (121-175)* In the story of Jason, the hero yoked the fire-breathing oxen to plough the field of Ares and to sow the teeth of the Theban dragon (l^O-l^)** haec loca non tauri spirantes naribus ignem invertere satis immanis dentibus hydri, nec galeis densisque virum seges horruit hastisj The appropriateness of beginning the laus Italiae with Jason’s labor is evident in Vergil’s praise of the farmer's labor as bringing about the return of the Saturnia regnat neither the labor nor the results are legendary or mythical, but immediate and contemporary. The laus Italiae continues with a reference to the war horse and to the milk-white steers pastured by Clitumnus *Cf. Apollonius Rhodius Argon, 3*1278ff., where the incident of Jason yoking the bulls and ploughing the field of Ares is treated in detail. 86 and offered as the sacrificial victims in triumphs at Rome (145-148).^ This passage Romanizes the few vestiges of the Hesiodic Golden Age which Vergil has preserved, and it also locates the scene in contemporary Italy. The fecundity of Italy is a most noticeable characteristicj the cattle breed twice, bis gravidae pecudes (150)j the trees also bear fruit twice each year, bis pomis utilis arbos (150). Hesiod's Golden Age was also rich in herds, dcpue10\ p^Xoicri (Works and Days 120), and the earth bore fruit three times a year, Toiaiu p-eAt-nS^a xapTrdv Tptq ?Tcoq SaXXouTa - cp/pe t £e£fiiupoq dtpoupct (172-173). The Saturnia tellus o.wes its productivity to the labor and ars of man, which have removed the torpor gravis (1.124) of the idyllic Golden Age of Hesiod. Vergil continues to praise Italy as surpassing all other regions in fertility by describing her natural resources. The land is rich in metal (165-166)1 haec eadem argenti rivos aerisque metella ostendit venis atque auro plurima fluxit. Rivers of silver and veins of copper suggest the abundance of natural resources which flow profusely through the earth. In addition to Italy's everlasting spring (149), hie ver adsiduum atque alienis mensibus aestas she is without the evils of the east* there are no savage animals, no poisonous plants or serpents in Italy to threaten the farmer's existence (151-15*0 * 2 Richter, Georgica, p. 205, line 146. ^Cf. G. 1.130-133 and 136 where Jupiter is shown intro ducing such evils into the world. at rabidae tigres absunt et saeva leonutn semina, nec miseros fallunt aconita legentis nec rapit immense)s orbis per humum neque tanto squameus in spiram tractu se colligit anguis. The central section of the laus Italiae is concerned with the opera of man's hands. The description of man as builder follows naturally in offering the visible representation of his labor (155-157)* adde tot egregias urbes operumque laborem, tot congests manu praeruptis oppida saxis fluminaque antiquos subter labentia muros. The picture presented by these lines is simple, yet powerful* in the first line labor is brought into close relationship v/ith the opera of man, the gloria divini ruris (1.168), In line 156, the addition of manu with such words as congests, oppida. saxis and muros reinforces the general notion of personal exertion. In this brief description of the opera of man Vergil quickly becomes specific, for he refers to one of the greatest feats of Homan construction and engineeing skill* the portus lulius (161-164)* an memorem portus Lucrinoque addita claustra atque indignatum magnis stridoribus aequor, Iulia qua ponto longe sonat unda refuso Tyrrhenusque fretis immittitur aestus Avernis? Although Lake Avernus, a deep, oval-shaped lake about two miles in perimeter, offered an excellent harbor sheltered from storms by the steep hills surrounding it, the difficul ties of turning this lake into a naval base were very very great.* Not only did Agrippa have to dredge out Lake lCf. M. Rheinhold, Marcus Agrippa (New York* 1933)» pp. 30-32| 161 -162* A. G. McKay, Naples and Campania (Hamil ton, Ontario* 1962), pp. 12-18j A. G. McKay, Vergil's Italy (Connecticut* 1970), pp. 216, 218, 2^7* 88 Avernus to make it navigable for the war ships, but it was also necessary to cut a canal, which is still visible , through the intervening hill to link Lake Avernus with Lake Lucrinus and with the gulf of Puteoli. Agrippa's engineering feat in the construction of the portus lulius. named in honour of Caesar (Octavian), stands as a visible symbol of the ars and ingenium of man,* and it closely links labor with the opera of man. At this point in the laus Italiae Vergil is ready to turn to the praise of the men themselves, who were traditionally regarded as sturdy, rugged races (167-169)12 haec genus acre virum, Marsos pubemque Sabellam adsuetumque malo Ligurem Volscosque verutos extulit, Vergil proceeds with a catalogue of some of the outstanding Roman families who had been instrumental in the foundation of the Roman state (169-170)* haec Decios Marios magnosque Camillos, Scipiadas duros bello et te, maxime Caesar, These noble families, the Decii, Marii, Camilli and the Scipiones had rendered significant and devoted military Agrippa's engineering feat made a significant im pression on his contemporaries, for it is referred to by two other Augustan poetsi Horace Carm, 1.11.iff Propertius 3»18»1» 2The Marsi were a warlike tribe who lived in the Apennines. Cf. Strabo 5*2^1? Appian BCiv. l.if6 j the Sabelli, or Sabines, were a hardy mountain race whom Cciero refers to as florem Italiae ac robur rei publicae (Lig. 11). Cf. also Horace Carm. 3.6 .37. The Volsci were a very ancient and war like tribe who dominated the Liris valley until put in retreat by the Samnites during the mid-fourth century. See E. T. Salmon, Samnium and the Samnites (Cambridge* 196?)» pp. 189-19^. 89 service to the Roman state during the years which had created and shaped the institutions of the city state of Rome. These great military -princi-pes are characterized as duros hello just as in the first Georgic Vergil calls the farmers duri agresti and their tools arma (160). Both miles and agresti are sprung from a hardy, indigenous race, genus acre virum (167), such as the Marsi, Sabelli or Volsci. The military metaphor originally introduced in the first Georgic is continued in the description of the labor of the farmer in the second Georgic (61-62)1 scilicet omnibus est labor impendendus, et omnes cogendae in sulcum ac rnulta mercede domandae. The words cogendae and domandae suggest military force, for Vergil wants the farmers to have the stamina of soldiers. Furthermore, v/hen giving technical instructions on the care and planting of the vine, Vergil deliberately returns to the military image (273-283): collibus an piano melius sit ponere vitem, quaere prius, si pinguis agros metabere campi. densa sere (in denso non segnior ubere Bacchus); sin tumulis acclive solum collisque supinos, indulge ordinibus; nec setius oinnis in unguem arboribus positis secto via limite quadret: ut saepe ingenti bello cum longa cohortis explicuit legio et campo stetit agmen aperto, directaeque acies ac late fluctuat omnis aere renidenti tellus, necdum horrida miscent proelia, sed dubius mediis Mars errat in armis. Vergil wants the farmer to realize that his labor is as equally important to the state as is the labor of the military men such as the Marii and the Scipiones, who are to serve as an exemplum to the farmer. The agricolae. 90 by following the example of their military princi-pes. have achieved in Italy an agricultural victory through their labor equal to the military victories of the Roman generals. Significant among these military principes is the young Caesar (170-172)i et te, maxime Caesar, qui nunc extremis Asiae iam victor in oris imbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum. Caesar is shown at the extreme edges of the Empire subduing the enemies of Italy as a prelude to his restoration of the Saturnia regna.1 V/e see in the Georgies the beginnings of Vergil's extension of the Golden Age motif as it later appears in the Aeneid equated with the Pax Augusta; for these lines stand between the future Golden Age predicted in Eclogue 4-.6 , iam rodit et Virgo redeunt Saturnia regna. and the principate of Augustus which embodies all of the qualities of the Saturnia regna (Aen. 6.791-79^)* hie vir, hie est, tibi quern promitti saepius audis, Augustus Caesar, divi genus, aurea condet saecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arva Saturno quondam. In the second Georgic. however, Caesar is on the fringe of the empire, protecting the civilization, and Vergil is standing at the center of the universe; for in Italy we find Vergil himself engaged in the conquest of Greek literature for Rome (17^-176)i *It is probable that Vergil is referring in these lines to Actiura. Cf. the route of Antony in Aen. 8.70^-706; Actius haec cernens arcum intendebar Apollo desuper; omnia co terrorc Aegyptus et Indi. omnis Arabs. omnes vertebant terga Sabaei. 91 tibi res antiquae laudis et artem ingredior sanctos ausus recludere fontis, Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen. And like Caesar, Vergil will celebrate a triumph for his victory with the construction of a temple, as we shall see in our discussion of the third Georgic. The final lines of the laus Italiae (174-176) are a direct address to Saturnia tellus; the lines rehearse the two images of praise in the passage, Saturnia tellus as both the bestower of fruitful bounty and the mother of the men who, by their labor, brought about the return of the Saturnia regna (173-17*0* salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, magna virum. In this Georgic. Italia as parens frugum has assumed Caesar's role as auctor frugum (1.27) in the first Georgic. Thus, Vergil has symbolically equated Caesar and Italia, a relation ship which assures the return of the Saturnia regna. Al though in the second Georgic Caesar is on the fringe of the empire, in the third Georgic he stands, like Italia, at the center (16); in medio raihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit. As symbolic of the ascendancy of Italia over the rest of the world Vergil describes the aesculus. which stands at the center of the universe (290-297);1 ^■Cf, the description of the zodiac and the zones in the first Georgic (231-258). 92 altior ac penitus terrae defigitur arbos, aesculus in primis, quae quantum vertice ad auras aetherias, tantum radice in Tartara tendit, ergo non hiemes illam, non flabra neque imbres convellunti immota manet multosque nepotes, multa virurn volvens durando saeciila vincit, tumfortis late ramos et bracchia tendens hue illuc media ipsa ingentem sustinet umbram. The roots of the aesculus reach as far down into the center of the earth as its branches extend up to the heavens (291- 292)j since no winter storms or rains can uproot it (293- 294), the aesculus remains strong and enduring, while many generations of men are born and die-(295). This sturdy oak, sacred to Jupiter,^- symbolizes Italy* a place where men can finally stand still and achieve their acme. In Italy, men, like the aesculus. can sink their roots down into the earth and forget about wars and storms ever uprooting them again. Furthermore, the aesculus stands at the center of the universe, just as does Italy, which is geographically located in the center of the Mediterranean world. Italy, in fact, occupies that region of the universe between the two extremes of hot and cold which Vergil, in the first Georgic. said was granted to man by the grace of the gods (237-238)1 « has inter mediamque duae mortalibus aegris munere concessae divum. Thus Italy, like the aesculus, is the omphalos of the universe and it occupies a position which recalls that of Jupiter and Sol in the macrocosm and Caesar in the 1Pliny HN 12.1.2, 16.4.5. 93 microcosm as Vergil has presented them in the first Georgic. Laus Veris The theme of the Saturnia regna or Golden Age occurs again in the laus veris (315-3^5 ), where the brief reference in the laus Italiae to the ver adsiduum is developed in broader dimensions. As did the farmer's calendar in the first Georgic (20*J-46o), the laus veris begins with information of a technical nature. Vergil warns the farmers not to trust a prudens auctor who en courages them to plant in the winter (315-322)* Nec tibi tarn prudens quisquam persuadeat auctor tellurem Borea rigidam spirante movere. rura gelu turn claudit hiens, nec semine iacto concretam patitur radicem adfigere terrae. optima vinetis satio, cum vere rubenti Candida venit avis longis invisa colubris, prima vel autumni sub i’rigora, cum rapidus Sol nondum hienem contingit equis, iam praeterit aestas. Vergil, however, returns to the best season, spring, and describes its birth (323-32^)* ver adeo frondi nemorum, ver utile silvis, vere tument terrae et genitalia semina poscunt. While the triple repetition of the word ver emphasizes the return of spring, "the reminiscence here of the Golden or Saturnian age is unmistakable."1 These lines, and the later 10tis, Virgil, p. 166. 94 reference: to ver (338) in this laus. deliberately recall in tone and spirit the former passage in the laus Italiae referring to Italy's distinctive characteristic (149)* hie ver adsiduum atque alienis mensibus aestas. Prom the rebirth of spring Vergil turns to the creation and growth of the world with a reference to a primitive myth about the genesis of the world (325-329)* turn pater omnipotens fecundis imbribus Aether coniugis in gremium laetae descendit, et omnis magnus alit magno commixtus corpore fetus, avia turn resonant avibus virgulta canoris et Venerem certis repetunt armenta aiebusj While the description of the happy wife magno corpore (32?) is a deliberate reminiscence of Vergil's earlier reference in the laus Italiae to Italy as the magna parens frugum • . . magna virum (173-174), the adscription of pater Aether as omnipotens fecundis imbribus symbolically suggests the conflation of roles ascribed to Jupiter, Sol and Caesar in the first Georgic, as auctor frugum et potens tempestatum (1,27). For since pater Aether impregnates the earth with fecundis imbribus (325)i & sexual union which, recalling ■fch® hieros gamos between Pater Aether and Mater Tellus.^ results in the birth of a prosperous civilization, the 1 This idea was first set forth philosophically by Anaxagoras; See pseudo-Aristotle De Plantis 8l?a.28-29), Vergil was probably much influenced by Lucretius 1.250-253* postremo pereunt imbros. ubi jeos Pater aether in gremium Matris terrai praecrpi'tavit at nitidae surgunt fruges. ramiquc virescunt arboribus. crescunt ipsae fetuque gravantur. Cf. also Euripides Chrysippus. frag. 839* 95 implication is that under Caesar's benevolent rule the Saturnia regna will be restored (330-335)* parturit almus ager Zephyrique tepentibus auris laxant arva sinus* superat tener omnibus umor, inque novos soles audent se gramina tuto credere, nec metuit surgentis pampinus Austros aut actum caelo magnis Aquilonibus imbrem, sed trudit gemmas et frondes explicat omnis. Vergil develops the imagery of generation and rebirth under divine care throughout this passage by using such terms as parturit. almus. laxant arva sinus, tener, tuto credere, surgentes. trudit gemmas and frondes explicat. He further combines comments on spring as a season of rebirth and re generation with a brief description of the creation of the world (336-3^5)* non alios prima crescentis origine mundi inluxisse dies aliumve habuisse tenorem crediderimi ver illud erat, ver magnus agebat orbis et hibernis parcebant flatibus Euri, cum primae lucem pecudes hausere, virumque 3^0 terrea progenies duris caput extulit arvis, immissaeque ferae silvis et sidera caelo. nec res hunc tenerae possent perferre laborem, si non tanta quies iret frigusque caloremque inter, et exciperet caeli indulgentia terras, 3^5 By describing the genesis of the world (origo crescentis mundi) and the birth of spring in similar phraseology, Vergil has given cosmic and universal dimension to his original triple reference to the ver adsiduum. During the spring time of the world (338-339), cattle (pecudes) and the race of man (virum terrea progenies) were born from the hard fields (duris arvis). In describing the young creatures (res tenerae). plants, animals and men, who could not endure 96 all the troubles and toils of the world (hunc laborem), as nursed by heaven, Vergil is recalling his previous reference in the first Georgic to the divine concern for man which placed him in the temperate zones of the earth (1.236-238). Furthermore, the broad and generalized impression of the Saturnian age evoked by this passage serves to reemphasize the ver adsiduum which exists in Italy, and in particular the role of Italia as the bountiful mother of men (173-17*0 • salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus magna virum Laus Ruris The Golden Age theme is reintroduced in the second Georgic in the laus ruris (458-540). This eulogy of the country and of the life of the farmer emphasizes again Vergil*s interpretation of the return of the Golden Age to the Saturnia tellus as the direct result of the farmer*s labor. The traditional images and symbols of the Golden Age, characterizing the fecundity of the earth, recall the descrip tion in the laus Italiae (453-474)1 0 fortunatos nimium, sua si bona norint, agricolasJ quibus ipsa procul discordibus armis fundit humo facilem victuin iustissima tellus. 460 si non ingentem foribus domus alta superbis mane salutantum totis vomit aedibus undam, nec varios inhiant pulchra testudine postis inlusasque auro vestes Ephyreiaque aera, alba neque Assyrio fucatur lana veneno, 465 nec casia liquid! corrumpitur usus olivij at secura quies et nescia fallere vita, dives opum variarum, at latis otia fundis, 97 speluncae, vivique lacus, at frigida tempe, mugitusque bourn, mollesque sub arbore somni ^70 non absunt; illic saltus ac lustra ferarum, et patiens operum exiguoque adsueta iuventus, sacra deum sanctique patresj extrema per illos Iustitia excedens terris vestigia fecit. In this opening passage, by referring to Italy as the iustissima tellus (k60) instead of Saturnia tellus as he did in the laus Italiae (173)* Vergil has introduced the theme of Iustitia— an important aspect of his concept of the development of civilization. As we noted above in our discussion of the Republic. Cicero has stressed the fact that the cultivation of the land prospered and flourished under the protection of Iustitia (2,16), Vergil also brings Iustitia into close association v/ith the land, in particular with Italia, by indicating that Iustitia. like the Saturnia tellus, gives a man what ho justly deserves (^53-^61). In Vergil's concept of civili zation, Iustitia works hand-in-hand with labor in producing a Golden Age civilization, a fact v/hich Sallust had noted in the Catiline when discussing the origin and development of the res publica (10.1)i , . . labore atque iustitia res publica crevit. Thus, in Vergil's rev/orking of the traditional Golden Age myth, Iustitia, like labor, is not v only a significant theme, but also a Vergilian innovation. The Vergilian Golden Age is a conflation of two separate and distinct traditions— one Greek and one Latin. i In the Phaenomena of Aratus, in the description of the Golden Age, AfH-q rules rather than Kronos, freely 98 associating with men (iOO-lO^)t A 6 y o q yt li?Tpdx£ t aAAoq audpuffroiq, duq Sfy&eu €7UX$oi>(t) Ttdpoq ricv, T^pXCTO 8 ’ Au$pu>muv xaTCuaVTlTi, ouS£ 7tOT* AvSpuiv 0 6 6( TtOT * Apxaiaiv riv'nuaTO cpvXa yvvcuxcuu, a\7\* Avap.1^ £Ha-9riTO xal aSauaTT) Ttcp louaa. During the Silver Age, although aCxti warned men against the folly of bloodshed and war, her association with the world decreased and she took refuge in the hills (127-128)* uiq etTtoucr* 6p£mv £7T€p.aff.to, robq 8* Apa Aaovq € tq auT^u ?t 1 TtauTaq lACnttave 7ta,TtTa£vovTaq, During the Bronze Age ACn-n broke off all the bonds with mankind completely (133-136)* Kal t 6t£ puoTxracra ACht) kc Cuuiu yepoq <5.v8pi5u rTtTa-S* ^noupauCri, Taurrpj 8* apa udcraaTO xuprp*, t|x£ itcp cuuux('n^ £t1 cpaivctai au-Spujifoicri riap-Ocuoq ^-yuq coucja 7CoXua>t£7tTOioB cujtcw, Vergil makes use of the Aratean view of human civilization by calling Italy the iustissima tellus (46o) and by his remarks on the departure of Iustitia (^73-^7^), who plays an important role in Vergil's concept of the Saturnia regna as well as in his view of civilization. When Varro in the De Re Rustica (3«1**0 says that the farmers are the surviving stock of Saturn, he is recalling the Euhemeristic tradition that made Saturn an early king of Italy. Therefore, when Vergil calls Italy the Saturnia tellus and the iustissima tellus. he is combining two tra ditions about the Golden Age and adding a third element, labor. By combining these two versions of the Golden Age— 99 the one a native Italian version, the other of Hellenistic origin— Vergil stressetfhis own advice on grafting and transplanting; the combination of two elements to produce a third better than either is an important concept in Vergil's theory of civilization, especially of civilization as it developed in the Saturnia tellus through the labor of man. In the Vergilian concept of the Golden Age, the farmer has no respite from labor, nec requies (516); he must continue ploughing, a necessity which is emphasized not only by the incurvum aratrum (513)» but also by the triple anaphora in lines 512-51**'* agricola incurvo terram dimovit aratroi hie anni labor, hinc patriam parvosquc nepotes sustinet, hinc armenta bourn meritosque iuventos. As soon as the labor is accomplished, the rewards follow with a fruitfulness and abundance which characterized the Hesiodic Age (516-522): nec requies, quin aut pomis exuberet annus aut fetu pecorum aut Cerealis mergite culmi, proventuque oneret sulcos atque horrca vincat. venit hiems: teritur Sicyonia baca trapetis, glande sues laeti redeunt, dant arbuta silvaej et varios ponit fetus autumnus, et alte mitis in apricis coquitur vindemia saxis. In the Saturnia tellus there is indeed a ver adsiduum. for the earth bears fruit all year round (exuberet annus, 516). It is significant that Vergil refers specifically to the olive (Sicyonia baca. 519)f the oak (glandis, 520), and the mellow wine (mitis vindemia. 522), for these plants are the 100 special concern of cultus.* In order to show the effect of the cultus and labor of the farmer, Vergil has referred to the harvest of the mellow wine out of its natural order after winter. Furthermore, the olive, the oak and the vine recall in reverse order the significant role of cultus in the second Georgic, As a final sign that he is concerned not only v/ith horticulture, but also with the cultus of civilization, Vergil describes the agricola, stretched out on the grass v/ith a bowl of wine, preparing for a holiday (527)f and for the contests in.the palaestra (527-531)* ipse dies agitat festos fususque per herbam, ignis ubi in medio et socii cratera coronant, te libans, Lenaee, vocat pecorisquo magistris velocis iaculi certamina poriit in ulmo, corporaque agresti nudant praedura palaestra. Yet again, this is another conflation of the Greek and Roman, where the god, Lenaeus, invoked under a Greek cult- title, is cast in the role of Liber rater whose original function as protector of the vine is once more enlarged. As magister necoris, Liber Lenaeus receives the function and role of the gymnasiarch, who in the Greek gymnasium organized and arranged for frequent athletic competitions.^ *See below for Vergil*s five-line treatment of the cultus of the olivcj p. 102 • Cf. also p. 68 , note 1. 2Page, Georgica. p. 287, line 521. -*E. D, Castle, Ancient Education and Today (Londoni 1961), p. ^7. 101 Although in Italy gymnasts never formed a part of the educational system as they did in Greece,1 Vergil sees the gymnasium as an essential part of civilization in the Saturnia tellus* Vergil, hoy/ever, has placed his palaestra in a Roman setting? for, when describing the. agricola stripping to engage in a wrestling bout in the palaestra, Vergil is deliberately recalling the nudus agricola (1.299) who must strip to plough and to sow. The life of the agricola was like that of the Sabines and especially of Romulus and Remus (532-540) x hanc olim veteres vitam coluere Sabini, hanc Remus et frater? sic fortis Etruria crevit scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma, septemque una sibi muro circumdedit areas, ante etiam sceptrum Dictaei regis et ante inpia quam caesis gens est epulata iuvencis, aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat; necdum etiam audierant inflari classica, necdum impositos duris crepitare incudibus ensis. The Sabines, a traditionally strong and sturdy race, and Romulus and Remus, who were nurtured and reared in close relation to the land, lived the type of lives which made Etruria strong, and Rome as well. The origin and devel opment of these two civilizations is emphasized in the two words coluere and crevit v/hich call to mind Cicero's comment on Romulus' plans for the establishment of a res publica (Rep. 2,5)i rem publicam serere. Since in the second Georgic Vergil has been redefining the Ciceronian res publica and civilization in terms of empire and one-man rule, lCastle, Ancient Education, pp. 142 and 144. 102 it is significant that, here, for the first and only time in the Georgies. Vergil should make specific mention of aureus Saturnus (538)» the ruler of the Saturnia tellus. Like aureus Sol in the first Georgic (232), who is the moderator mundi. aureus Saturnus is the moderator rei publicae, during whose reign Italy prospered because of the absence of war (539-540)* necdum etiam audierant inflari classics, necdum impositos duris crepitare incudibus ensis. In the second Georgic it is the olive which symbolizes the end of war and the return of peace (Pax) (420-425) i Contra non ulla est oleis cultura; neque illae procurvam exspectant falcem rastrosque tanacis, cum semel haeserunt arvis aurasque tulerunt; ipsa satis tellus, cum dente recluditur unco, sufficit umorem et gravidas, cum vomere, fruges. hoc pinguem et placitam Paci nutritor olivam. Although young olive trees need to be cared for, the mature olive, of which Vergil is speaking, can grow without cultivation, but it takes a long time to reach such maturity. Therefore, an orchard of full-grown olive trees would be a real and symbolic proof of the absence of wars and the return of peace to the land. By linking the goddess Pax, who "appeared in literature for the first time in the Georgies,"^ to the olive, Vergil establishes it as a symbol 2 of peace, *S. Y/einstock, "Pax and the Ara Pacis," JRS 50 (i960) 4?. . 2Cf. Aen, ?,153f., 8.116, 128} ll.lOlf., 332# where the olive branch is carried by envoys of peace. Cf, also Horace Carm. 2.6.16. In Greek literature the olive branch was the symbol of the suppliantst Aeschylus Eum. 43} Sophocles 0T 3* 103 During the period when Vergil was writing the Georgies. Pax, whose cult had recently been introduced in Italy by the elder Caesar to give religious expression to his political program,i became a significant political slogan of Caesar Octavian. After the defeat of Sextus Fompey in 36 B.C., the young Caesar was triumphantly escorted by the people into Rome, where he delivered a speech promising to restore peace and prosperity (Appian BClv 5.130)*2 Tffc 6* £tuo\5cftiq avToq ef3ot>ATi7<5pr)(T^ tc >tal € 6'nu/ryY6priO‘€ | Ta Ip7a wal Thu 7toMTefav iat>TOu rhu arc* &p^r|q £q t6tc KaTaXf'yaju0 Hal to. ctprpeua ODY'Ypa^aq t6 pi(3Afci> £££8lukc, Hard'p'CAX^ tc f. tpiVnu Hal cuOrpCau,eq T^Xoq tujv fy x p o M W duf)pT][jL€utuu, w al tuJu clat^opum T o o q c t 1 6cpc CAouTaq ditcAuc Hat cpdpuuv TcAOuuaq tc nal Tofcq Ta p,ia-&uVaTa exouTaq uru Sti dcpcfAotcv. iv/einstock, "Pax and the Ara Pacis," p. 46. V/einstock offers not only the traditional numismatic evidence for this, but also introduces evidence previously neglectedi on a quinar- ius minted in 44 B.C. by L, Aemilius Buca there is the head of Pax with the legend Paxs (sic) on the obverse, and with two hands joined together on the reverse. Cf. V/einstock, plate V.6» Cf. also E. A. Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic (London: 1952), p. 177# # 1065. A denarius by the same moneyer shows the elder Caesar's head on the obverse (V/einstock, pi. V.6j Sydenham, p. 177 if IO63). In addition to the numismatic evidence, V/einstock cites the foundation of a Caesarian colony, Pax Iulia, in Lusitania (OIL 2,4? =ILS 6899)# Colonia Pacensis or Forum lulii Pacatum in Gallia Narbonensis (CIL 12.3203=* ILS 6984). According to Wcinstock, "Caesar wanted to introduce the cult of Pax into the Roman Etapiro, He began in Spain and Gaul, perhaps also in Africa, and he meant to take her to Rome as well (p. 46)." 2Weinstock, "Pax and the Ara Pacis," p. 47, note 32. Weinstock argues from architectural, and numismatic evidence for the substitution of e60r|i)tav for e$Oup,fai> in this passage. 104 On this occasion also, a soldier laid his sword at the feet of Jupiter Capitolinus to signify that there would be no further use for it (Dio Cassius 49.15*2). Furthermore, a golden statue of the young Caesar was set up in the forum with the following inscription (Appian BCiv 5.130)t rfy? ctp'ftrnu lorao laaixdirnv Ix xoAAou auvd- orri From the appearance of the duo soles in the sky during the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus until Apollo lifted his bow to help Caesar Octavian against the tyrant Antony at the battle of Actium, the res -publica lacked a magister to control and to guide the unbridled forces which wore tearing it apart. While the gens populi Romani reacted to the younger Caesar's pledge to restore peace and prosperity by the erection of his statue as peace-maker xocrdc tc t p u xa\ OtJAaacrav fi Vergil wrote the Georgies, in which Caesar, the hunc iuvenem of the first Georgic (500) and the hope of the future, is symbolically linked not only with Liber pater— the god of Italian cultus— but also with Jupiter and Sol, whose roles in maintaining macrocosmic order are synonymous with the achievement of order in the microcosm. Weinstock, "Pax and the AraPacis," p, 46, He says that "Antony praised Caesar in his funeral oration as peace maker, e tp-nuortoidc (Dio Cassius 44.49.2), and we have good reason to believe that the epithet, pacificator or pacificus, was Caesar's own choice." Clearly Caesar's adoptive namesake chooses to adopt this favorable accolade. 105 Architectural Laudcs of Georgic II In connection with the laus Italiae and the laus veris. it will be instructive to study briefly two important public monuments of the Pax Augusta, the Forum Augustum and the Ara Pacis Augustae. Although these monuments post-date' the publication of the Georgies in actual construction, they depict and reflect in another medium those concepts and ideas which Vergil was developing in the Georgies, Although the work on the Forum Augustum was begun in 3? B.C., the young Caesar failed to obtain all the land needed for completing the project, with the result that it was not dedicated until 2 B.C. (Suet, Aug, 29), The temple of Mars Ultor, which was located in the center rear of the Forum, was vowed in 42 B.C. at the battle of Philippi* to commemorate the first military achievement of the young Caesar: the destruction of (eos) qui parontem meum trucidaverunt (Suet. Aug. 29), Thus, the initial plan, at least in conception, was contemporary with the v/riting of the Georgies. In the Forum Augustum the great men of the Republic, the offspring of the Saturnia tellus, were visibly repre sented in the bronze and marble statues which Augustus had set up in the two great hemicycles and porticoes of the forum. In a passage referring to the Forum Augustum, Suetonius *Dio Cassius 55**®! Veil. Pat. 2.100. 10 6 informs us that next to the immortal gods Augustus honoured the memory of those leaders qui imperium populi Romani ex minimo maximum reddidissent . . . et statuas omnium triumphali effigie in utraque fori sui porticu dedicavit (Aug. 31*5) From Dio Cassius (55*10) we learn that the triumphal generals were to he in bronze, Tfj a^opo: .•*■ Degrassi has plausibly conjectured that these bronze statues of the heroes of the past stood in the niches.^ The statues, each inserted into a niche of the hemicycle, stood on a marble base which con tained part of the elogium of the person portrayed.. Each elogium gives a brief account of the public career of the man in a regular orderi the magistracies in descending ordert other honores, such as pontificates} the list of achieve ments in war, and then in peace, among which the dedication of temples played an important part. Nineteen great men of the Republic are known to have been represented in the forum.3 Recalling moments of past glory, the statues of such military principes as Camillus, Scipio Aemilianus and Marius glorify the duros bello who, according to Vergil in the Lampridius (S.H.A,, Alex. Sev. 28.6) informs us that Augustus placed marble statues of the greatest men (summi viri) in his forum, accompanied by inscriptions, o Degrassi, "Elogia Fori Augusti," Inscrintiones Italiae 13-3 (1937) 1-8. ■^For a complete list of those identified, see Degrassi, "Elogia Fori Augusti," p. 8, Cf. also Aon. 6 .756-846, 7.170- I89 for a further description of the duri nilites who v/ere in strumental in achieving the ascendancy of Italy over the world. H. T. Rowell, in "Vergil and the Forum of Augustus," AJBh 62 (1941) 261-276, sees a striking parallel between the heroes men tioned by Vergil in Aen. 6,756-846 and 7,1704-189 and the statues set up in the Forum of Augustus. laus Italiaet played a significant role in the ascendancy of Italy. These statues were to serve as a standard by which the Romans might guide their own lives. These great men, serving as a collection of exem-pla. formed a kind "of first national Hall of Fame, a monument expressly designed to put the visitor in mind of memorable deeds from Rome's past."* As the farmer was meant to take a lesson from the labor of the generals referred to in the laus Italiae. so the glory of the past embodied in the statues of the men in the forum was to be a constant reminder of the ability, courage, strength of character, patriotic devotion and labor which had made the Saturnia tellus the mistress of the Mediterranean world. And, finally, just as the young Caesar is grouped with several great men of the Republic in the laus Italiae. these same great generals stand in the hemicycle and porticoes of the Forum Augustum. The Forum Augustum stands as a visible monument in the center of Augustan Rome to the great men of Italy, and the Ara Pacis Augustae symbolizes the ascendancy of Italy and the peace which the young Caesar, now called Augustus, has achieved throughout the Empire. After Augustus returned from his victorious campaigns in Spain and Gaul in 13 B.C., the senate set up, as he himself described in the Res Gestae, the Ara Pacis Augustae to celebrate the peace established *H. T. Rowell, "The Forum and Funeral Imagines of Augustus," MAAR 17 (1940) 140. 108 within the Empire (H.G. 12) t Cum ex Hispania Galliaque, rebus in iis provinciis prospere gestis, Romam redii Ti. Nerone et P, Quintilio consulibus, aram pacis Augustae senatus pro reditu meo consacrandam censuit ad Campum Martium, in qua magistratus et sacerdotes virginesque Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit. The Ara Pacis was consecrated in the Campus Martius, rather than in the Forum Romanum or on the Palatine so that " . . . even the Field of Mars was to realize that wars had ceased and that Pax was presiding over the Great Highway, the via’ Flaminia, by which the Emperor had returned from his peace- bringing mission in the v/est and north.The reliefs on this altar gave visual, plastic form to many of the ideas which inspired the poetry of the Augustan age, though in a different medium; the same linking of the present with the tradition of the past and the promise of the future is a dominant theme. Although the poet and the sculptor went their separate ways in the two different media, there is a remarkable correspondence between the Iwater Tellus or Italia panel and the ideals of civilization which Vergil developed in the laus Italiae.2 For there are several symbols and images in the "majestic yet tender Tellus figure" on the *J, Toynbee, "The Ara Facis Reconsidered and Historical Art in Roman Italy," PDA 39 (1953), p. 73* 2For a discussion of the problems of identifying this panel, see M. Schafer, "Zum Tellusbild auf der Ara Pacis Augustae," Gymnasium o6 (1959), PP* 29^-298. Cf. also I. S. Ryberg, "Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art," MAAR 22 (1955) PP. 38-80. Ara Pacis which might have led the contemporaries of Augustus "to feel that this figure seated on the mountains beside a river and looking out to sea, this mother of men who is also mistress of flocks and fruits and flowers, fa voured by the breezes of sea and sky, is the embodiment of the Saturnian land, the goddess Italia,The corresponding features can be pointed out by citing specific lines of the laus Italiae which are pictured on the panel. First of all, the gravidae fruges (143) are illustrated by the wreath on the head of the seated figure, the cornucopiae and the fruit in her lap; flowers and other vegetatin (wheat and grains) are represented on either side of the seated figure and near the urn in the lower left corner. The rich vegeta ble life and the delicate floral pattern of the acanthus dado, entwined with ivy and laurel bloosoms, vine leaves and bunches of grapes, are a constant reminder of the fruitfulness of Italy, who is allegorically personified in the seated figure of this panel. The paterae and festoons hung from boucrania on the inner walls of the sanctuary are further evidence of the everlasting spring which Vergil notes is a characteristic of the Saturnia tellus (149)i ver adsiduura atque alienis mensibus aestas. The armenta laeta (144) are present in the form of the steer (taurus) and the sheep at the feet of Italia. The flumen *A. W. van Buren, "The Ara Pacis Augustae," JRS 3 (1913)i P» 137• Cf., however, G. K. Galinsky, Aeneas. Sicily. and Rome (Princetoni 19^9), who identifies the figure with Venus (pp. 191-241). 110 sacrum (147) which pastured the tauri reserved for sacrifice on the occasion of a triumph is flowing from the t urn at Italia*s left, and spring and summer (149) are depicted by the flowers in full bloom (149)# The dominant figure in the panel, as in the laus Italiae, is Italia or Saturnia tellus, who is seated on a rock facing the sea, above the river below, and holding two children in her lap* this personification of Italia suggests not only the marvelous fecundity of Italy, but also the attribute of Saturnia tellus as the mother of men (173-174)i salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus magna virum The correspondence in visual representation and also in tone and in spirit between this relief and the laus Italiae is certainly remarkable. It might indeed be questioned exactly how much this passage in the Georgies influenced the sculptor, or for that matter Augustus himself, who throughout his long reign took every opportunity to remind the gens populi Romani that he had restored peace and prosperity to Italy,* ■^Weinstock, "Pax and the Ara Pacis," p. 47ff# CHAPTER XV GEORGIC III* A STUDY OP ORDER IN MAN In the first Georgic Vergil introduced an imagery of order through which he associated Jupiter in the macrocosm* Sol in the heavens, and Caesar in the microcosm (the state)— three moderatores who in their separate yet mingled roles in their respective spheres of influence achieved and main tained order. The disorder and chaos which, at the assassination of Caesar overwhelmed the microcosm and pro duced reverberations throughout the whole macrocosm, is symbolized by the currus out of control at the end of the first book (512-51*0 * ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae, addunt in spatia, et frustra retinacula tendens fertur equis auriga neque audit currus habenas. Political, agricultural and macrocosmic disorder are suggested by this picture of the currus over which neither the moderator rei publicae nor the moderator aratri* can A Lucretius uses the phrase moderator aratri twice* first, in reference to the absence of labor during the in fancy of the world when the earth produced luxuriant crops. Lucretius says nec robustus erat curvi moderator aratri / . quisquam (5*993-99^7^ The same line is repeated at 6.1253 in his description of the plague that descended on Athens. I l l 112 exercise or regain effective control and guidancej indeed* the cataclysmic shattering of the whole macrocosm suggested in this currus image is elaboi-ated upon and closely linked by Ovid in the Metamorphoses in a similar figure with the conflagration of the universe caused by Phaethon's inability to control effectively the horses of his father's chariot.^ The first Georgic ends with the not too subtle suggestion by Vergil that the young Caesar (hunc iuvervem, 500) will assume the dictator's role as moderator rei publicae and re store order and prosperity to the state. In the second Georgic this young Caesar is closely linked with Liber pater, an indigenous Italian god whose original agricultural competence as a grain spirit and Baccheia dona are shown to be instrumental in the develop ment of civilization in the Saturnia tellus. The young Caesar's role as civilizer of the world and auctor frugum et potens tempestatum (I.27) is exemplified by his presence on the fringe of the empire, imposing his imperium over the foreign nations, just as the farmers impose their imperium over the fields. Pregnant with Italian nationalism and *0vid Metamorphoses 2,198-205* Hunc puer ut nigri madidum sudore veneni vulnera curvata minitantem cuspide vidit, mentis inops gelida formidine lora remisit. Quae postquam summum tetigere iacentia tergum, exspatiantur equi, nulloque inliibente per auras ignotae regiones eunt, quoque impetus egit, hac sine lege ruunt altoque sub aethere fixis incursant stellis rapiantque per avia currum. Cf, B, Otis, Ovid as an Epic Poet (2nd. ed.t Cambridcot 1970), pp. loB-116. 113 patriotism, this Georgic connects the young Caesar with everything Italian, especially the land and the return of the Saturnia regna through labor. The three laudes of the second Georgic. eulogizing and demarcating Italy as the Saturnia tellus where plants, animals and men can all achieve their acme, anticipate the laus Caesaris which introduces the third Georgic. Although the ostensible subject of the third Georgic is order and control in genetics, education, sex and the life of animals, Vergil1s treatment of the animal world is a commentary on and a reflection of the necessary character and nature of the man (the young Caesar), who will bring back the Saturnia regna of the second Georgic by regaining effective control of the reins of the currus which is out of control at the end of the first Georgic Through his anthropocentric treatment of the animal world, Vergil lays emphasis on those special qualities required of the man who is to give firm direction to the currus— a symbol of both the agricultural and political world. In the third Georgic Vergil turns to t the magister oecoris and pastor whose role, similar to the parallel roles of Jupiter, Sol and Caesar in the first Georgic. is to maintain order and control over the life of the animals. ISee pp. 35-361 56-57. 114 1-2 Invocation to Pales, Apollo and Pan 3-48 Laus Caesarisi celebration of triumph and construction of the temple to Caesar 49-283 Large animals, and control exerted by magistrit 49-156 Control in genetics1 the oestrus 157-241 Control in rearing and educa tion! the battle of the bulls 242-283 Control in sex* amor 284-294 Transitional passage* second invocation to Pales 295-566 Small animals, and control exerted by pastor 295-333 Care of sheep and goats 339-333 Shepherds of Libya, herdsmen of Scythia 384-403 Sheep's wool and goat's milk 404-473 Dangers to flock* the snake 474-566 The plague* the inactivity of pastor and magistri In this book the pastor and magistri exert the same durus labor in their control over the life of the large and small animals that is required of the agricola in his ploughing of the fields and care of the vine. The pastor who sits idly by while the plague ravages the land (454-456), alitur vitium vivitque tegendo, dum medicas adhibere manus ad vulnera pastor abnegat et meliora deos sedet ornina poscens. and the magistri who are unable to supply a remedy for the present diseases (548-550), praeterea iam nec mutari pabula refert, quaesitaeque nocent artesi cessere magistri, Phillyrides Chiron Amythaoniusque Melampus. 115 recall the two previous exemnla of man's ineffectiveness in situations which ended in destruction and chaosi the man who ceases rowing and is carried away by the current (1.199- 203), and the charioteer unable to control his currus (1.512-51*0. Consistent with Vergil's emphasis on the man who will restore order and prosperity, the victor or triumt»hator and currus form a central image in the poetic victory cele brated in the book's proem (1-15)» as they must also in the political and military triumphs of Caesar which represent the historical reality behind the symbolism of the third Georgic, For although Vergil celebrates his poetic victory by assuming the role of the Olympic victor and the triumph ing general, the construction of a temple (16) and his triumphal procession in the quadriga (18) are an unmistakable reflection of the decade in which the Georgies were written. By linking his poetry with the Caesarian triumphs and the intensive building programme during the decade of the Georgies,* Vergil intends that his verse quadriga (the The amount of public building between 44-31 B.C. was phenomenali monuments, which were either erected or restored by Caesarians and Antonians, were not haphazardly selected, but the building operation was calculated to achieve maximum political effect. Cf, below; pp. 156-I631 See also F. Shipley, ’'Chronology of the Building Operations in Rome from the Death of Caesar to the Death of Augustus," MAAR 9 (1931) PP. 7-60. 116 four Georgies)1 and the temple in which Caesar is enshrined in medio (16),' like Apollo in the temple of Apollo Palatinus,2 Bhould glorify and monumentalize in poetry the achievements of Caesar. Furthermore, in this Georgic Vergil indicates that his sympathies lie with the Caesarian party, which, under the protection and guidance of Apollo, will restore the Saturnia regna. 1 In the late fifth century B.C. Choerilus of Samos, recognizing that the traditional heroic mythical epic had been exhausted, abandoned this approach to a theme and turned instead to history, which he terms his newly-yoked chariot. Cf. G. Kinkel, Epicorum Graecorum Fragments (Leipzig! 1877» Frag. 1)» & p/JtKctp, o p t ic 2r)U hcTuou X p6v$v t6piq Aoifirjq Moooauji? -ftepamuPp or* dnripaToq fju ? r i Xciiawu* uuu 6* ot€ TcduTa S^fiaorai, £xoppi h'i 7t€ (pcrra t^xuou, vcrTaTOi aiOTC 6p6|iou xaTaAe i7t6|jL€$' 6uS£ i o n ndvTp 7tanTafuovTa ueoguyec ap[ia TtcAdaaxu. The same metaphor of the chariot referring to poetry appears in the prologue to Callimachus1 Aetia. Cf. R. Pfeiffer, Callimachus. 11 Fragmenta (Oxford* 19^9» 1.22-28)i 'Arit6]AXu)U clrtCU O JJLOl Au HIOQ* ...... ]...aoi6£, t 6 (xlv -OtSoq otti 7raxicrrov ■dpdjrai, Moftcrap 8* As7cmX£YyD* Ttpbq h i ac'J Hal t65* uPujya, Ta TcaT^ooaiv ap,a£ai *r& aTefpej tv, 2t£pu;v ixma |jtfj Jta-9* 6p,a SCcppov firio* oltiov aua 7tXaT6u# dMct HcAetfOouc dTptnToluq, et wal oneLtjuoT£p'nv iAaoeiq Spoken by Apollo to Callimachus, this passage is an attack on Choerilus and all those who succeeded him and who continued to write Homeric epic. Callimachus does not object to Choerilus* change from the mythological to the historical epic, "... but to the ponderous and massive treatment ^of it entailed by the vehicle of hexameter poetry^ . • . the a|jux£a of epic, which would be as heavy as the veo^vyfec app.a , the war chariot, of Choirilus, is neatly contrasted with the lighter carriage of Kallimachos himself, his SCqjpoq (g* Huxley, "Choirilus of Samos," Greek. Roman and Byzantine Studies 10 Q 9693 p. 16), Although'in the proem of Georgic III, a statement of literary principle like the prologue of the Aetia and the epilogue of the Hymn to Apollo (see my later discussion!, Vergil may have in mind the Callimachean metaphor of the chariot, the setting is thoroughly Roman. 2See below, pp. 159-160. 117 The opening note of confident optimism and triumph reflected in the quadriga and templum is constantly challenged throughout the hook by "disastrous realities that create a growing tension within it and produce a movement back and forth from pastoral serenity to brute force."! During the period when Vergil is writing, the'activities of Antony represent that serious challenge to the "pastoral serenity" which the Caesarian restoration of the Saturnia rogna would assure. Both Antony's relationship with Cleopatra and his apparent desire to establish a new civilisation sub alio sole were treated as threatening realities in Caesarian propaganda2 after Antony celebrated a quasi-Roman triumph at Alexandria in 34 B.C. Although the various pacts in the years immediately following the assassination of Caesar out wardly reconciled the fundamental division which was develop ing within the Second Triumvirate,^* the polarization on the 1 S. P. Bovie, "The Imagery of Ascent-Descent in Virgil's Georgies." AJP 77 (1956), P. 349• 2Cf, K. Scott, "Octavian's Propaganda and Antony's De Sua Ebrietatc," CPh 24 (1929), pp. 133-141. See also by the same author "The Political Propaganda of 4*1—30 B.C.," MAAR 11 (1933), PP. 7-49. 3Dio Cassius 49.39-40} Veil. Pat. 2.82.3? Flut. Ant. 50.2. k The struggle for supremacy between Antony and Caesar's adopted son began almost immediately following the murder of the dictator. Cf. T. R. Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire (Oxford* 1928), pp. 14-71 a The Second Triumvirate was^formed in 43 near Bononia amidst an atmosphere of sus picion and distrust on all sides* (Plut. Cic. 46,2? Ant. 18.3? 19.1* Suet. Aug, 96,1? App. BCiv. 4.2.4-5* Dio Cassius -46*54). In 40 the treaty of Brundisium was negotiated by the soldiers 118 part of the two chief members* reflected geographically by Antony's fascination with the East and the young Caesar's calculated association with the West, is accentuated even more by the establishment of Italy as common ground between them. And although in the second Georgic Caesar is on the extreme fringe of the empire safeguarding the Saturnia tellus. in this book he is brought back and enshrined in medio, in a temple which Vergil will construct to glorify and to monu- . raentalize the Caesarian victory over the Antonians. Invocation Antony's attempt to assume the elder Caesar's role in the res -publica. and his challenge to young Caesar's claim to the power and name of his adoptive father are an ominous reality of the decade of the Georgies. The power struggle between Antony and the young Caesar represents the final manifestation of a political duality that had its origin in the appearance of the duo soles in the sky during the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus. Duality is a pervasive theme and partisans of Caesar Octavian and Antony (Veil. Fat. 2.76} Plut. Ant.. 30j App. BCiv. 5*52-64} Dio Cassius 48.15 and 24, 27-28; Cf. Scholia on Horace Serm. 1,5.29} See also Holmes, The Architect, pp. 103-105)* The treaty of Misenum with Sextus Pompey followed in 39 (Plut. Ant. 32} App. BCiv. 5*67- 74; Dio Cassius 48.36-38), and in 37 the Triumvirate was re newed for another five years at Tarentum (App, BCiv. 5*95I Dio Cassius 48.54.6j Cf. also Holmes, The Architect, pp. 112- 113)* The breach between the young Caesar and Antony widened in 37 when the latter sent his legal Roman wife, Octavia, back to her brother (Dio Cassius 48.54.5) and married Cleopatra. (Cf. Holmes, The Architect, pp. 227-2311 “When did Antony Marry Cleopatra?"! 119 in the third Georaic. where the political dichotomy^" created in the microcosm following the death of the elder Caesar is suggested in the two opening lines of the book with an invocation to three deities, two of whom are to be closely associated in contrast with the third (l-2)i Te quoque, magna Pales, et te memorande canemus pastor ab Amphryso, vos, silvae amnesque Lycaei. Pales is a native Italian deity of the flocks and herds whose festivals, the Parilia. was celebrated on April 21st, the foundation day of the city of Rome2 to which Vergil's emphasis on the zodiacal sign Taurus may allude.3 According to Varro the festival was both public and private,^ and Ovid in Fasti 4 distinguishes between the urban (721-734) and the rustic (735-782).^ Apollo, on the other hand, was in origin a Greek godi he tended the-flocks of Admetus, the king of Pherae in Thessaly on the banks of the Amphrysus, and hence is invoked The battle of the bulls (3 • 209-2*1-1) and the battle of the bees (4,88-115) further reflect the political dichotomy of the decade of the Georgies,. p Cicero Div. 2,47,981 urbis nostrap natalem diem repetebat ab iir. Parilibus qu.tbus earn a Romulo conditam accepimus. Cf. Frazer, Fasti, in his comments on 4.721-732, for further references and discussion of the Parilia. ^Cf. my discussion on pp. 48-49} 78* 4 Varro,' apud Schol. in Pers. l,?2i Parilia tarn privata quam publica sunt. c •Tor accounts and discussions of the Parilia see W. V/. Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, pp. 79-84} E. C. Evans, "The Cults of the Sabine Territory," HAAR 11 (1939), pp« 164-168. Cf. also Kurt Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte (Munich; i960), pp. 87-89, 120 here as pastor ab Amphryso. As a pastoral god, Apollo is frequently worshipped in conjunction with Pan, the third 2 god of the invocation. Pan, addressed through vos. silvae amnesque Lycaei. is the custos ovium (1*7)* He was honoured in Arcadia at the Adnata , which, owing to the name, became identified with the Lupercalia.^ But despite Pan's benefac tions he is chiefly regarded as an unpredictable, mainly sexual deity who is often associated with Dionysiac revels, and thus can exemplify uncontrollable frenzy and furor. It is significant to my argument that Apollo is here associated with Pales, at whose festival in April the fertility and increase of the herds are the object of the rituals carried out by the pastores. A close parallelism has been detected between the rites of the Parilia and the festival of Apollo Soranus, the chthonic type of death-bringing Apollo worshipped on Bit. Soracte in the Sabine territory^ 1 Servius ad Verg, Eel. Proem: Alii non Dianae se Apollini Homio consocratum carmen hoc (potmoAi.Au T volunt, quo tempore Admetfregis pavit armenta. Cf, also Theoc. 25*21. 2L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States (Oxford: 1896) A.123. *5 ■'The legend arose that Evander brought with him the worship of Pan from Arcadia and established it at the Lupercal on the Palatine. Cf. Aeneid 8.3^1-3^J Plut, Rom. 21; Ovid Fasti 2,271-282; Livy 1*5*2; Dion. Hal, 1.80; In a lost ode to 2 Pan, Pindar called him "lord of Arcadia," frag. 95*63 ed. Sandys. k Cf. the comment of L. R. Taylor, Local Cults in Etruria. Monograph II of AAR (1923), PP* 88-89, on the com bination of Pales and Apollo at the end of the third Georgic and also in Eclogue 5*35, where Vergil shows both Pales and Apollo leaving the fields at the death of Daphnis (Julius Caesar), 121 north of Rome. Since at the end of the second Georgia (532) Vergil had suggested that the life of the Sabines was to be associated closely with the Saturnia tellus. the appropriateness of this Sabine Apollo cannot be underesti mated. For in the third Georgic Apollo can be considered 1 caeloque Ereboque 00tens, a beneficent god of light and healing and a god of darkness and destruction. Apollo was £Cxcotoq » at once the averter and bringer of evils. Furthermore, he was not only a shepherd god and inhabitant of the fields but also a god of civility, law and order, tempered by reason and control.-^ On the other hand, Pan who is represented as half man and half animal, exemplifies in one of his aspects the opposite— uncontrolled frenzy and furor. The dual and opposing nature and character of these two gods pervades this Georgic. which begins on a note of optimism with the celebration of a two-fold triumph, and ends in severe depression with a plague ravaging and 1 The appropriateness of my borrowed epithet caeloque Ereboque potens is in its reference to Hecate (Aen. ZTTeWT" who was associated closely with Artemis the sister of Apollo. The temple of Apollo at Cumae, like the Palatine temple dedicated by Caesar Octavianin 36 B.C., is connected with both Apollo and his sister Diana, the Roman counterpart of Artemis. 2Cf. Pausanias 1.3»^J 10.11.15s also R. D. Miller, The Origin and Original Nature of Apollo (Philadelphiai 193977 PP.“ 38”and 52. ■^In Arcadia Apollo had the title of n 1 V/. Liebeschuetz, "Beast and Man in the Third Book of Virgil's Georgies." G&R 12 (1965), p. 65. 123 The anthropocentric language of Vergil's extended description of the horse is an indication that he seeks to associate man and beast (95-102)* Hunc quoque, ubi aut morbo gravis aut iam segnior annis deficit, abde domo, nec turpi ignosce senectae. frigidus in Venerera senior, frustraque laborem ingratum trahit, et, si quando ad proelia ventum est, ut quondam in stipulis magnus sine viribus ignis, incassum furit, ergo animos aevumque notabis praecipuei hinc alias artis prolemque parentum et quis cuique dolor victo, quae gloria palmae. Human concerns, such as sickness (morbus), old age (senecta). love (Venus), spirit (animus) and pedigree (proles parentum) are stressed in these lines. After this strong dosage of anthropomorphic references to animals, Vergil shifts his technique in the picture of the chariot race (103-122), the important point of which is that our attention is not directed to the race horse at all* rather it is the behaviour of the young men v/hich occupies the center of the narrative (105-106)* cum spes arrectae iuvenum, exsultantque haurit corda pavor pulsans? Further, it is not the horses but the young men covered with foam from the teams behind them who seek the renown of victory (111-112)* umescunt spumis flatuque sequentum* tantus amor laudum, tantae est victoriae curae. The correspondence and parallel which Vergil develops between animal and human behaviour was a fortunate choice, for it allowed him scope to develop the dual nature v/hich he saw in man. On the one hand, through a sense of - duty and control man is pulled upward by his reason, and on the other hand he lZk is pulled downward by the furor of his uncontrollable spirit. This duality in the make-up of man is closely associated with and complemented by the victory-defeat, ascent- descent imagery v/hich runs throughout the book* enhancing the symbolic struggle between the Apollonian and Pandean sides of man, v/hich in turn is a reflection of the real struggle between Antony and the young Caesar. In this Georgic, the order and control exerted over the animals is reduced to chaos and furor by amor which, unless controlled by the magister or -pastor in the case of animals, or disciplined by reason in the case of man, pulls both man and animals into defeat, a defeat visibly and geographically represented by the plague at the end of the book. Laus Caesaris The exultant prologue of the third Georgic hails the advent of Caesar, whose role and even identity in the prologue of the first Georgic was ambiguous. The Caesar in this prologue is clearly the young Caesar (huno iuvenem. 1.500), whose role as civilizer and protector of the Saturnia tellus in the second Georgic diametrically opposed him to Antony, whose career and fascination with the East represented a threat to the development of Italian civilization. In the second Georgic (17^-176), Vergil asserted that his poetic campaign to Romanize Hesiod complemented the 125 military campaign of Caesar to bring peace and prosperity to the Saturnia tellus. In the third Georgia the association between the literary and military campaigns of Vergil and Caesar is continued* for both the poet and the general cele brate a triumph for their respective victories and construct a temple. A structural and thematic analysis of the pro logue reveals the close relationship and commingling of the poetic and political triumphs and temple construction of Vergil and Caesar: 1-9 Invocation to Apollo, Pales and Pan, followed by announcement of Vergil's literary intention 10-39 Celebration of triumph and construction of temple 10-15 Vergil's triumph over the Muses 16-25 The temple, triumphal procession, and scenic games 26-3^ The doors of the temple: scenes depicting Caesar's victox'ies at Actium and over Parthia and Armenia 35-39 Statues inside the temple: Trojan ancestors of Caesar, and Invidia infelix AO-Jl-8 Return to discussion of his present literary endeavors with the help of Maecenas After the invocation to Pales, Apollo and Pan, which we have already considered, Vergil turns immediately to a discussion of his poetic endeavors. Rejecting mythological subjects as worn-out themes, he declines to write that mythological type of Alexandrian poetry v/hich deals with such 126 figures as Eurystheus, Hercules, Hylas, Leto and Pelops (lt-8).1 quis aut Eurythea durum aut inlaudati nescit Busiridis aras? cui non dictus Hylas puer et Latonia Delos Hippodameque umeroquc Pelops insignis eburno, acer equis? By implication Vergil also rejects the type of epic written by Ennius (8-9) t temptanda via est, qua me quoque possim tollere humo vietorque virum volitare per ora. The phrase virum volitare -per ora (9 ) not only recalls the famous epitaph which Ennius wrote for himself but it is also Vergil's assertion that he intends to rival Ennius, the father of Latin poetry, in the field of epic. Vergil sees himself as attempting a new province of poetry in the Georgies by leading the Muses of Helicon to the Saturnia tellus (10-11)x 3 primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 1 The myth of Eurystheus imposing the twelve labours on Hercules was treated by Theocritus (Id. 25), and the story of Busiris, the king of Egypt who was killed by Hercules, by Callimachus (Frag. ^5-^7 Pf»). The legend of Hylas was a- nothcr favourite Alexandrian subject treated by Apoll, Rhod., Argon. 1.120?ff., Theocritus, Id;* 13, and Callimachus, frag. 596 Pf. Leto occupies an important position in the Hymn to Delos by Callimachus. Ennius apparently wrote the following epitaph him self (Vahlen^ Varia 17)* nemo me lacrimans decoret nec funera fletu faxit cur? volito vivu* per ora virum. ^This lino recalls Lucretius" description of Ennius (1.170) as the man rjui primus arioeno / detulit ex Helicone per- enni fronde coronam 7~nor gontes Italas hominum quae clara clu- eret. Cf. also Luer. 1.92? and Horace Carm, 3,30,13. 127 Prom his choice of words we can see that Vergil as poet assumes the role of the victor (12-22)i primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas, et viridi in campo templum de marmore^ponam propter aquam, tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat Mincius et tenera praetexit harundine ripas. 15 in medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit* illi victor ego et Tyrio conspectus in ostro centum quadriiugos agitabo ad flumina currus. cuncta mihi Alpheum linquens lucosque Molorchi cursibus et crudo decernet Graecia caestu. 20 ipse caput tonsae foliis ornatus olivae dona feram. In these lines Vergil has been influenced by Pindar who, referring to his poetry in the language of architecture, constructs a verse temple to immortalize and glor’.fy a victor of the Pythian games (Pythian 6.1-18)t orp«, & 'AKOuaaT** rj y&P IX iw jntSoq 'AcppoStTaq dpoupau XapCruju duanoX Cto[.ici>, 6|jwpaXbv lpipp6|jtou X-Ooubq lc udlou 7tpog-oix6p.f.voi • IIu-5H<5uiK0q eu-S* b X p io icrtu aE p p ,£ u (6 a iq 5 TCOTap-fot t* ’AKpaYauTt wal p.au HevoKpaTct ItoTjioc; upuu>u Orio-aupbq lu TtoXvxpuaip 'AnoXXuju tg te (xlO^Tttl V{X7r OTp* p' t£>U oGtC X£ tt-L^ptOQ SflppOQ IttaKT&Q IXfluuUjlO Ip tppbuou vEtplXaq orpaT&Q dpeCXixoc, o u t * dvcpoq Iq ixuxoiK; aAdq &£otcn 7ta|icpopip TurcTop.cuou. cpac t 8£ 7rp6auj7tou lu Ha-&aptp 7taTp\ Tetp, GpacrupouXc, wotudu te yevtql 15 XdYOiai ^uaTuiu e u 8 o £ou appaTi utwav KpioaCaic lul KTuxaiq dwxYYcAEU Following the example of Pindar, v/ho begins this Pythian ode by describing his song as Ito T jio q ujivwv STiaaupdq (7-6) 128 and continues his architectural metaphor to line 14, where he refers to the facade ( rtpdourrtoi) ) of a temple, Vergil begins by describing his poetic intent and achievements in the persona of a Pindaric victor and then spells out the construction of a temple, which I suggest is the Georgies in honour of Caesar* Furthermore, the Pindaric metaphor of the chariot of song (1?) is employed, since the hundred four- horsed chariots that Vergil drives are his own verses.2 But Pindar, like Hesiod in the second Georgic. is here trans planted onto Italian soilj for Vergil has added a new and significant dimension to the Pindaric scene that presents victory as an architectural metaphor. Vergil's symbolic victory in poetry is closely linked with Caesar's real (or impending) triumph in the political sphere. For Vergil, like the triumphant general Caesar, returns to Italy to celebrate his triumph and to construct a temple. Carrying the palm which was placed by the triumphator in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus as a symbol of his victory,-^ and 4 In referring to his song as •8riaaop<5c; (7) Pindar "has in mind the treasure houses on the steep and lofty ledge of Delphi past v/hich the chorus passes as it sing3." C, M. Bowra, Pindar (Oxford: 1964), p. 21. Cf, also R. Burton, Pindar's Pythian Odes (Oxford: 1962), P» 17, who says that the phrase up-vum -&T|cravpaq . . . a lumen ingenii . . . owes its origin to the vision of the treasuries erected along the path of the procession." Burton also says in a note that Vergil probably had the sixth Pythian or other such Pindaric passages in mind when he wrote these early lines of the third Georgic. 2Pindar 01. 6.22f.| 9*81i Fyth. 10.65i Nem. 1 *71 Isthm, 2.If.i Cf, also Wilkinson, Georgies, p. 167. 3 -'The palm branch carried by the victors in Greece, and the practice was introduced into Rome in 293 B.C., according to Page, Georgica. p. 291. 129 wearing the Tyrian purple (Tvrio conspectus in ostro). the toga picta of the triumphator. Vergil leads the captive Muses of Helicon in procession. Instead of, the traditional laurel wreath, Vergil wears a wreath of olives symbolizing the return of peace.* Vergil brings sacrifices to the temple which has been constructed in honour of Caesar; furthermore, part of his triumph includes ludi which formed a traditional part of the ceremonies celebrated by the victorious general on his return (22-25)» iam nunc sollemnis ducere pompas ad delubra iuvat caesosque videre iuvencos, vel scaena ut versis discedat frontibus utque purpurea intexti tollant aulaea Britanni. Although in these opening lines Vergil may have been influ enced by Pindar, the dominant emphasis on the triumphator and on the construction of the templum has a more immediate and contemporary source of inspiration in the political atmosphere of the decade of the JO's. The extensive building programme carried out by the Caesarians and Antonians during this period supplied Vergil with contemporary and literal examples; consequently Vergil, emulating the triumph ant military princers of the period who returned to Rome to construct or to rebuild a public monument as a notice of his victory, enters the competition by declaring that he too will build a temple. The visual and connotative aspect of this opening *Cf.my discussion above on the significance of the olive in the second Georgic. pp. 102-103, 130 prologue centered around the young Caesar and Apollo would without doubt strike Vergil's contemporaries, in particular the young Caesar, as being both appropriate and relevant to the Caesarian mission. For the main features and arrange ment of the temple which Vergil proposes to build bear a remarkable resemblance to the temple of Apollo which the young Caesar vowed to Apollo in 36 B.C. and dedicated on the Palatine on October 9» 23 B.C. The close correspondence between these two edifices is suggested by a comparison with Propertius' description of the notable features of the actual temple of Apollo and its portico at its dedication. First, the temple of Apollo Palatinus, like the Vergilian temple to Caesar, was constructed of marble*^ turn medium claro surgebat marmore templum (Prop. 2.31.9 ) et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam (G. 3*13) Second, each temple had a set of double doors* the panels on the doors of the temple of Apollo Palatinus represented the power and triumph of Apollo (Prop. 2.31,12-14)* et valvae, Libyci nobile dentis opusj altera deiectos Parnasi vertice Gallos, altera maerebat funera Tantalidos. Cf. D. L. Drew, "Virgil's marble Temple* Georgies III. 10-39," CQ. 18 (1924), pp. 195-202, for a comparison between Vergil's temple and the temple of Apollo.Palatinus as described by Propertius. Although the use of marble in buildings was not new during this period, marble increasingly came to reflect the empire. The famous quarries at Luna were opened during the middle of the first century B.C., and Augustus employed marble, especially Luna marble in his building programme. For the white Luna marble used in the temple of Apollo Palatinus see also Verg. Aen. 6 .69* 8.720; Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 8,720} Ovid Tr. 3.1.60. 131 These two panels, the one historical depicting Apollo's aid in routing the invading Gauls from Delphi in 278 B.C., and the other mythological representing the killing of the chil dren of Niobe by Apollo and his sister Diana, display the ac tivities of an Apollo whose righteous anger is justifiably unleashed against his offenders. Appearing on each panel 1 probably as the archer who came to the young Caesar's aid at Actium, Apollo's exploits suggest the young Caesar's righteous and divinely inspired assistance in the defeat of Antony and Clepatra, Antony's outrages against the Roman character and religious concepts, while not to be compared literally with those of the Gauls at Delphi, are nonetheless violent and needful of control by the supremely rational Apollo. Cleopatra, a queen no less overindulgent of her pride than Niobe, is similarly reduced to disastrous straits by Apollo's agency. The young Caesar's defeat of Antony and Cleopatra is the subject of the scenes on the door-panels of Vergil's temple to Caesar (26-33)1 in foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto Gangaridum faciam victorisque anna Quirini, atque hie undantem bello magnumque fluentem Nilum ac navali surgentis aere columnas. addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque Niphaten fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis; et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentis. 4 J. Gage, Apollo romain ("Bibl, Ec. fran. Ath. et Rome" 182 [ 1955] ), P. 537. 132 On the doors of this temple in solid gold and ivory, Vergil will depict Caesar's military campaigns and victories over the Gangarides at Actium and in Egypt (27-29), and the de- A feated Asian peoples in Armenia (30) and in Parthia (31). Like Apollo on the temple of Apollo Palatinus, the young Caesar appears in his role as triunvphator and victor over his enemies who challenged his power and position. Although Vergil's marble temple with its gold and ivory doors bears a resemblance to the temple of Apollo Palatinus, the statuary located inside each temple represents Apollo very differently. Propertius in 2.31 showed Apollo as player of the lyre and thus "in his peaceful capacity as the patron of the Muses 2 and poets." thie equidem Fhoebo^visus mihi pulchrior ipso marmoreus tacita carmen hiare lyra; (5-6) deinde inter matrem deus ipse interque sororem Pythius in longa carmine veste sonat. (15-16) 1Cf. the description of the triple triumph on Aeneas' shield, Aen. 3.720-?28i ipse sedens n.iveo candentis limine Phoebi dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, quam variae linguis, habitu tarn vestis et armis. hie Nomadum genus et discinctos Mulciber Afros hie Lelegas Carasque sagittifcrosque Gelonos finxerat; Euphrates ibat iam mollior undisj extremique hominum Morini, Rhenusque bicornisj indomitique Dahae et pontem indignatus Araxes. 2 0. L. Babcock, "Horace Carm. I.32 and the Dedication of the Temple of Apollo Palatinus," CP 62 (1967), p. 190. 133 In Vergiltemple to Caesar, hoy/ever, Apollo is Troiae Cvnthius auctor (3**—36)*^ stabunt et Parii lapides, spirantia signa, Assaraci proles demissaeque ab love gentis nomina, Trosque parens et Troiae Cynthius auctor. As the auctor Troiae. Apollo, along with Neptune, helped Laomedon to build the walls of Troy. Vergil, however, has introduced the auctor Troiae as it reflects Apollo's role in the development and patronage of the new Rome. Apollo is the auctor of the Caesarian victory over the Gangarides at Actium, and hence his presence in the sanctuary of Vergil's temple takes on greater political and propagan- distic significance. Although Vergil has chosen to evoke the more militant aspect of Apollo as Apollo Actius represented on the door-panels of the temple of Apollo Palatinus, he has suggested a link between Apollo's role as auctor of Caesar's victory and the more peaceful role and function of Caesar as moderator rei publicae and auctor frugum et potens tempestatum. *Cf. Hcmer Iliad 20.215ff. for the lineage here described. For a contemporary reference to Apollo as auctor of Troy, see Horace Carm. 3*3.66. 2 For the more peaceful nature of Apollo Actius as citharoedus. see J. Gage, Apollo romain, pp. 51*1—515 and plate vi. Cf. also Babcock, "Horace Carm. 1.32," p. 193, note 11, 13^ The representation of Xnvidia infelix (37)» cowering in fear of those condemned to torment in the underworld (39)» sharply contrasts with the mood of confidence and domination suggested and visually represented in the prologue until this point (37-39)» Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum Cocyti metuet tortosque Ixionis anguis immanemque rotara et non exsuperabile saxum. In a reference to a passage in Lucretius where invidia is understood as one of the forces that provokes revolution in society and hastens the establishment of a stable monarchy, •i and at the same time defends the city against tyranny, Grimal suggests that invidia infelix must refer to the political enemies of Caesar Octavian, in particular Antony, "l'homme violent par excellence, le contempteur des lois."2 Horace in Carm. 3 * by analogy related the enemies of Caesar to the rebellious Titans who conspired to overthrow the civilized rule of the Olympian gods and restore the rule of force and violence (^9-56)* magnum ilia terrorem intulerat lovi fidens iuventus horrida brachiis fratresque tendentes opaco Pelion imposuisse Olympo. sed quid Typhoeus et validus Mimas, aut quid minaci Porphyrion statu, quid Rhoetus evolsisque truncis Enceladus iaculator audax. _^P. Grimal, "Invidia infelix et la 'conversion* de Virgiie," Hommages J_. Bayet, Collection Latomus 70 (196^), p. 251. 2Ibid.. p. 252. 135 After appealing to Apollo to restore order and control (6l-64)i qui rore puro Castaliae lavit crinis solutos, qui Lyciae tenet dumeta natalemque silvam, Delius et Patareus Apollo* the poem ends (65-80) with examples of the universal princi ple "that brute force, devoid of judgement, produces its own destruction." The cruel punishments inflicted on such 2 offenders as Gyges, Orion, Tityos and Pirithous recall the tortures which the defeated will suffer for their actions against Caesar, the auctor frugum et potens tempestatum. the passage that so abruptly changes the mood of the prologue to "this Georgic (37-39)* Although the outlines of the real political situation of the 30's and of the struggle between Antony and Caesar begin to emerge in both Horace and Vergil, both poets "swerve away into a mythological parable of the Giants battling against the Olympians."'* Nevertheless, the parable serves as warning to Caesar's opponents of the inevitable victory of law, order and reason over brute force, irrational violence and furor, in short, the victory of Apollo over Pan. ^G. Y/illiams, The Third Book of Horace's Odes (Oxford* 1969), P. 52. n Although Gyges* (69) crime and fate are unknown, the other three offenders, Orion (70), Tityos (77), and Pirithous (80), all committed sexual crimes. "Considering to whom the Ode is addressed, and whose victories are being described, there can be little doubt who the fallen foe hinted at is — the Roman Antony who had perished in the meshes of Clepatra." T. E. Page, Iloratii Placci Carninum Libri IV (Londoni 1895), p * 322 * ■^Williams, Horace's Odes, p, 5^» 136 Although the interpretation of invidia as a reference to the political enemies of the young Caesar has been willingly accepted, the association of invidia is significantly broader, Equally important and operative in this context is the invidia that the poet suffers. Once again the Apollonian connections and associations are impor tant, for it is quite possible that Vergil has in mind at this point Callimachus' Hymn to Apollo, in which Callimachus, like Vergil, appears to be discussing a principle of his poetics (105-113)* 6 fl'Sduoq *Ait<5?vXa;uoq I tc* oucitcc X d 9 p i o q cT-rccv* *o6>{ cvyaiicu t6v>doi56u 6ct oijS* oua 7rduToc deffiei,* t6i> Callimachus is rejecting, on the advice of Apollo, that type of poetry v/hich is long and muddy (Homer), and condoning poetry v/hich springs from a holy fountain and is pure and ■1 undefiled. In connection v/ith this statement of poetic purpose, it is interesting that tv/o of Vergil's important sources should be highly regarded by Callimachus as writing the type of poetry of v/hich Apollo approved (Epigram 28 Pf.)i 'H cubSov t 6 t* actapa xal 6 rp b x o q * 0 6 t6d doiSwu tSaxaTor, &XA* 6xv£u> pi'i t 6 iieXixp^Tarov tujv cntwv 6 EoAefcq dTtciidSaro* xa (p€TC XexTaC (Srjcrieq, *Ap^T 0 u cnSnpoAou d/yprm* CriC. *0ther indications of this literary quarrel of Callimachus are found in the prologue of the Aetia and in Epigram 21 Pf. 137 The reminiscence of the Callimachean literary quarrel is quite appropriate to the Georgies at this point, for Vergil discussed his own poetic invention in the opening lines of this prologue; indeed, Vergil may have disagreed with Maecenas over some matters of literary technique and inten tion (40-*h5)i interea Dryadum silvas saltusque sequamur intactos, tua, Maecenas, haud mollia iussat te sine nil altum mens incohat. en age segnis rumpe moras; vocat ingenti clamore Cithaeron Taygetique canes domitrixque Epidaurus equorum, et vox adsensu neinorura ingeminata remugit, I do not believe that Maecenas "ordered" Vergil to write the Georgies, however much importuning there may have been; rather, Vergil may only mean that it is no easy task to write a pastoral poem that will be beneficial to the state and to man. Nevertheless, Vergil encourages himself in his undertaking, informing Maecenas that he is now girding himself to sing of the nugnae Caesaris (46—^8)s mox tamen ardentis accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris et nomen fama to ferre per armos, Tithoni prima quot abest ab origine Caesar. Rather than referring to the Aeneid, as the traditional inter pretation would have it,* these lines are better suited to J . W. Duff, A Literary History of Rome from the Origins to the Close of the Golden Age (New Yorki 1909)* p. 326. W. Y/imrnel, Kallimachus in Rom. Die Nachfalgc seines apologetischen Dichtens in der Augustcerzeit (Weisbadem i960), p. 186, suggests that the templum (l61) refers to the Aeneid. Likewise G. I£. Duckworth, Structural Patterns and Proportions in Vergil's Aeneid (Ann Arbor: 1962), pp. 1^-15, suggests that Vergil has actually fulfilled his desire to portray Caesar in medio (16) in the Aeneid. 138 Vergil's poetic intention in the Georgies, written during the decade of the nugnae Caesaris for supremacy} in this Georgic the battle of the bulls and the battle of the bees in the fourth Georgic are the symbolic description of the political struggle between Antony and Caesar for supremacy in the state. Vergil's military image of girding himself for his poetic campaign (46-4?)i accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris et nomen fama tot ferre per annos, closely connects his poetic endeavors under the guidance of Apollo v/ith the political campaigns and triumphs of Caesar under the tutelage of Apollo (32-33)* et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentis. Vergil's poetic triumph, like Caesar's military triumph, represents a military victory for Italian nationalism and patriotism; in the second Georgic we have already noted Vergil's poetic campaign in Italy to Romanize Hesiod as complementing the young Caesar's military campaigns against the enemies of Rome, Thus, when Vergil refers in these lines to duo tropaea, he may in fact be referring to the respective victor ies of himself and the young Caesar, Furthermore, Vergil is responding to Caesarian propaganda by suggesting the divine descent of Caesar and by placing him under the tutelage of Apollo. Although the theme of triumph, introduced in the prologue, is continued in the description of the chariot race (103-122), the sudden descent in tone at the end of the 139 prologue with invidia infelix is the first of a series of physical and mental pictures of defeat and depression which challenge the.role of Apollo and Caesar. The sections on the oestrus (1^5-156), the battle of the bulls (209-2M ) and amor (2^2-283) build up to the final picture of defeat and descenti the plague which creates havoc and disorder in the land, in the animals, and in man himself. The ascendant and upward pull towards victory and triumph, and the descending and down ward pull towards defeat are the two forces which Vergil sees at work not only in the world during the decade of the 30's, but also in the character of man. Apolloi the God of Order and Control A more detailed analysis of the third Georgic shows that Apollo and Pan symbolically reflect the two forces operative in the life cycle of the anir'als, and hence, by implication, in man. Apollo stands for reason and control. An important word in this connection is dominare.* The word first appears in the prologue referring to the victories of Caesar over the Asian cities, and then in Vergil*s exhortation to himself when he says that he is going to tell of Epidaurus domitrix equorum (AA). The principle of control and selection in breeding is introduced as necessary to achieve the best results (63-65)1 *See lines 30* 89, 16^, 206, 539. H o interea, superat gregibus dura laeta iuventas, solve maresj mitte in Venerem pecuaria primus, atque aliam ex alia generando suffice prolem. The imperative and admonitory quality of this passage is <1 but a reflection of the general tone of the book. The magistri (118ff,) are to exercise equal control whether .they breed racers or chargers. The young calves must be schooled and they must enter on a path of training (164-165)* iam vitulos hortare viamque insiste domandi, dum faciles animi iuvenum, dum mobilis aetas. The young horse must also be subject to control, otherwise it will become too full of spirit and will not submit to the reins (206-208)* namque ante domandum ■ ingentis tollent animos, prensique negabunt verbera lenta pati et duris parere lupatis. The description of’the chariot race not only continues the Olympic and triumphal imagery of the prologue but also establishes the theme of control and order (103-122)* nonne vides, cum praecipiti certamine campum corripuere, ruuntque effusi carcere currus, cum spes adrectae iuvenum, exsultantiaque haurit 105 corda pavor pulsans? illi instant verbere torto et proni dant lora, volat vi fervidus axis* iamque humiles, iamque elati sublime videntur aera per vacuum ferri atque adsurgere in auras. nec mora nec requies; at fulvae nimbus harenae 110 tollitur, umescunt spumis flatuque sequentum* tantus amor laudum, tantae est victoria curae. primus Erichthonius currus et quattuor ausus iungere equos rapidusque rotis insistere victor. frena Pelethronii Lapithac gyrosque dedere 115 impos.iti dorso, atque equitem docuere sub armis insultare solo et gressus glomerare superbbs. aequus uterque labor, aeque iuvenemque magistri ^Wilkinson, Georgies, p. 92. 1*H exguirunt calidumque animis et cursibus acremj quamvis saepe fuga versos ille egerit hostis 120 et patriam Epirum referat fortisque Mycenas, Neptunique ipsa deducat origin© gentem. In this passage the competitive spirit and the desire for victory are a central image (112)t tantus amor laudum, tantae est victoria curae. But it is through training and careful breeding that the best racers and chargers are obtained for the race. In an aetiological passage (113-122) we learn that Erichthonius was the first who dared (primus . • . ausus, 113) to join four steeds to the chariot. This aetion recalls the earlier contest of Vergil himself who claimed to be the first (primus) to capture the Aonian Muses and to carry the Idumaean palm in triumph to Mantua (10-12), In the second Georgic Vergil referred to his own daring of undertaking the conquest of Greek literature (17^-176)t tibi res antiquae laudis et artem ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontis, Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen. In the opening proem of the Georgies. Vergil prays for a facilis cursus to his bold enterprise (the Georgies) (1.^0)t da facilem cursum, atque audacibus adnue coeptis( The emphasis on labor and control is stressed as the prelude to the victory of Erichthonius. It is significant that Erichthonius, in contrast to the charioteer of the first Georgic (512-51*0, wins because of his control and mastery over the horse. The labor of the chariot drivers who have no respite, nec mora nec reouies (110), recalls the life of 1^2 the agricola as described in the laus ruris (2.513-516)i agricola incurvo terrain dimovit aratroi hie anni labor, hinc patriam parvosque nepotes sustinetj hinc armenta bourn meritosque iuvencos. nec requies . . . Since it was the labor of Erichthonius in breeding and in training his horses that made the victory possible (118),* aequus uterque labor, aeque iuvenemque magistri Vergil has symbolically developed a relationship between the first charioteer (Erichthonius) and the young Caesar who has come to be the driver of the currus which in the first Georgic (512-51*0 was shown careening wildly along after the assassination of the elder Caesar. The currus of the first Georgic. whether it be the chariot or the plough, is now firmly under the oontrol of the charioteer, agricola or moderator aratri. whose disparate roles find resolution in Erichthonius, a chariot driver, born of the earth. Just as Vergil has described the agricola and his labor in the persona of the miles and the extension of the Roman imperium over the earth, so the charioteer and his labor can be linked with the main- tenence of order and control in the microoo sm. Thus, for Page, Georgica. p. 302 on line 118i "labor is not so much the task of training good racers and chargers as the whole task of procuring them, in which training only takes a secondary place and breeding the foremost. Magistri is strictly ’trainers;* but it is not for training purposes that they look out for a young and vigorous animal. The distinc tion between breeders and trainers • . . was probably unknown to Virgil and he speaks of the two classes and their *work' (labor) as identical." 1^3 Vergil, the currus becomes a symbol for the state, and the charioteer the moderator rei publicae. It is perhaps more than mere coincidence that the chariot of Sol was placed on the roof of the temple of Apollo Palatinus (Propertius 2.31*72)* in quo Solis erat supra fastigia currus. or that coins should be minted depicting the young Caosar as moderator aratri. Pan* the God of Furor Despite the emphasis on control and order in the education and up-bringing of the animal and on the domination of the spirit, the opposing force of frenzy and furor is emphasized in successive pictures of chaos and vio lence! each picture builds in force and emotion to the final section on amor, which ends the first half of the book. The first instance of frenzy and furor appears in a section where Vergil seems simply to be indulging in a linguistic comparison between Latin and Greek (1^-6-156)* est lucos Silari circa ilicibisque virentem plurimus Alburnum volitans, cui nomen asilo Romanum est, oestrum Grai vertere vocantes, asper, acerba sinans, quo tota exterrita silvis diffigiunt armentaj furit mugitibu3 aether 150 concussus silvaeque et sicci ripa Tanagri. hoc quondam monstro horribilis exercuit iras Inachiae Iuno pestem meditata iuvencae, H. Mattinglyi Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum (London* 1923), vol. I. p. 10^ ;/638,"0 3 9 6Vl, 642, Obverses head of Octavian as Apollo. Reverse* Octavian veiled and laureate, drawing a yoke of oxen right, holding plough handle in right hand and whip in left. IMP.Caesar in ex. hunc quoque (nam mediis fervoribus acrior instat) arcebis gravido pecori, arnientaque pasces 155 sole recens orto aut noctem ducentibus astris, The uncontrollabe frenzy caused by the oestrus stands in sharp contrast to the peaceful and quiet surroundings in which the cow is grazing (140-1^5)• The legend recalled is the story of Io, who was loved by Zeus and turned into a heifer by her lover to escape the rage of Hera, But Hera in turn sent the gad-fly, which drove Io mad, causing her to wander about the world until she arrived in Egypt, Vergil’s description of the wanderings of Io evokes a picture of dis organized terror and furor. Furthermore, Vergil’s choice of the myth of Io, with its eastern associations, especially with Egypt, has political overtones. Although Vergil is not explicit in the passage, he may perhaps be pointing to Octavian's excellent opportunities for propaganda. As Octavian came to realize, perhaps through Vergil, the Cleopatra-Antony association was a convenient political handle for an attack on Antony. "The propaganda of Octavianus ma gnified Cleopatra beyond all measure and decency . » ; she was made a Fury— fatale monstrum."1 (Horace Carm. 1*37.21), In the third Geor^ic Vergil may in fact be pro ducing Caesarian propaganda against Cleopatra. Without Cleopatra and her children, Alexander-Helios and Cleopatra- Selene, the propaganda of Octavian would have had to rely on A R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxfordi 1939), p. 2?5, It is important to note that Dio Cassius states that the Romans declared war against Cleopatra, not Antony (50.6), 145 "inferior expedients, mere detestation of eastern monarchies and prejudice against the allies of his rival.The magnificent lie, according to Syme, upon which was built the supremacy of Caesar's heir and the resurgent nation of Italy, may perhaps find its surviving seed in the third Georgio. and in particular, in the scenes of frenzy and furor. The second picture of uncontrollable furor is found in the battle of the bulls (209-241). In the sexual passion of the bulls Vergil finds something savage, pugnacious and destructive. Sexual preoccupation is of great danger to the efficiency of both cattle and horses, and the sight of the female in particular wastes away the strength of the male (215- 217). Vergil describes the fight of the bulls over the female in terms reminiscent of the lover's quarrel in love elegy. The defeated bull departs for the pastoral wilderness where he yearns to return to his native land (224-228)* sed alter victus abit longeque ignotis exultat oris, multa gemens ignominiam plagasque superbi victoris, turn quos amisit inultus amores, et stabula aspectans regnis excessit avitis. O Vergil is not parodying the elegiac form as Ovid might do. *Syme, Roman Revolution, p. 275. 2 E. W, Leach, "Georgic Imagery in the Ars Amatoria," TAPA 95 (1964), pp. 142-154. Ovid parodies the elegiac form, but he also makes a parody of much imagery in the Georgies. "Throughout books 1 and 2 Ovid illustrates his doctrines of love with, imagery that provides a constant metaphorical equation between the nature and conduct of women and that of animals," p. 144. The image of the hunt and the comparison of women and their love to fields, crops and harvests is a recurrent theme of the Ars Amatoria. 1 k6 but rather he seems to be in serious disagreement with the attitudes and trend of Roman poetry in the hands of the lyric and elegiac poets, sometimes called novi poetae. who aban doned in their poetry "service of the community for a more esoteric, more purely poetic kind of poetry." To Vergil as well as "to Cicero these poets were disqualified from the claim of having 'Romanized' the Alexandrians by their emotional and subjective approach,The themes and attitudes of their poetry reflect their personal emotions of love and hate, and rebellion against the customs of their ancestors. Inspiration and order in their poetry and life was centered around amor. But for Vergil amor was a disrup tive force which corrupted order and pulled men down into chaos. Indeed the furor / amor association in the Aeneicl gives significant insight into the attitude of Vergil in contrast to that of the novi poetae. Vergil saw a close In phraseology recalling his admonition to the fanner, labor omnia vicit (1.145), Vergil indicates in Eclogue 10 that there is no escape from love (71)* omnia vicit Amor, et nos cedamus Amori. Although this Eclogue is a tribute to a fellow poet, Callus, his friend's servitium to amor is not unlike the servitium amoris of Catullus, Tibullus and Propertius. In this Eclogue, according to Otis, Virgil, p. A22, Vergil "is taking his leave of love, of amatory sentiment such as Gallus used • • The center of his real devotion, the goal of his true poetic instinct is not Amor'and its service but the new Romanitas rep resented by Octavain, the new spirit at work in the world under the star of the deified Caesar and that actual praesens deus. the youth of Eclogue 1." 2 K. Quinn, The Catullan Revolution (Cambridge* 1959), p. 26. % 1. P. 0 . Morford, "Ancient and Modern in Cicero's Poetry," CPh 62 (15)67), p. 112, 1 4 7 relationship between poetry and the communityi Octavian quickly came to realize the political wisdom and value of 1 poetry, especially that of Vergil. The third passage in the series of pictures of frenzy and furor deals with amor. Amor affects man and beast alike (244)* the effects of durus amor on man stand at the center of the passage (256-263)* quid iuvenis, magnum cui versat in ossibus^ignem durus amor? nempe abruptis turbata procellis nocte nata caeca serus freta, quem super ingens porta tonat caeli, et scopulis inlisa reclamant aequora; nec miseri possunt revocare parentes, nec moritura super crudeli funero virgo. Amor represents the civil conflict of the heart where instinct wars with routine and controlj furthermore, amor is the impetus of the tension which has been building up throughout this first section of the book. Each animal is driven by amor to act in a manner contrary to some normal or customary routine* the lioness, forgetful of her cubs, wanders fiercely about the plain (245-246)* tempore non alio catulorum oblita laeana saevior erravit campis, A From Suetonius (Aug. 89) we learn what Augustus' views poetry were* "his chief interest in the literature of both languages was the discovery of moral precepts, with suitable anecdotes attached, capable of public and private application! and he would transcribe passages of this sort for the attention of his generals or provincial governors, whenever he thought it necessary. He even read whole volumes aloud to the Senate, and issued proclamations commending them to the people . . . Augustus gave all possible encouragement to intellectuals* he would polite ly and patiently attend readings not only of their poems and historical works, but of their speeches and dialogues! yet he ob jected to be made the theme of any work unless the author were known as a serious and reputable writer." (quoted from the Penguin translation by R. Graves). lkQ the hear and tigress become fiercer than normal (2^7-2^8)i tam multa informes ursi stragemque dedere per silvas» The horse, once submissive to the reins, no longer responds to the bit and whip (250-25^)1 nonne vides ut tota tremor pertemptet equorum corpora, si tantum notas odor attulit auras? ac neque eos iam frena virum neque verbera saeva, non scopuli rupesque cavae ataue obiecta retardant flumina correptosque unda torquentia montis. Although the story of Hero and Leander occupies the center of the passage, Vergil raises the whole incident to a generic level by not naming the participants* as a result the section tsdces on universal proportions, , The mythical story of the horses of Glaucus driven mad by Venus completes the passage (266-283)* scilicet ante omnis furor est insignis equarum; et mentem Venus ipsa dedit, quo tempore Glauci Potniades malis membra absumpsere quadrigae, illas ducit amor trans Gargara transque sonantem Ascanium; superat montis et flumina tranant, 2?0 continuoque avidis ubi subdita flamma medullis (vere magis, quia vere calor redit ossibus), illae ore omnes versae in Zephyrum stant rupibus altis, exceptantque levis auras, et saepe sine ullis coniugiis vento gravidae (mirabile dictu) 275 saxa per et scopulos et depressae convallis diffugiunt, non, Eure, tuos neque solis ad ortus, in Borean Caurumque, aut unde nigerrimus Auster nascitur et pluvio contristat frigore caelum, his demum, hippomanes vero quod nomine dicunt 280 pastores, lentum destillat ab inguine virus, hippomanes, quod saepe malae legere novercae miscuerunt herbas et non innoxia verba, Vergil characterizes the madness with the word furor, the 149 single appearance of the word in this Georgic.* The frenzied horses, racing up and down the hills, across the rivers, and from one end of the world to the other, represent a picture of complete and total confusion sur passing even that caused by the oestrus, because the horse is an animal that can be trained and controlled. This dramatic picture of the once disciplined horse brings a descending and defeatist note to the motif of domination and control, just as invidia infelix at the end of the prologue challenged the confident optimism of the trtumnhator. At the moment of depression, Vergil suddenly breaks off with the assertion that he himself has been a victim of love canti amore (285) since his theme, amor, has caused him to spell out the details at too great length (284-294)i Sed fugit interea, fugit inreparabile tempus, singula dum capti circumvectamur amore. hoc satis armentis: superat pars altera curae, lanigeros agitare greges hirtasque capellasj hie labor, hinc laudem fortes sperate coloni. nec sum animi dubius verbis ea vincere magnum quam sit et angustis hunc addere rebus honoremj sed me Parnasi deserta per ardua dulcis raptat amorj iuvat ire iugis, qua nulla priorum Castaliam molli devertitur orbita clivo. nunc, veneranda Pales, magno nunc ore sonandum. i Although Vergil uses the word furor only once in this Georgic, his series of pictures of frenzied activity are a visual attempt to create the mood and tone suggested' by the concept of furor. The only other place that the word appears in the Georgies is in Proteus’ song on Orpheus and Eurydice (4.495)* Quis tantus furor? The word is again connected with amor (4.488)j all the effusu3 labor (4.492) of Orpheus vanishes by the momentary lack of control when he disregards the warning not to look back to Eurydice until they have ascended to the upper world. Sudden descent is experienced into the depths of despair and remorsei facilis descensus Averno (Aen. 6,126), 150 Vergil, makes a second beginning after invoking Pales again in a grandiose passage rejecting the control of amor and announcing his new theme of greges and capellae. As in the opening proem of this Georgic. Vergil again asserts his originality by describing himself as passing from the heights of Parnassus down to Castalia, traversing a path untrodden by any poet. Vergil's amor dulcis Parnasi has caused him to strike out in this new direction. Thus, he concludes these lines, in which he plays on the word amor and its several implications, with a literary figure recalling his claims to primacy and daring and his poetic victory in this essay on order. The second opening, as the first, begins with a note of confident optimism by showing exactly what care and control of the herd can produce.. It is significant that Vergil spends little time on the sheep, the most docile and least demanding of domestic animals (295-299)« Incipiens stabulis edico in mollibus horbam carpere ovis, dum mox frondosa reducitur aestas, et multa duram stipula filicumque maniplis sternere subter humum, glacies ne frigida laedat molle pecus scabiemque ferat turpis podagras. This five line treatment of the sheep recalls the equally short passage on the olive in the second Georgic (1+20-^25). Since the sheep, like the olive, need little labor. Vergil focuses his attention on the goat by indicating what control and domination of this difficult animal can produce (300-321). The goats, like the land in the first Georgic. require 151 constant cura and labor if any profit is expected (305-310)t hae quoque non cura nobis leviore tuendae, nec minor usus erit, quamvis I-lilesia magno vellera mutentur Tyrios incocta rubores. densior hinc suboles, hinc largi copia lactisj quam magis exhausto spumaverit ubere mulctra, laeta magis pressis manabunt flumina mammis. The results of the labor of the pastor (316-31?) are n° less bountiful than the fruitfulness and opera characterizing the return of the Saturnia regna of the second Georgici atque ipsao memores redeunt in tecta suosque ducunt et gravido superant vix ubera limen. Vergil's demonstration of what patient and constant care can accomplish with an animal noted for resistance to control reinforces his general concern for the establishment of control and order over the irrational frenzied side of man. But control is again challenged, and the tone shifts, and a descending pattern is again introduced through the appearance of Pan, the embodiment of the frenzy of amor (391-393)» munere sic niveo lanae, si credere dignum est, Pan deus Arcadiae captam tc, Luna, fefellit in nemora alta vocans; nec tu aspernata vocantem. The earlier descriptions of Libya (339-3^8) and of Scythia (349-383) would provide only contrast and exotic interest in a mere textbook on farming, but in the wider aim of this Georgic they fall into place. The polarity and extremes in the nature of Apollo and Pan are enhanced by the climatical and geographical polarity in the descriptions of Libya and Scythia, which are located at the extremes of the habitable earth with Italy in medio. Furthermore, the picture of the life in Scythia and Libya presents a vivid contrast to the laus Italiae of the second Georgic (136-176) and the smiling nature of the springtime in Italy as des cribed in 3*322-328, or the description of ver in the laus veris of the second Georgic■(316-345)» These two apparent digressions in the third Georgic are a variation upon the theme of the laus Italiaet for, rather than repeat praises similar to the laudation of Italy in the second Georgic, Vergil describes lands whose attributes contrast at all points with those of Italy, Italy occupies a central place between these two extremes where civilization, men and plants can attain their acme. In contrast to Italy, life in these lands is primitive; in fact, these people never rose above that primitive existence, for they still work the soil with the hoe (rastris, 53*0 and with their nails (ipsis unguibus. 53^-535)r ignorant of the invention of the plough, which in Vergil's view provides the tool for the regeneration and ascendancy of the Saturnia tellus. The plague, whether historical or not,* presents the final picture of Pandean furor in the book. The theme of death and defeat mentioned early in the book (66-68), optima quaequc dies miseris mortalibus aevi prima fugit; subeunt morbi tristisque senectus et labor, et duae rapit inclementia mortis, now emerges forcefully. Nothing challenges the ascendant 1 J. Heurgon, "L'epizootie du Norique et l'histoire," REL kZ (196*0, pp. 231-2 153 and upward movement of the hook as much as the frightening picture of the once victorious horse and useful hull struck down by the plague • victor equus fontisque avortitur et pede terrain crebra feritj demissae aures, incertus ibidem sudor et ille quidem morituris frigidusj aret pellis et ad tactum tractanti dura resistet (499-502) ecce autem duro fumans sub vomere taurus concidit et mixtum spumis vomit ore cruorem extremosque ciet gernitus. it tristis arator maerentem abiungens fraterna morte iuvencum, atque opere in medio defixa relinquit aratra. (515-519) The death of the horse and the bull has left the arcricola bereft of his two most needed and important animals. The currus. be it plough or chariot, no longer has a horse or bull that requires the direction and guidance of the moderator. The destruction of the plague is emphasized by the fact that even religious ceremonies are disrupted by the plague, for victims die on the altar before the priest can sacrifice them (486-483)i saepe in honore deum medio stans hostia ad aram, lanea dum nivea circumdatur^infula vitta, inter cunctatis cecidit moribunda ministrosj When the auspices are taken, the entrails are infected and will not burn (489-490)i aut si quarn ferro inactaverat ante sacerdos inde neque impositis ardent altaria fibris. Furthermore, there were no cows available for sacrifice to Juno*, even her currus was drawn by an unmatching pair of bulls (531-533)* 15^ tempore non alio dicunt regionibus illis quaesitas ad sacra boves Iunonis et uris imparibus ductos alta ad donaria currus. The complete helplessness of human remedies is the most frightening aspect of this plague that has descended on the agricultural world. Even the artes of the magistri fail (5^9-550) i- quaesitaeque nocent artes} cessere magistri Phillyrides Chiron Amythaoniusque Melampus. Man is no longer the triumphator, but rather he is reduced to the level of the beast, to the furor occasioned by the beast's plague. Vergil ends the second half of this Georgic, as he does the first half, on a descending note which presents an effective contrast to the opening prologue of the book. Although variatio formed an important theme in Vergil's concept of the development of civilization, it had no part in the character of man. The state, as we have seen, thrives and grows through variatio and cultus, but man must exercise control not only over the state but also over his own life. Man needs a tcou cttuj j but he also needs to exercise control over the frenzied side of his make-up. The rational nature and character of Apollo must prevail over Pan, whose unpredictable sexuality leads to irrational activity exemplified by Dionysiac frenzy and furor. The dramatic nadir to which civilization and man have been reduced at the end of the third Georgic clearly establishes the dichotomy of tone and mood which pervades this book, and is symbolized in the disparate character and nature 155 of Apollo and Pan* The plague provides an effective contrast - to the zenith of emotion and optimism reached in the opening prologue of this Georgic, where the young Caesar is enshrined in his temple* The sudden descent at the end of the prologue to the underworld scene dominated by Invidia infelix is the first of a series of scenes which constantly challenge the pastoral serenity of the book. The very depth of disaster is reached in the description of the dead bodies piled up in the stalls spreading contamination to all who came in contact with them (556-566)* iamque catervatim dat stragem atque aggerat ipsis in stabulis turpi dilapsa cadavera tabo, donee humo tegere ac foveis abscondere discunt. nam neque erat coriis usus, nec viscera quisquam aut undis abolere potest aut vincere flammaj ne tondere quidem morbo inluvieque peresa vellera nec telas possunt attingere putris; verum etiam invisos si quis temptar t amictus, ardentes papulae atque immundus olentia sudor membra sequebatur, nec longo deindo moranti tempore contactos artus sacer ignis edebat. The disorder resulting in the macrocosm and microcosm at the assassination of Caesar is recalled by the description of the plague. The plough, the symbol of order, is absent in the third Georrdc (53^-536)* ergo aegre rastris terram rimantur, et ipsis unguibus infodiunt fruges, mortisque per altos contenta cervice trahunt stridentia plaustru, while in the first Georgic the plough was turned into arms for war (506-508)* non ullus aratro dignus honoB, squalent abductis arva colonis, et curvae rigidum falces conflantur in ensem. In the struggle to obtain control of the currus (aratrum) the roles of Antony and the young Caesar have been clearly and distinctly established.. The former has been closely associated not only with the irrational and frenzied nature of Pan but also with the establishment of a civilization sub alio sole. The latter, however, has gradually assumed his role as moderator rei publicae. becoming closely linked with Apollo, the auctor of the Caesarian victory and the god of rationality, control and order, under whose tutelage the Saturnia regna will return. Vergil has now prepared the reader for his final statement on order in the fourth Georgic. where the Caesarian symbolism of the regnum apium shows the inevitable logic of a monarchy under the rule of one man— Caesar. Architectural Laudes of Apollo The prominence of Apollo during the decade of the 30*s is an interesting and disturbing phenomenon. Apollo, a foreign god, had no temple within the pomerium of Rome until 36 B.C., when Octavian vowed the temple of Apollo Palatinus.* Despite this fact, Apollo had a long and significant 2 association with the cityt Asconius ad Cic. in tog, cand. 81 informs us that the only temple at Rome when Cicero delivered this speech (64 B.C.) was extra portam Carmentalem inter forum holitorium et circum Flaminum. This is. the temple restored by Sosius in 32 B.C. 2 This information on Apollo's association with Rome comes, for the most part, from an appendix chart in Gage, Apollo romain. pp. 697-702. 157 499 B.C. First supplication to Apollo Livy 3»^3 at the Apollinare 433-31 B.C. Vow, building and dedication Livy 4.25, of the temple of Apollo in 29 the Campus llartius 399 B.C. Celebration of the first Livy 5»3i Lectisternium to Apollo, 7 ,2.27 Lcto, Hercules, Diana, Dio, Hal. Mercury and Neptune 12.9 212-208 B.C. Ludi Apollinares instituted Livy 25.12, 2 6 .23, 27.23 36 B.C. temple of Apollo Palatinus Suet. Aug. 29 vowed Veil, 2.81 Dio 49.15 34 B.C. Reconstruction of temple of Jos. Ant. 14.15 Apollo liedicus by Sosius. BJ 1,17,2 (this is the same temple of 18.3 Apollo dedicated in 431 B.B.) Dio 59.22.3 Plut. Ant. 34.6 Sen* Suas. 2.21 Tac. Hist. 5*9 Pliny' HN 13.53 36,28 28 B.C. temple of Apollo Palatinus Prop. 4.6 dedicated The Apollinare was a precinct in pratis Flaminiis sacred to Apollo where the first temple to Apollo was to be located in 431 B.C. There is some question as to the purpose of this precinct. Gage thinks that possibly the senate used to meet here. The temple of Apollo Medicus, variously referred to as ad theatrum Marcelli and as in pratis Flaminiis. was vov/ed in 433 B.C. pro valetudine populi (Livy 4.25.3) because of the ^Gage, Apollo romain.p. 26. 158 plague that ravaged the city. It was dedicated in 431 B.C. by the consul Cn. Julius. Thus, according to Livy, there was an early, if casual, link between the worship of Apollo and the Julian family. The temple was restored by C. Sosius, who triumphed in Rome on September 3* 3^ B.C., ex Iudaea. The restoration of the temple of Apollo in the Campus Martius can be inter preted as a deliberate rival enterprise to Octavian's projected temple of Apollo on the Palatine. The rebuilding by Sosius, a follower of Antony who entered the consulship as his agent on January 1, 32 B.C., but shortly led an exodus of senators to join Antony, was likely a conscious action of propaganda to counteract any political or even religious advantage the young Caesar might get from the building of the temple of Apollo Palatinus. The propagandistic implications of the restora tion of the temple at this time of crisis to the state are significant when we consider the original vow of the temple pro valetudinc populi. and the original dedication of the temple by a member of the Julian family. The statuary of the temple of Apollo Medicus is witness to the rivalry between the temples of Apollo within and with out the pomerium as well as to the struggle for supremacy between Antony and the young Caesar. Sosius brought to Rome an Apollo by Phiscus of Rhodes, and a Latona, a Diana, and a naked Apollo (Pliny HN 36*34). There was yet another Apollo with a lyre by Timarchides, as well as a cedar Apollo from 159 Seleucia in Syria (Pliny HN 36.32). In the temple of Apollo Palatinus were a statue of Apollo by Scopas (Pliny HN 36.25)* a Diana by Timotheus (Pliny HN 36.32), and a Latona by Cephisodotus (Pliny HN 36.2^), The temple was surrounded by a porticus between the columns of which stood statues of the fifty daughters of Danaus and before them the equestrian sta tues of their husbands, the sons of Aegyptus (Propertius 2 . 31.3-^)• Several fragments of a frieze found in 1937-38 are probably a representation of a segment of the actual triumphal procession of Sosius in 3^ B.C. as represented on his restored 1 temple. The traditional triumph scenes on this frieze are perhaps an attempt by a partisan of Antony to convince the Roman people that Antony and his supporters have great respect for the traditional mores, contrary to Caesar's aspersions that Antony hac3 become a worshipper of Dionysus, the puppet of a woman, and a Graecophile who wished to make Alexandria the capital of the Roman world. The Sosian restoration of the ancient temple of Apollo Medicus was calculated to win for the cause of Antony counter-advantage to any that Caesar might achieve by the construction of the temple of Apollo Palatinus. The temple of Apollo Palatinus was vowed by Caesar in 36 B.C. during his campaign against Sextus Fompeius, and it 1 Cf, Inez Ryberg, "Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art," lit AAR 22 (1955), PP» lkk-lk-6', for a detailed description of the frieze, especially plate 51, ?8a-d. 160 was dedicated on October 9, 28 B.B. Built on the Palatine i immediately to the southeast of the house of Livia, the temple was the most magnificent to date in Rome* On the roof was the chariot of the sun (Propertius 2*31,11), and the doors were decorated with an ivory relief representing the rescue of Delphi from the Gauls and the misfortune of the Niobids (Prop, 2,31,12-1*0, Propertius also says that there was one statue of Apollo with a lyre in the portico (5-6), while another was located inside the temple (15-16), In a porticus adjoining the. temple was located the Bibliotheca Apollints Palatini, The bibliotheca contained two sections, one for Greek and one for Latin books;^ on the walls were medallion portraits of famous Greek and Latin writers, In the large hall of the library Augustus set up a statue of him self with all the attributes of Apollo (Schol* on Horace Ernst. 1,‘3',17)* The Bibliotheca Anollinls Palatini, the h, second m Rome, was apparently completed about 23-22 B.C. ^ f . D. Dudley, Urbs Roma (Great Britain* 1967), P* 158. 2H. Last, "The Tabula Hebana and Propertius 11*31," JRS 43 (1953), PP» 27-29, Last says that two statues of Apollo, rather than only one, are mentioned in this elegy, 3See CIL 6.5188, 5189, 5884. ^Asinius Pollio, as a concomitant of his triumph in October,39 B.C., rebuilt the Atrium L.ibertatis, and introduced rooms containing the first public library at Rome. The idea of founding public libraries at Rome was first conceived by J, Caesar (Suet, Iul. **4-); but since Varro, to whom Caesar had assigned the task, was financially ruined in the proscriptions of November 43 B.C., the task fell first to Asinius Pollio. Since all geographical evidence for the location of the Atrium l6l . After the battle of Naulochus on September 3, B.C., Octavian apparently gave evidence of a close affinity with Apollo*s sister Diana. Since the troops of Sextus Pompey had encamped before the shrine of Attemis Phakillitis, it has been suggested that Octavian called his enemies* gods to his aid after the manner of the ancient evocatio by which the gods of the enemy were summoned forth and promised a shrine in 2 Rome. The restoration of the temple of Diana on the Aventine by L. Comificius, a general of Octavian in the defeat of Sextus Pompey, as part of his Triumph ex Africa, is another significant counter-move to Sosius* reconstruction of the temple of Apollo. Building activities in the Campus Martius and inside the pomerium were urgently pursued in the decade of the Georgies. In actual fact, however, the activity and rivalry did not start during this period, but began two decades earlier with Pompey and the building of his theater in the Campus Ivlartius in 55 B.C. The dedication of the theatrum Poinneii, is dubious, the building can neither be definitely located nor described.See C. E. Boyd, Public Libraries and Literary Culture in Ancient Romo (Chicago: 191577 PP» 3-5» and G. Lugli, Roma Antlca (Romoi 1946), pp. 101-102. ^Taylor, Divinity, p. 131* 2 R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5 (Oxford* 1965). For a detailed discussion of this ancient rite of evocatio. see Ogilvie, pp. 673-676. 162 at a time when Caesar was pushing his campaigns into Britain-r- campaigns which removed, at least figuratively, his presence r from the political center of the world, the city of Rome-- appears to have caused Caesar no little concern and dismay. The unusual magnificence of the dedication ceremonies presented <1 by Pompey in 55 B.C., surpassing even the ostentatious display of Caesar's games during his aedileship in 65 B.C.,^ prompted Caesar to undertake a building programme of enormous expense in his bid for power. Furthermore, by 52 B.C., Venus victrix. to whom the temple above the cavea in Pompey's theater was dedicated, presented a serious propagandistic threat to Venus genetrix. the goddess particularly associated with the gens Iulia since Caesar's laudatio in 68 B.C. of his aunt, the widow of Marius. A letter written by Cicero in 54 B.C. in forms us that Caesar was not only contemplating but had ac tually espoused a building programme for the adornment and beautification of the city (Att. 4.16.8 )t itaque Caesaris amici, me dico et Oppium dirumparis licet, in monumentum illud quod tu tollere laudibus solebas, ut forum laxaremus et usque ad atrium Libertatis explicaremus, contempsimus sescenties sestertium; cum privatis nonpoterat transigi minore pecunia. efficiemus rem gloriosissimam. nam in campo Martio saepta tributis comitiis marmorea sumus et tecta facturi eaque cingemus excelsa porticu ut mille passum conficiatur. simul adiungetur huic operi villa etiam publica. ^■Cicero Fam. 7.1. 2Suet. Iul. 101 Dio 37*82I Sallust Cat. 49*3I Pliny HN 33«53l Plut. Caes. 6.I-3 . 163 The two building operations referred to are the Forum Xulium and the Saepta, which, in view of its intended size and magnificence, was meant to.rival the theatrum Pompeii for the dominance of the Campus Martius. Although building lagged during the Civil war, the building plans of both Caesar and Pompey for the Campus Martius are an indication of their political rivalry. This rivalry of two members of the first Triumvirate appears to set the scene for the rivalry in building operations during the second Triumvirate, There was considerable jockeying for position during this later period and the building and counter-building engaged in by the triumvirs and their suppor ters to gain religious or political advantage is a further indication of the polarization that dominated the world. The struggle centered around the god Apollo, and the ostentatious attempt of both parties, Caesarian and Antonian, to proclaim the favour and support of this god. ^"Caesar's building programme was not confined to the Campus Marius, but extended into other areas of the city, as Suetonius indicates (Iul. 44) t Nam de ornanda istrucndague urbe, item de tuendo ampliandoque imnerio plura ac majors .in dies destinebat* in primis Martis tenplum. quantum nusnuam esset. extruero repicto et conplanato lacu, in quo naumachiae spectaculum ediderat, theatrumque summae magnituaunis Taroeio inonti accnoans; , , , bibliothecas Graecas Latimasque quas maximas posset publiccre data Marco Varroni cura comparandarum ac dlgerandarumt It it questionable whether the temple of Mars, referred to in this passage, was ever built in the Campus Marius, despite its appropriateness for Caesar. Al though Caesar made a start on the theater in 44, it was com pleted by Augustus in 13 or 11 B.C. and named after Marcellus (Dio 4-3.49.2). See pp.. l60-l6l, note 3. on the libraries. CHAPTER V GEORGIC IV t A STUDY OF ORDER IN THE STATE In the fourth Georgic. a study of order in the state, Vergil describes his theory of political order and his model state in terms of the structure and organization of the society of bees. Furthermore, as Cicero had ended his Republic with a description of the character, education and special ars of the moderator re.i publicae. Vergil has concluded his four-part study of order with a portrait of a moderator levium rerum. Aristaeus, whose macrocosm.ic position over the microcosm of the bees is closely linked with the young Caesar’s impending role in the first Georgic (503) as moderator rei publicae and regenerator of the Roman world. Thus, the fourth Georgic is a study not only of the ideal state, but also of the ideal statesman. 1-7 Limits of study* duces, mores, stadia, populi, proelia 8-314 Description of regnum apium Sedes of hive* geographical location 33-50 Alvariat sowing of the state 51-115 Vita of beesi 55-66 birth of the hive under influence of Sol aureus 165 67-102 proelia of bees and selec tion of rex 103-115 prevention of swarms 116-1^8 Laus senisi his regnum achieved through ars and labor 1^9-227 Mores of bees* division of labores in regnum apium 228-280 Honey harvest and illness of bees 281-31A Bugonla 315-558 Aristaeus* the moderator levium rerumt charac ter, education and ars of the beekeeper 317-386 Aristaeus* distress and consultation with Cyrene 387-^1^ Cyrene*s instructions to Aristaeus kl$-k$2 Aristaeus* labor, and capture of Proteus ^53-527 Proteus* song of Orpheus and Eurydice* an exemplum for Aristaeus 528-529 Departure of Proteus 530-5^6 Gyrene's interpretation of Proteus' song 5^7-558 Regeneration of rcgnum apium 559-566 Signature of poet In the microcosmic world of the bees, whose society is a "simulacrum of human society,"* and in particular of Italian society, Vergil concentrates on the political and communal structure of the hive under the guidance of a rex and on the establishment and maintenance of the regnum apium. The mores, duces, studia, populi and proelia of this spectacula levium rerum exemplify those aspects of macro- cosmic and microcosmic order, cultus and control in genetics, *0tis, Virgil, p, 181, 166 sex and education, that had been treated separately in the first three Georgies, The regnum apium represents a signifi cant synthesis of these themes in a civilization that supplies for the poet the model for Italian society. The contemporary significance of the regnum apium for the decade of the Georgies can neither be overlooked nor underestimated. Although the regnum apium serves as a symbol of the private political teachings of the poet, it also legalizes the monarchical form of rule in accordance with nature, and therefore gives divine and natural sanction to it as a system of government. We have already noticed the Ciceronian preference for a kind of monarchy and his wish to give into the hands of one man, the moderator rei publicae. the control and direction of the res publica which, since the appearance of the duo soles in the sky during the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus, had been overrun by political chaos and civil strife. Unlike Cicero,.whose moderator rei publicae occupied a position within the framework of the mixed constitution, Vergil has made his guardian of the state an autocratic ruler, a rex. And although for the Romans the terms rex and regnum had hateful connotations traditionally deriving from the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus, who had misused his powers as rex by establishing a tyranny,* Vergil boldly, if metaphorically, suggests the establishment of a regnum in Italy. Furthermore, despite the frequent charge of *Cicero Rep.. 2.48j 2,51* regnum, which during the first century B.C. "connoted un- 1 constitutional power rather than institutional kingship," and levelled against numerous principes whose attempts to achieve exceptional personal power in the res miblica led to chaos and anarchy,' Vergil has equated the achievement of political and civil order in the hive (the res publica) with the selection of a rex and the maintenance of a regnum# The symbolism of the battle of the bees, like the battle of the bulls in the third Georgic:(209-241). could scarcely reflect more clearly the thin line that exists between the historical reality of the decade of the Georgies and Vergil's poetic invention. In like manner the regeneration of the regnum apium by Aristaeus, the son of Apollo, is linked with the Caesarian restoration of peace and order to a world plagued by civil discord and strife; for just as Caesar, the luvenis of the first Georgic (500), is to be the saviour and regener ator of the Roman state,' so Aristaeus, also a iuvenis (4.445)t regenerates his bee state,' acting like Caesar Octavian (1*503) under the promise of divine honours. The Prologue Although the prologue of the fourth Georgic is the 2 shortest of all four books, Vergil packs into these seven *Wirszbuski, Libertas. p. 88. 2 The prologue of the first Georgic is 42 lines; the second 8 lines, and the third 48 lines. 168 lines his intention to describe the regnum apium in anthro pomorphic terms',' a request to Maecenas to look favourably on this part (partem> 2 ) of his subject, and a reference to the gloria achievable in this labor if Apollo hears the poet’s prayer (1-7 )* Protinus aerii mellis caelestia dona exsequart hanc etiam, Maecenas, aspice partem* admiranda tibi levium spectacula rerum magnanimosque duce totiusque ordine gentis mores et studia et populos et proelia dicam. in tenui labors at tenuis non gloria, si quem numina laeva sinunt auditque vocatus Apollo. Vergil's intention to describe the bees in anthropomorphic terms is an indication to Maecenas that his interest in the bee civilization extends beyond their commercial and economic value as producers of honey and wax. In the De Re Rustica 3*16, published in 37 B.C.,' Varro considered apiculture a very prosperous profession, and his instructions on the site for the apiary, the establishment of the hive, theselection of the various varieties of bees, the signs of their sick ness and health, and the prevention of swarms, are all directed to advise the prospective beekeeper in the art of apiculture. Despite this economic interest in the bees, on several occasions Varro suggests not only a similarity between the society of bees and men (3*16.6), Haec ut hominum civitates, quod hie est et rex et imperium et societas. but also that man has learned the arts of civilization from the bees (3*16.^)i Apes non sunt solitaria natura, ut aquilae, sed ut homines. Quod si in hoc faciunt etiam graguli, at non idem, quod hie societas operis et aedificorum, quod illic est, hie ratio atque ars, ab his opus facere discunt, ab his aedificare, ab his cibaria . condere. Building upon Varro's treatment,' Vergil will find in the bee society those elements and characteristics which form an important part of his own concept of civilization, especially the growth and development of Italian civilization. Not only will the bees themselves exempliiy that type of life in which Apollonian reason and control rule over Pandean irrationality and furor, but their natural devotion to labor will recall the Vergilian emphasis on labor as instrumental in achieving the establishment of the Saturn!a regna. The exhortation to Maecenas, the patron of Vergil, to look with favour upon this last division of his subject, recalls Vergil's previous appeal, to Maecenas in the second Georgic for co-operative attention ( 3 9 - W * tuque ades inceptumaue una decurre laborem, o decus, o famae merito pars maxima nostrae, Maecenas,' pclagoque volans da vela patenti. non ego cuncta meis amplecti versibus opto, non, mihi si linguae centum sint oraque centum, ferrea vox. ades et primi lege litoris oram* in manibus terrae. non hie te carmine ficto atque per ambages et longa exorsa tenebo. In this passage Vergil clearly indicates that no attempt will be made at exhaustiveness.^ Furthermore, he will not detain Maecenas with carmine ficto filled with digressions (ambages) and long preludes (longa exordia). Vergil's rejection of a mythological subject as his theme is particularly appropriate to the second Georgic in which the three laudes eulogize Italy,' her men,’ and the development of civilization in the Satumia tellus under the guidance of the young Caesar• In the third Georgic Vergil's assertion to Maecenas that he is arming himself dicere ougnas / Caesaris (A6-A?) indicates the contemporary histori cal direction of his poetic endeavours; in particular, Vergil's own military campaign to Romanize Hesiod, and his celebration of a triumph, have their origin in the political atmosphere of the AO's and 30*s B.C. Thus,' Vergil's appeal to Maecenas in the fourth Georgic to look with favour on his intention to describe the bees in anthropomorphic terms re-emphasizes Vergil's abandonment of mythical subjects in favour of the historical. Furthermore, the symbolic parallel which Vergil later develops between the regnum apium and the aurea aetas of the old Sabines (2,500) and the Saturnia rcgna under scores the historical and contemporary significance of the bee state. Vergil ends his prologue with an appeal to Apollo to ward off any numina laeva that might prevent him from achieving the tenuis non gloria for his primacy and daring in the field of Latin poetry. This invocation to Apollo for protection recalls the protective presence of Apollo Troiae Cvnthius auctor (3*36) before whom Invidia infelix (3*37) cowered in fear. Thus, Vergil places himself under the protection of 171 Apollo who protected and guided the political endeavors of the young Caesar. Furthermore, as god of rationality and * control, it is appropriate that he should be invoked in this Georgic. a study of order in the state. Regnum Apium and its Moderator Sedes (8-32)* Following the brief but exhaustive proem, Vergil launches into a discussion of the life and nature of the bee state, a microcosmic society over which a beekeeper, whose position is analagous to that of Jupiter and Sol as described in the first Georgic. exercises his macrocosmic role as moderator tnundi. The beekeeper,' who is in fact moderator levium rerum. exerts control over all aspects of the bee civilization, playing a significant role both in the founda tion and establishment of the hive (8-50), and particularly in the maintenance of political and civil order (51-115)* In the establishment of the bee state, Vergil stresses the necessity of selecting the statio and sedes (8-2A)» Principio sedes apibus statioque petenda,' quo neque sit ventis aditus (nam pabula venti ferre domum prohibent) neque oves haedique petulci floribus insultent, aut errans bucula carapo decutiat rorem et surgentis atterat herbas, absint et picti squalentia terga lacerti pinguibus a stabulis,' meropesquealiaeque volucres et manibus Procne pectus signata cruentisj omnia nam late vastant ipsasque volantis ore ferunt dulcem nidis immitibus escam. 172 at liquidi fontes et stagna virentia musco adsint et tenuis fugiens per gramina rivus, palmaque vestibulum aut ingens oleaster inumbret, ut,' cum prima novi ducent examina reges vere suo ludetque favis emissa iuventus,' vicina invitet decedere ripa calori obviaque hospitiis teneat frondentibus arbos. We have already noted Cicero’s approval of Romulus' wisdom in locating Rome on the banks of a river, so that she could import and export and • • . eodemque ut flumine res ad victum cultumque maxime necessarias non solum mari absorberet, sed etiam invectas acciperet ex terra. (Ren. 2.5.10) According to Vergil, clear springs (liquidi fontes. 18) crystal clear streams (stagna virentia musco. 18) and a tenuis rivus (19) are important geographical features to be considered by the beekeeper when settling the hive in a place suitable for the development and growth of the bee civiliza tion. The necessity of selecting a suitable statio in a temperate area free from pests recalls the previous appearance of the geographical theme* in the first Georgia (236-238), Vergil noted that man had been placed in the temperate zones of the earth by the gods* in the second Georgic (136-176) that Italy was the land in medio where plants, animals and man can attain their acmej and in the third Georgic that the climatical and geographical polarity of Lydia and Scythia recall Italy’s location in the middle zone and symbolically reflect the polarity and extremes between the nature of Apollo and Pan. The reappearance of this theme in the fourth Georgic links the role of the moderator levlum rerum with that of Jupiter and Sol in the macrocosm and Caesar in the microcosm, Vergil deliberately avoids mentioning the beekeeper by name in the first half of this Georgic,in order to emphasize the universal dimensions of his theme. Following the descrip tion and establishment of the macrocosmic role of the moderator levium rerum, exemplified in his quelling of the battle of the bees with a handful of dust," Aristaeus is introduced as the beekeeper. Like the young Caesar at the end of the first Georgic who appears as the restorer of peace and the regenerator and controller of the newly ordered statei mingling in his person the roles of the elder Caesar, Jupiter and Sol, Aristaeus, the custos frugum et pecudum (32?)» not only assumes the macrocosmic role of the modei%ator levium rerum but also becomes the regenerator of order and life in the regnum apium, Alvaria (33-50)* In describing the construction of the hive itself— the symbol of civilization— Vergil uses a sowing metaphor (33-35)i ipsa autemV seu corticibus tibi suta cavatis seu lento fuerint alvaria vimine texta angustos habeant aditus* which recalls both the original Ciceronian use of the phrase, rem publicam serere (Rep, 2 .3,5 ), and Vergil's redefining of this metaphor to suit his own concept of the growth of civilization, particularly in Italy, Furthermore, the 17*f necessity of maintaining an even temperature in the hive recalls the allusions in the laus Itaiiae (2.136-176) and the laus veri3 (2*315-3^5) to Italy as the land of the ver adsiduum (k,35-^6 )* nam frigore mella cogit hiems, cademque calor liquefacta remittit* utraque vis apibus pariter raetuenda* neque illae nequiquam in tectis certatim tenuia cera spiramenta linunt, fucoque et floribus oras explent, collectumque haec ipsa ad munera gluten, et visco et Phrygiae servant pice lentius Idaei saepe etiam effossis, si vera est fama, latebris sub terra fovere larem,' pcnitusaue repertae pumicibusque cavis exesaeque arboribus antro tu tamen et levi rimosa cubilia limo ungue fovens circum, et raras superinice frondes# Just as man's labor forms an important aspect of achievement of the ver adsiduum in the second Georgic, the labor of the beekeeper in obtaining the proper statio and in building and maintaining the hive is equally important to the birth of the hive. Vita of bees* Sol aureus1 If these precepts are carried out,- life in the hive begins with the advent of spring and aureus Sol (51-61)* Quod superest, ubi pulsam hiemem Sol aureus egit sub terras caelumque aestiva luce reculsit, illae continuo saltus silvasque peragrant purpureosque metunt flores ot fluraina libant summa leves. hinc nescio qua dulcedine laetae progeniem nidosque fovent, hinc arte recentis excudunt ceras et mella tenacia figunt. hinc ubi iam emissum caveis ad sidera caeli nare per aestatem liquidam suspexeris agmen obscuramque trahi vento mirabere nubera contemplator.' 175 In this passage there is notable verbal emphasis on the exuberance occasioned by birth and nature's regeneration as well as on the joy experienced by the bees in their young (55-56). In the first Georgic the joy experienced by the rooks following the abatement of the storm and the return of fine weather is described in similar words (M0-^l4)t turn liquidas corvi presso ter gutture voces aut quater ingeminant, et saepe cubilibus altis nescio qua praeter solitum dulcedine laeti inter se in foliis strepitantj iuvat imbribus actis progeniem parvam dulcisque revisere nidos. Birth and regeneration are an important theme in the Georgies.’ and especially in the final book, which ends with a myth of regeneration symbolically linking the rebirth of the regnum apium with the return of the Saturnia rogna and political recovery under the young Caesar. In this passage, Sol is described as aureus (5U» an adjective initially applied in the first Georgic to Sol as moderator mundi (232), who rules over the twelve signs of the zodiacj in the second Georgic aureus is applied to Saturnus the ruler of the Saturnia regna, an era characterized by the presence of a ver adsiduum. The reappearance of aureus Sol as ushering in the spring and the regeneration of life is meant to recall the previous use of the word in the discussion of order in the macrocosm (I.232) and in reference to the life of Saturnus. < Once established"," the bee civilization is subjected to civil discord and strife (67-68)1 Sin autem ad pugnam exierint— nam saepe duobus regibus incessit magno discordia motu. 176 For Vergil,' the appearance of the duo reges in the hive resulted in discordia. just as the appearance of duo soles in the sky in 129 B.C. symbolized for Cicero the political duality created in the res publics by the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus. Vergil',’ however, has re-interpreted this Ciceronian image of duality in terms of the contemporary struggle between Antony and Caesar Octavian. The battle of the bees,' although it nay not in fact represent the battle of Actium', reflects in general the dichotomy existing in the world during the decade of the Georgies and the potential of violence that it entails. In the battle of the beds, described in epic and military terms (67-81), Vergil indicates each of the factions of the bees is encouraged by the presence and leadership of its rex who distinguishes himself bravely in battle (75-85)l and, although both armies fight bitterly to the end, Vergil shows that it is the beekeeper who, by throwing a handful of dust on the fighting bees,' quenches the struggle and remains in firm control (86-87): hi motus animorum atque haec certamina tanta pulveris exigui iactu compressa quiescent. Although Varro reports that dust was thrown on swarming bees (HR 3,16,20), Vergil has transferred the act to fighting bees. But neither parody2 nor Lilliputian allegory Otis, Virgil, p. I83* "The contest between the two kings in lines 91f. • . * may suggest Actium . • • but we must not overrate the symbolism here." 20tis, Virgil, p. I83. 177 characterizes this act; which exemplifies the "beekeeper's re lation to the microcosm of the bees. In order to emphasize further the beekeeper's role as moderator mundi. Vergil re fers not only to his elimination of the inferior rex, but also to the necessity of removing the inferior Plebs as well (88-102)* Verum ubi ductores acie revocaveris ambo, deterior qui visus, eum, ne prodigus obsit, dede neci* melior vacua sine regnet in aula. 90 alter erit raaculis auro squalentibus ardons. nam duo sunt genera* hie melior* insignis et ore et rutilis clarus squamis; ille horridus alter desidia latamque trahens inglorius alvum. ut binae regum facies, ita corpora plebis* 95 namque aliae turpes horrent,, ceu pulvere ab alto cum venit et sicco terram spuit ore viator aridus; elucent aliae et fulgore coruscant ardentes auro et paribus lita corpora guttis. haec potior suboles, hinc caeli tempore ccrto 100 dulcia mella premes, nec tantum dulcia quantum et liquids et durum Bacchi domitura saporem. Like the magister and pastor in the thrid Georgic who care fully selected the best animals for their flocks, the beekeeper chooses the better of the duo reges to be the leader of his hive. Furthermore, by clipping the king's wings to prevent cwarmin g (103-108), At cum incerta volant caeloque exaraina ludunt contemnuntque favos et frigida tecta relinquunt, instabilis animos ludo prohibebis inani. nec magnus prohibere labor* tu regibus alas eripej non illis quisquam cunctantibus altum ire iter aut castris audebit vellere signa, the beekeeper exhibits the same type of control and restraint over his bees that the pastores and magistri exercised over the life cycle of the animals. Vergil has also returned to the theme of labor (107)Vwhi‘bh has played such a significant 178 role in his own conception of civilization and the return of the Saturnia regna.' as described in the second Georgic* Like the agricola in the first Georgic who must struggle constantly with the earth and with nature itself',' or in the third Georgic against the Pandean forces of destruction, the beekeeper must also labour hard not only to make the hive and its surroundings attractive to the bees, but also to maintain order in the bee society itself (112-115)i ipse thymum tinosque ferens de montibus altis tecta serat late circum, cui talia curaej ipse labore manum duro terat, ipse feracis figat humo plantas et amicos inriget imbris* Laus senis (116-148): The labor of the beekeeper leads to the final glori fication of the theme in the laus senis (116-148): Atque equidem,' extremo ni iam sub fine laborum vela trahem et terris festinem advertere proram, forsitan et pinguis hortos quae cura colendi ornaret, canerem,' biferique rosaria Paesti,' quoque modo potis gauderent intiba rivis 120 et virides apio ripae, tortusque per herbam cresceret in ventrem cucumisj nec sera comantem narcissum aut flexi tacuissem vimen acanthi pallentisque hederas et amantis litora myrtos, namque sub Oebaliae memini me turribus arcis, 125 qua niger umectat flaventia culta Galaesus, Corycium vidisse senem, cui pauca relicti iugera ruris erant, nec fertilis ilia iuvencis nec pecori opportuna seges nec commoda Baccho* hie rarum tamen in dumis olus albaque circum 130 lilia verbenasque premens vescumque papaver regum aequabat opes animis, seraque revertens nocte domum dapibus mensas onerabat inemptis. primus vere rosam atque autumno carpere poma, et cura tristis hiems etiamnum frigore saxa 135 rumperet et glacie cursus frenaret aquarum, ille comara mollis iam tondebat hyacinthi 179 aestatem increpitans seram Zephyrosque morantis', ergo apibus fetis idem atque examine multo , primus abundare et spumantia cogere pressis 140 mella favis: illi tiliae atque uberrima tinus, quotque in flore novo pomis se fertilis arbos tnduerat, totidem autumno matura tenebat* ille etaim seras in versum distulit ulmos eduramque pirum et spinos iara pruna ferentis 145 iamque ministrantem platanum potantibus umbras* verum haec ipse equidem spatiis exclusus iniquis praetereo atque aliis post me memoranda relinquo* The appearance of the theme of labor at this particular point takes part of its significance from a symmetrically parallel passage in the first Georgic (118-147) where Vergil describes the imposition of labor .by Jupiter, the pater ipse colendi. In this laus senis the reappearance of labor together with the Golden Age motif recalls the Vergilian version of the Saturnia regna as established in the second Georgic, and the indirect method of praising Italy in the climatical and geographical descriptions of Libya and Scythia in the third Georgic (339-383)* On his few rods of waste land (pauca relicti / iugera ruris,' 127-128) the old Corycian set to work to produce a remarkable vegetable garden and orchard (136-146), The fact that this old Corycian made his few acres of abandoned, un productive land fruitful is a tribute to his durus labor: for as Vergil stated in the first Georgic: labor - omnia vieit (145). The eager activity of the old Corycian who was the Otis, Virgil,’ p. 184,’ note It "Virgil's main point is to suggest the mood of Book 2, (esp. 11. 513-522), a situation where there is both human labor and natural exuberance (nec requies quin aut pomis exuberet annus)," 180 first to have a bee hive and to gather the honey, reflects the happy life of the agricola as described in the laus ruris of the second Georgic (523-526)* interea dulces pendent circum oscula natiV casta pudicitiam servat domus,' ubera vaccae lactea demittunt; pinguesque in gramine laeto inter se adversis luctantur cornibus haedi. In February the old Corycian could be seen out of doors clipping the hyacinth, and muttering at Spring for holding back her warm winds (135-138)* Free of the commercial pressure of the city and its wars, ambitions and luxuries, this old farmer matches in contentment the wealth of kings (132)» regum aequabat opes animis r• > • This Corycian, once a pirate,* is now anchored securely to the Italian soil, living the simple life of a farmer, which in this case recalls the life of the men during Saturnia regna. Furthermore, the old man can be seen •i Servius ad Verg. G, 4# 127* informs us that the old man was one of the Cilician pirates settled in Calabria by Pompey afterhis victory over them in 67 B.C.* Ponpeius. cum oppugnaret piratas. remigibus eorum promisit. agros. si vic.isset 00rum adiutorio; quorum proditione victor Tarentinorum agros veteranis divisit, et nnicauld doterrimurn fult. remigibus dedit,^ Cilices autem tunc excrcuerunt piraticam. Kst autem in Cilicia propontorium Coryci.um nomine uxoris Promethci quae est appe.llata. Dictum ergo "scnem Cor.ycium11 Cilicem intellegi vult, hoc cst remigem pi rat arum. Otis, Virgil, p. 184"," note 1 considers speculation on his identity superfluous. Cf. also L. P. Vfilkinson, "The Intention of Virgil's Georgies." C&R 19 (1950), p. 22; P. Wuilleumier, "Virgile et le vieillard de Tarente," REL 8 (1930), pp. 325-340* A. M. Guillemin, Virgile. Poete. artiste et penseur (Paris* 195l)» PP* 151-152. 181 as the one who has put durus labor to the test and gained a modest life of real contentment. Although his old life was destroyed',' a life which in fact recalls the demoralise- tion of Iron Age man who ventured over the seas seeking wealth and destruction, he has been transplanted into a new existence and has been reborn through his contact with the land, The fact that he was able to transplant full grown trees (11^-146) is an indication not only of his artes. but also symbolizes his own life. Mores of bees (149-227)t Following the glorification of the labor of the old man, Vergil returns to his discussion of the return aoium (1/19-22?) in which the symbolism of the bees for the decade of the Georgies reaches its high point in the description of the political organization of the bee state and its ruler. In this section Vergil concentrates his attention on four unique characteristics of the bees and their statei the divinity of the bees,' the existence and maintenance of order in their society, the bees' freedom from passions, and their monarchical system of government, Vergil introduces the new direction of his narrative by nunc age (1A9) and with a mythological allusion to the divine nature of the bees (lh9- 152)i Nunc age',' naturas apibus quas luppiter ipse addidit expediam, pro qua mercede canoros Curetum sonitus crepitantiaque aera secutae . Dictaeo caeli regem pavero sub antro. 182 This aetion referring to the "bees' nourishment of Zeus during his infancy is introduced to account for the unique- 1 ness of the bees' mores. The bees did not originally possess any exceptional qualities but received them in addition to their previous ordinary ones pro qua mercede (150) they 2 nourished and protected Zeus. Although Vergil begins this section with a mythical explanation of the divine origin and nature of the bees, he ends it with a philosophical exegesist ascribing to the Stoic doctrine of the anima mundi. Vergil singles out the bees as possessing a part of the divine intelligence and eternal principle which animates and pervades the macrocosm (219-22?); His quidam signis atque haec exempla secuti esse apibus partem divinae mentis et haustus aetherios dixeret deum namque ire per omnis terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundum; hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum, quemque sibi tenuis nascentem arcessere vitas; scilicet hue reddi deinde ac resoluta referri omnia^ nec morti esse locum, sed viva volare sideris in numerum atque alto succedere caelo. To emphasize this unique characteristic of the bees, Vergil in the first Georgic denied the theory that birds possessed any divine intelligence or knowledge of prognostics, ex plaining their conduct "on natural grounds, stating that they are extremely sensitive to changes in the condition of the atmosphere"^.(^15-^23); 1 Cf. Callimachus Hymn 1*^5-531 Lucretius 2,633? Ovid Fasti ^,20?. Besides Zeus, Bacchus', Aristaeus, Beroe and Meliteus were fed by bees during thier infancy. 2 Page, Georgic a', p. 352. ^Ibid.. p. 232. 183 haud equidem credo, quia sit divinitus illis ingenium aut rerum fato prudentia maior: verum ubi tempestas et caeli mobilis umor .'mutavere vias et Iuppiter uvidus Austria denset erant quae rara modo, et quae den3a relaxat, ^ vertuntur species animorumy et pectora motus nunc alios', alios dum nubila ventus agobat, I concipiuntt hinc ille avium concentus in agris et laetae pecudes et ovantes gutture corvi. Furthermore', Vergil's insistence on the divinity of the bees may derive from his wish to give " av ces insectes un caractere surnaturel a cause de leur cesarismey" In an epigram by Philip of Thessalonica written for the rostra of Actium (given by the young Caesar to the city of Nicopolis following the battle of Actium)‘,‘ the bees are shown as the friends of Caesar who is the restorer of order ( eauofitiK * 5) and prosperity ( napTCouc e tprjuriq ,6)t^ 'Ep,po\a icc, c p i X ^ o a t « ur|u5v, #Akt iaxou^TroX The appearance of a swarm of bees was often considered a favourable omen by the Romans,' on occasion pointing to the 1 \ L. Hermann, "Le quatrieme livre des Georgiques et les Abeilles d'Actium," REA 33 (1931)‘» P* 223. 2Hermann, "Le quatrieme, livre," p. 221. Cf. also J. Gage, "Atiaca," Melanges d'archeologie et d'hiGtoire 53 (1936), pp. 4l-58. ^Anthologia Palatina 6 .236, Cf. also AP 9*553, an epigram on the foundation of the city of Nicopolis, which ends 1 <$ut1 v(kt|<;/ flotpoq auag raiSTTjv 6£xvuTai *Akti<£8oq, 18 if * 4 establishment of a kingship. Thus, when the swarm of bees attached itself to the war-trophies which Caesar set up at Nicopolis, we may interpret this not only as a sign of the restoration of peace, but also as a symbol of practical kingship. Although Vergil states that the bees alone have a communal altruism (153-15**)* solae communis natos, consortia tecta urbis habent magnisque agitant sub legibus aevum, and feel a patriotism and loyalty to their homeland and household gods (155)» et patriam solae et certos novere penatisj he intentionally focuses his attention on the division of labours in the hive (158-196), which is guided by a desire to look after the commune bonum and by an innatus amor • , • habendi (177), in this case a possessiveness of responsibility. 1 Cf. the appearance of a swarm of bees in the mane of the horse of Dionysius of Syracuse several days before he became king , Cicero Div. 1*73* • • • oquum alacrem laetus aspexit. cuius in iuba examen apium consederat. Ciuod"~ostentum habuit hanc vim, ut Dionysius paucis post diebus regnare coeperit. In"£eneid 7.64ff.a swarm of bees appearing in the laurel tree foreshadowed the arrival of Aeneas. See partic ularly H. Boas, Aeneas' Arrival in Latium (Amsterdam* 1938), pp. 135-1^9* Cf. also Tacitus AnnT 12,64 for a sinister interpretation where the appearance of a swarm of bees on the pediment of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus is connected with a change for the worse in the state and Agrippina's plan to eliminate Claudius in favour of Nero as the ruler. Cf. also the portent of bees referred to by Lucan 7»l6l-l6Jf, and known also to Val. Max. 1.6.12, 2Cf, Cicero Rep. 5*7. 185 This final glorification of the motif of labor, which Vergil has developed throughout the Georgies, reaches a climax in line 184: omnibus una quies operum labor, omnibus unus, which recalls not only the phrase labor omnia vicit in the first Georgic (1^5) but also the phrase amor omnibus ' idem in the third Georgic (2*l4). But the bees direct all their attention to their labor because amor does not affect them. Unlike the animals and men who in furias jgnemoue ruunt * (3.2*14), the bees neither indulge in conjugal embraces nor produce their offspring through sexual intercourse (197-199)1 Ilium adeo placuisse apibus mirabere morem, quod neque concubitu indulgent, nec corpora segnes in Venerem solvunt aut fetu3 nixibus edunt; Their method of propagation is as unique as it is startling (200-202)t verum ipsae e foliis natos, et suavibus herbis ore legunt, ipsae regem parvosque Quirites sufficient, aulasque et cerea regna refingunt. Thus, since the bees are free from the powers of love, they are in no way detracted from their labores because their amor is directed towards productivity and glory in their task (205): tantus amor florum et generandi gloria mellis. The description of the bees' devotion to labor as tantus amor recalls a similar picture of amor under control in the case of the chariot driver of the third Georgic (112): tantus amor laudum, tantae est victoria curae. 186 And just as the bees are not subject to sexual passion, so as a race they are not adversely affected by the death of individuals (206-209)i ergo ipsas quamvis angusti terminus aevi excipiat (neque enim plus septima ducitur aestas)* at genus immortale manet, multosque per annos stat fortuna domus, et avi numerantur avorum. Since the bees as individuals are not concerned with either amor or death, their attention can be focused not only on their labor but also on their rex to whom they owe their loyalty (210-218)* Praeterea regem non sic Aegyptus et ingens Lydia nec populi Parthorum aut Medus Hydaspes observant, rege incolumi mens omnibus una estj amisso rupere fiden, constructaque mella diripucre ipsae et cratis solvere favorum. ille operum custos, ilium admirantur et omnes 215 circumstant fremitu denoo stipantque frequentes, et saepe attollunt umeris et corpora bello obiectant pulchramque petunt per vulnera mortem. Vergil explicitly compares the loyalty of the bees to their rex with the homage paid by subjects to their rulers in the various eastern monarchies. In this passage Vergil, like Cicero earlier in the Re-public, is declaring his preference for a monarchy as the best form of gvernment. The rex is the central figure in the reanum whose well-being guarantees the concordia ordinum (212); but whose death results in destruc tion (amisso rupere fidem, 213). The confusion and anarchy resulting at the death of the custos operum (*215) recalls not only the similar descent of chaos and anarchy on the state at the assassination of the elder Caesar in the first Georgic 187 (469-497)» but also the destructive power of sexual lust in the third Georgic 9242-283) which utterly reduced man to the level of the beasts. Furthermore, the plague at the end of the third Georgic also stops all labor, since man and animals alike are reduced to a painful existence subject to disease and death, Man is helpless to remedy the situation, in which even the magistri have failed (3*549-550). Disease and Death of Hive (228-280): The hive is subject not only to internal destruction, but also to external dangers such as diseases and pests. Like the flocks and herds of the -pastor, who in the third Georgic were destroyed by a plague, the regnum ap.ium is also subject to diseases which are recognized by certain signs (251-253): Si vero, quoniam casus apibus quoque nostros vita tulit, tristi languebant corpora morbo— .quod iam non dubiis poteris cognoscere signis. Just as varii colores appear on the face of Sol in the first Georgic (452), foreshadowing the murder of the elder Caesar, and therefore the* removal of the leader of the hive which leads to chaos and anarchy, so a change of color in the bees is a sign of sickness and death (254-255)* continuo est aegris alius colorj horrida vultum deformat maciesj Furthermore, just as Sol mourned the death of the dictator, so the bees honour the dead in the customary Roman manner with a funeral procession (255-256): turn corpora luce carentum exportant tectis et tristia funera ducunt, If the beekeeper is not able to halt the spread of the sickness by using the amellus (271-278), recourse must be taken to the famed device of the Arcadian magister, Aristaeus (281-285)* Sod si quem proles subito defecerit omnis nec genus unde novae stirpes revocetur habebit, tempus et Arcadii memoranda inventa magistri pandere, quoque modo caesis iam saepe iuvencis . insincerus apes tulerit cruor. Bugonia (281-314): In this final section of the description of the re/mum apium. Vergil relates the means discovered by Aristaeu 1 for obtaining a new stock of bees for the hive, the bugoiiia. This section not only serves as a transition to the Aristaeus episode, but also concludes the full cycle of the bee civilization (birth, death, rebirth). The buaonia is a necessary part of the cyclic movement of the first half of the fourth book in which the establishment and maintenance of the rearum apium is the central theme. Vergil located the practice of the bugonia in Egypt, giving a very learned, technical and geographical descrip tion (287-294), which is follv/ed by equally detailed in structions of the process involved (295-314): exiguus primum atque ipsos contractus in usus eligitur locus* hunc angustique imbrice tecti ^Varro RR 3.16.4. Cf. 2.5.5. 189 parietibusque premunt artis, et quattuor addunt, quattuor a ventis obliqua luce fenestras. turn vitulus bima curvans iam cornua fronte quaeriturj huis geminae nares et spiritus oris 300 multa reluctanti obstruitur, plagisque perempto tunsa per integram soluuntur viscera pellem. sic positum in clauso linquunt et ramea costis subiciunt fragments, thymum casiasque recentis. hoc geritur Zephyris primum impellentibus undas, 305 ante novis rubeant qusm prata coloribus, ante garrula quam tignis nidum suspendat hirundo. interea teneris tepefactus in ossibus umor aestuat, et visenda modis animalia miris, trunca pedum primo, mox et stridentia pennis, 310 miscentur, tenuemque magis magis aera carpunt, donee ut aestivis eff'usus nubibus imber erupere, aut ut nervo pulsante sagittae, prima leves ineunt si quanao proelia Parthi. 1 In his description of the bugonia Vergil makes three points, all of which have been emphasized previuosly both in the location and construction of the hive. First, locus (296) just as the sedes spibus statioque (8 ) must be selected with care so as to suit the purpose (ipsos in usus, 295)J furthermore, the building must be the proper size , with angusti tecti (296) just as the alvaria has angustos aditus (35)l and finally attention is given to ventalation and light (297-298)1 et quattuor addunt, quatturo a ventis obliqua luce fenestras. just as in the location and construction of the hive, the maintenance of a moderate temperature is important for the production of honey. Thus, in the bugonia process, Vergil has emphasized those points which he had previously stressed in the location and construction of the hive, as well as in the *Page, Georgica, p. 366. 190 geographical location of Italy in medio. VJith the description of the bugonia Vergil has ended his study of the bee state. Working within the framework of the Ionic ethnographical tradition,'*' Vergil has carried out his purpose to describe "fche duces, mores, studia. populi and proelia of a spectacula levium rerum* he first describes the nature of the land, the living quarters and the appearance of the houses and the food of the bees* this is followed by a description of the bees* physical appearance and their customs of war; in the central section of this ethnography, Vergil turns to the arrangement and organization of the res domesticae. national character istics, social and economic order, and political system of government; attention, is also given to unusual characteristics (such as the bees' possession of praedivinatio. 191ff.) and mirabilia. such as their startling method of reproduction (197-228); finally he describes their religious outlook and the form of their funerals (255)« The numerous points of correspondence between Vergil's ethnographic picture of the bees and the Italian culture indicates that he had fused the symbolism to be drawn from the bees with the decade of the Georgies. The political and contemporary symbolism of Vergil's ethnography is the link between the regnum apium and the foundations of a monarchy under the young Caesar. The removal of the vanquished lH. Dahlmann, "Der Bienenstaat in Vergils Georgika," Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur Mainz. Geistes- und Sozialurssenschaftlxchen Klasse. Abandlungen. 9-l2"Tl9-5&) 5^9. 191 leader— deterior qui visus, ne prodigus obsit (89)— and the importance ana necessity of having one rex who is to restore peace and maintain order, clearly merges the symbolism of the bees with the political struggle for supremacy between Antony and the young Caesar— the duo reges. Aristaeus* the moderator levium rerum Like Plato and Cicero before him, Vergil has ended his Republic with a myth which, far from being a hastily added revision iubente Augusto.V or a cloud concealing the political and social symbolism of the regnum apium. gives universal dimensions to the theme of order. By ending this study of order with the story of Aristaeus, the son of Apollo, who has attained the custodia frugum et pecudum (327), and whose relationship to the regnum apium corresponds to that of Jupiter and Sol in the macrocosm and of Caesar as auctor frugum et potens tempestatum in the microcosm, Vergil has accomplished three things: in mythical terms, he has repre sented the regeneration of the regnum apium from the dead bull's body1 in political terms, the Caesarian restoration from the anarchy of civil war* 2 in symbolic terms, the return ^Servius ad Eel. 16* Hie (Galius) primo in amcitiis Augusti Caesaris fuit; postea cum venisset in suspicionem quos contra eum coniurarct, occisus est. Fuit autem amicus Vergilii, adeo ut ouartus Georgicum a medio usque ad finem eius laudes toneret* quas postea iubente Augusto in Aristaei fabulam commutavit. 20tis, Virgil, p. 190. of the Saturnia regna from the Iron Age by means of labor and ars. The Aristaeus episode provides an effective climax to ■the Georgies as a study of* order in the macrocosm* nature* man and the state, for the implications of this regeneration myth reach beyond its immediate application to the bee state. Although in Vergil's description of the regnum apium the bee society exemplifies all those aspects of order which had been the subject of the first three books, in the Aristaeus episode Vergil deals with the character, education, and training of the beekeeper, the moderator levium rerum, whose direction and maintenance of order in the hive embodies those images of order previously associated with Jupiter and Caesar in the state. Emphasis on rational control over emotions, especially amor, is the central theme around which i Vergil develops his unique treatment of the Aristaeus story. Aristaeus' katabasis into the watery underworld of his mother, and his Herculean labor of getting an oracle from Proteus, play an important role in the education of this moderator levium rerum whose inability to control his emotions caused Wilkinson, Georgiest "It (the Orpheus-Eurydice story) had never to our knowledge been connected with Aristaeus be fore." (p. 116). Although Sir M, Bowra, "Orpheus and Eurydice, CQ 46 (1952), pp. 113-126, tries to reconstruct the lost Hellenistc original of the Orpheus-Eurydice story by analyzing the treatment of the story in Vergil and Ovid, this does not answer the question "why Virgil thought Orpheus particularly suitable to be connected with Aristaeus and the origins of the Bugonia." (Wilkinson, Georgies, p. 117)• 193 not only the death of Eurydice but also the complete destruc tion of his race of bees. Even the exemnlum given by Proteus, the story of Orpheus and Eurydice, from which Aristaeus is to learn his lesson on the necessity of control and order, centers around the inability of Orpheus to control effectively his emotional response to amor. Since the song of Proteus (^53-527) occupies the central core of this half of the book, just as the laus senis (116-1^8 ) occurs midway in the first half of the book, the themes of labor and amor stand in opposition to each other. Indeed the successful labor of Aristaeus is contrasted with the labor of Orpheus, rendered useless by his dementia and furor (his inability to control his emotional response to amor), and provides the pedagogic climax to the labor / amor opposition that is central to the instruction of the moderator. The Aristaeus episode, which develops from the narra tion of the bugonia where Vergil says (283-28^) tempus et Arcadii memoranda inventa magistri pandere begins with the question (315) Quis deus hanc, Musae, quis nobis extudit artem? Although the deus is a man, pastor Aristaeus (31?)» he is nevertheless the son of Apollo and Gyrene (323) he has been encouraged to hope for divine honours (325-328)t guid me caelum sperare iubebas? en etiam hunc ipsum vitae mortalis honorem, quern mihi vix frugum et pecudum custodia sollers omnia temptanti extuderat, te matre relinquo. 194 The story of Aristaeus begins with pastor Aristaeus complaining to his mother, Cyrene, that his hard work has been ill-recompensed, and with has announcement that he is resigning hunc • . . honorem (326) which is the immortality he was promised (caelum sperare. 325) for his skill in bee keeping# Cyrene hears her son's complaints thalamo sub fluminis alti (333)» tut the nymphs sitting around her are so absorbed in listening to Clymene's song on Vulcan's stolen amores that they do not hear Aristaeus (345-351)* inter quas curara Clymene narrabat inanem Volcani, Martisque dolos et dulcia furta, aque Chao densos divum numerabat amores. carmine quo captae dum fusis mollia pensa devolvunt, iterum matemas impulit auris luctus Aristae!, vitreisque sedilibus omnes obstipuerej This song of Clymene, who sings of the densos amores and dulcia furta of the gods, introduces the theme of amor which is to be dominant in both the Aristaeus story and the Orpheus- Eurydice episode. After his descent into the umida reana- (363) of his mother, Cyrene informs him what he must do in order to achieve the regeneration of his bees* first, Cyrene tells Aristaeus that he must obtain an oracle from Proteus, a vates and seer who knows all things (392-393)* novit namque omnia vates, quae sint, quae fuerint, quae mox ventura trahanturj In addition, Cyrene explicitly informs her son that he must use force against Proteus (398-400)* 195 nam sine vi non ulla dabit praecepta, neque ilium orando fleetest vim duram et vincula capto ttendej doli circum haec demum fTangentur inanes. Furthermore, she clearly indicates the time at which he is to do this (kQl-kOb)t ipse ego te, medios cum sol accenderit aestus, cum sitiunt herbae et pecori iam gratior umbra est, insecreta senis ducam, quo fessus ab undis se recepit, facile ut somno adgrediare iacentem. Like the farmer of the second Georgic. Aristaeus proves himself to be a man of action willing to undertake labor. for his attack on the ever-changing Proteus "symbolically reflects man's confidently active effect upon the quiet and mysterious powers of n a t u r e t h e realm of the miracula rerum wherein Proteus exists" omnia transformat sese in miracula rerum, ignemque horribilemque feram fluviumque liquentem. Proteus, whose chief characteristic is his ability to change shape, meets his match in Aristaeus, who, grasping him at midday (medium Sol igneus orbem / hauserat. ^26-^27), holds him securely until the seer returns to his original shape. To Aristaeus' request for praecepta and an oracle to explain the cause of his problems (447-^9), 'scis, Proteu, scis ipse, neque est te fallere quicquami sed tu desine velle. deum praecepta secuti venimus hinc lassis quaesitum oracula rebus.' the old seer grudgingly responds in a true oracular fashion *C, Segal, "Orpheus and the Fourth Georgic» Vergil on Nature and Civilization” AJP 87 (1966), p. .316. 2 The anger and rage of the seer results from his being forced to give an oracle. Cf. Page, Georgica. p. 378, 196 (453-456)* •Non te nullius exercent numinis irae; magna luis commissa* tibi has miserabilis Orpheus haudquaquam ad meritura poenas, ni fata resistant, suscitat, et rapta graviter pro coniuge saevit.' The cryptic reference to non nullum numen, magna commissa, and Orpheus mean little to Aristaeus at this point, for he does not understand why Orpheus invokes vengeance on him rapta pro coniuge (456). But Aristaeus does not have long to wait to find out that he is responsible for the death of Eurydice (457-459)* ilia quidem, dum te fugeret per flumina praeceps, immanem ante pedes hydrum moritura puella , servantem ripas alta non vidit in herba. Furthermore, Aristaeus finds out that he is ultimately responsible for the death of Orpheus, and that it is his magna commissa (45*0, his lust for Eurydice, that was the cause of this. It is little wonder that he is described as timentem (530) when Proteus jumps back into the sea. In one version, perhaps early, of the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice, which is part of the Orphic doctrine of regeneration, Orpheus 1 succeeds in bringing his wife back from the underworld, Vergil, however, selected an alternate version in which Orpheus failed. The reasons for this failure have important implica tions for Aristaeus. and his role as moderator levium rerum. 1 Plutarch.Amat. 17* Lucian Dial. Mort. 23.3 . Euripides Alcestis, scholiast on line 357* *0pcp£ujq 'yvufi E6pu8 (Mr|, drro- ^avoucnrK Jxpcujq hcxtcASujp x a l Tfi nouoinfj SiAflaq t6i> IIAoiSTcoua H al Tfp Kop-nu auT^u AutVyccycu dSou. Cf, Sir M. Bowra, "Orpheus and Eurydice," CQ 46 (1952) pp.113-126, 197 After Orpheus is able to conquer the shades of the underworld by song, and win the right to lead his wife back to the upper world, he yields to dementia and furor and in this moment of rashness destroys all his labor (^85-493)* iamque pedem referens casus evaserat omnis, redditaque Eurydice superas veniebat ad auras pone sequens (namque hanc dederat Proserpina legem), cum subita incautum dementia cepit amantem, ignoscenda quidem, scirent si ignoscere Manesi restitit Eurydicenque suam iam luce sub ipsa immemor heu! victusque animi respexit. ibi omnis effusus labor atque immitis rupta tyranni foedera, terque fragor stagnis auditus Avernis. Orpheus* eagerness and excessive desire for reunion with Eurydice, recalling the love of Hero and Leander hinted at in the third Georgic (258-259), lead to disaster just as Aristaeus* lust for Eurydice led to a double disaster, her death and the destruction of his bees* Eurydice herself refers to his furor (49*4—^96)* ilia *quis et me* inquit 'miseram et te perdidit, Orpheu, quis tantus furor? en iterum crudelia retro fata vocant conditque natantia lumina somnus. Remember that the only other appearance of the word furor in the Georgies was also in reference to the effects of Yenus, in that instance on horses in the third Georgic (266-270)* scilicet ante omnis furor est insignis equarumj et mentem Venus ipsa dedit, quo tempore Glauci Potniades malis membra absumpsere quadrigae, illas ducit amor trans Gargara transque sonantem Ascanium* superant montis et flumina tranant* Although Orpheus has lost his wife, he has not lost his power and gift of song* mourning the death of his wife, he wanders about the world charming nature with his song (507-515). 198 But Orpheus' grief and rejection of amor are a violent and vehement reminder of his previous eagerness (516-519)* nulla Venus, non ulli animum flexere hymenaeit solus Hyperboreas glacies Tanaimque nivalem arvaque Rhipaeis numquam viduata pruinis lustrabat. By juxtaposing the nulla Venus with the bleak and barren 1 winter waste lands, Vergil has etched Venus, the life-giving force, against a background cf winter, the season of sterility and unproductiveness. This, passage recalls the similar description of winter in the third Georgic (349-383)* es pecially lines 381-382» talis Hyberboreo septem subiecta trioni gens effrena virum Riphaeo trunditur Euro, where the climatical extremes of Libya and Scythia symbolically represent the polarity between Apollo and Pan, and provide a signific ant contrast to the Saturnia regna of the second Georgic (I36-I76). Orpheus' complete reversal in his denial and rejection of the erotic side of his nature leads again to disaster* his death at the hands of the Ciconian women who in Bacchic frenzy tear his body apart (520-522)* spretae Ciconum quo munere matres inter sacra deum nocturnique orgia Bacchi discerptum latos iuvenum sparsere per agros. Even in death Orpheus, yearning for Eurydice, exemplifies the excessive nature of his character, and the polarity of his two courses of action (523-527)* 1 Segal, "Orpheus and the Fourth Georgic." p. 319. 1 9 9 •turn quoque marmorea caput a cervice revulsum gurgite cum medio portans Oeagrius Hebrus voiveret, Eurydicen vox ipsa et frigida lingua, a miseram Eurydicen! anima fugiente vocabat: Eurydicen toto referebant flumine ripae.' The Orpheus-Eurydice story was meant to serve as an exemulum to Aristaeus, whose irrational and lustful desire for Eurydice led not only to her death but also to the destruction of his bees# The necessity of moderation and rational control over one’s emotions, especially amor, is the central theme of the story in which Orpheus* labor is destroyed by his irrationality. The emphasis on control must be the point of the oracle of Proteus, for Aristaeus receives the instructions for the regeneration of the hive from his mother whose union with the god most associated with control has produced Aristaeus him self. The combination of Proteus and Cyrene, therefore, produces the oracle requested by Aristaeus and granted by ■i Apollo, The vis counseled by Cyrene (398-400) now clearly 2 emerges as vis temnerata. <1 In the. Aeneid Apollo has an important role as the inspirer of oracles: 2.114; 3.104V 161, 210-26?, 371* 4.345, 376; 6 .9 , 35, 47, 77, 81-87. In the Georgies Vergil refers to Thymbraean Apollo as the father of Aristaeus and husband of Cyrene. The epithet is derived from Apollo's well known oracular shrine at Thymbra in the Troad. (Cf. Servius ad Verg, Aen. 3.85). Cf. Horace Carm. 3*4.65-68: vis consili expers mole ruit sua: vim temperatam di quoque provehunt in maius* idem odere viris omne nefas animo moventis. Horace's aphorism,that brute force, bereft of judgement, pro duces its own destruction, is in effect Vergil's message to the moderator. 200 Aristaeus* katabasis and return, and his successful regener ation of the hive, provide an effective contrast to the failure of Orpheus whose dementia and furor caused him to nullify the results of his labor in one moment of irrationality, Although Aristaeus destroyed the microcosm over which he had control on account of his irrational and uncontrolled lust, he achieved the regeneration of his hive through his divinely directed labor; for having been counseled by his mother to use force, Aristaeus compelled Proteus to give him an oracle which Cyrene interpreted, informing her son of the necessary sacrifices to be performed to appease the anger of Orpheus and Eurydice. By following the instructions of his mother, Aristaeus achieves the regeneration of his bees, and therefore establishes his role as the benefactor of the hive, the frugum et -pecudum custodia sollers (327). As benefactor and regenerator of the hive, Aristaeus1 role has important implications for the rebirth of the Roman state; for like Aristaeus, the young Caesar is closely and inevitably linked with the state and its regeneration in a <1 myth which shows that out of death springs life. If as X have suggested the Georgies is nothing less than a proposal forthe governance of the empire, the birth of the new state ^Cf» J, Perret, Virgile, 1 *homme et 1*oeuvre (Paris* 1952), p. 8^ff, See also G. E. Duckworth "Vergil's Georgies and the Laudes Galli" AJP 80 (1959), pp. 232 and 236. 201 from the ruins of the vetus res publica is symbolically suggested in this regeneration myth. In the second Georgic Vergil implied that the return of the Satumia regna was an achieved result under the direction and guidance of the young Caesar, whose military campaigns on the fringe of the empire were making the Saturnia tellus a safe and habitable place. Furthermore, the important lesson of the necessity for self-control that Aristaeus learned from the Orpheus- Eurydice exemplum is equally significant for the young Caesar, as moderator rei publicae. Aristaeus* inability to control his amor led to the destruction of the hive* likewise the pursuit of excessive and exclusive dignitas by the various principes of the first century B.C. was a decisive factor in the decline of the effectiveness of Rome's constitution. From the appearance of the duo soles in the sky during the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus, until the battle of Actium in 31 B.C., control of the state passed from the hands of one ambitious leader to another! when the final struggle between Antony and the young Caesar (the duo reges) began, the state was on the verge of collapse both agriculturally and politically, a situation symbolized for Vergil by the uncontrollable currus at the end of the first Georgic. A strong moderator rei publicae with effective monarchical powers was needed to end the civil discord and political strifej and this need is symbolized by the beekeeper's action in casting dust, on his warring hive. 1See above,’ p. 10. 202 Order in the hive as well as in the state is maintained by the nioderator« Aristaeuo-Caesar. In the first Georgic« Caesar the dictator and the young Caesar played their separate and mingled roles. Both Caesars were so closely associated that Vergil could make effective use of the ambiguity in their name* The young Caesarv however, is clearly indicated as the Caesar at the end of the first Georgic under whose direction and guidance the Satumia regna will return. In the third Georgic the young Caesar is closely linked to Apollo, the god of rationality and control, whose righteous anger is levelled against the .enemies of the state, Antony and Cleopatra, Although Caesar*s name is absent from the prologue of the fourth Georgic. he does re-emerge in the epilogue (559-562)* Haec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam et super arboribus, Caesar dum magnus ad altum fulminant Euphraten bello victorque volentis per populos dat iura viamque adfectat Olympo. In this epilogue Vergil specifically refers to the subjects of the first three Georgies, arva (book 1), ~pecora (book 3) and arbores (book 2 ), while the subject of the fourth book is supplied by the description of the activities of magnus Caesar. The three spheres of activity mentioned suggest the first three Georgies in reverse* Caesar's triumphal progress through the East to the Euphrates recalls his victory at Actium over the Gangarides and his triumphal procession into Rome in the third Georgic* the young Caesar's institu- 203 tion of lawsi volentis / per populos dat iura (561-562), recalls his association in the second Georgic with Liber pater whose Baccheia dona led to the establishment of a Saturnia regnat finally, his achievement of divinity answers the ambiguity and uncertainty of his sphere of influence suggested •in the opening prologue of the first Georgic* Caesar has now in reality become the auctor frugum et potens tempestatum. Caesar's conquest of the Euphrates has extended his sphere of influence as far to the East as in the West (1.29-31)• His introduction of iura is suggestive of his role as dis penser of justice, law and order, indicated by his natalicum signum (1.32-35)* Thus Vergil has skilfully prepared for the return of the young Caesar who is now called magnus. an epithet indicative of his wide sphere of influence. There is no uncertainty or ambiguity now about his role or identity. Like Aristaeus, who achieves the regeneration of his regnum apium. the young Caesar will achieve the regeneration of the state. Thus, order will have been achieved not only in the m&crocosm, but also in the microcosm. The young Caesar is firmly established in his role as the auctor frugum et potens tempestatum (I.27), the ruler of the seas (1.29-31), and the 1 dispenser of law and order (1.32-35)* By linking the young S Caesar symbolically with Jupiter and Sol, and with Liber pater and Apollo, Vergil has fused his images of order into one person, Caesar, just as through a useful ambiguity he had earlier commingled the roles of Caesar the dictator and Caesar 20*1* the victor at Actium, restorer of peace, and regenerator of Satumia regna. This new moderator rei publicae. with the exclusive powers of a monarch, has assumed the control and direction of the currus# the chief symbol of political and agricultural order in the state. The first Georgic opened with a series of indirect questions outlining Vergil’s intent to examine the auspices under which Italy's productiveness would flourish (1.1—5)■ Quid faciat laetas segetes, quo sidere terram vertere, Maecenas, ulmisque adiungere vitis conveniat, quae cura bourn, qui cultus habendo sit pecori, apibus quanta experientia parcis, hinc canere incipiam. Furthermore, although Caesar is introduced in this prologue, his role and even identity are ambiguous and uncertain. The fourth Georgic asks more directly what god has developed the skill of regeneration so vitally needed by the state (315-316)* Quis deus hanc, Musae, quis nobis extudit artera? unde nova ingressus hominum experientia cepit? The questions are now answered beyond doubt. The young Caesar is the god, and Caesar's are the auspices. 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