Artemis-Leto and Apollo-Lairbenos Author(s): W. M. Ramsay Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 10 (1889), pp. 216-230 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/623595 . Accessed: 18/01/2015 22:51

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This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 18 Jan 2015 22:51:20 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 216 ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS.

ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS.

ONE of the most curious series of Anatolian inscriptions known to me has been published by Mr. Hogarth in this Journal, 1887, pp. 376 ff. Their importance lies in the fact that they show us the manners and religion of one district hardly affected by Greek civilisation, and almost purely native in character. As the use of the Greek language and knowledge of Greek civilisation spread, the native manners were proscribed as barbarous, and even native mythology was discarded and Greek tales adapted to suit the locality. I have frequently given instances of this. At Magnesia ad Sipylumm, for example, if we may judge from the references of Pausanias, the mythology of the district was re-modelled under the influence of the Greek literary tradition of Niobe, and localities had to be found to suit the details of the story. As to the inscriptions published by Mr. Hogarth, Nos. 12-20, probably no one who reads over the texts can doubt that Greek was strange to the writers. They were native Phrygians, speaking their own language with a smattering of Greek, quite uneducated, but impressed with the belief universal over Asia Minor that Greek was the one language of education, and trying to express themselves in Greek. In every part of the country where the inscriptions enable us to penetrate below the Graeco-Roman varnish, the same inference is forced on us. Greek did not succeed in forcing itself on the native population of , Galatia, Lycaonia, and Cappadocia (except in the large cities which were centres of Graeco-Roman civilisation) until Christianity gave it the additional power of being the language of the Scriptures. The fact that the inscriptions were written in Greek by persons who had a mere smattering of the language makes them very hard to understand. The words are mis-spelt, corrupted, distorted so much as to be sometimes unrecognisable. In June 1888 I spent a day at Badinlar, where the inscrip- tions are for the most part found, and discovered several new texts which throw some light on those which had previously been published. The interest of the subject makes me think it worth while to publish the newly discovered texts, and to show how far they help us towards the proper interpretation of those already published. I have elsewhere collected the facts which prove that a goddess called sometimes Leto, sometimes Artemis, was widely worshipped in the southern

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and central parts of western Asia Minor.1 She is invoked as the 'Mother,' and her son, most commonly called by the Greek name Apollo, is worshipped along with her. The inscriptions of Dionysopolis, where they were known as Leto and Lairbenos, give us some curious glimpses of the character of their cultus. They permit us to form some idea of the relations that existed between the two deities, mother and son, Leto and Lairbenos, on the one hand, and their worshippers on the other. With all their rudeness and bad grammar, they show us more of the real character of Asia Minor society and religion at the period to which they belong than do any other known inscriptions. Such errors as for show that the authors of the inscriptions picked 4.orrpapetup by the ear•.e?rXadptov only their small stock of Greek. The engraving also is so rudely done that A and A, 0 and 0, C and E, &c., are frequently confused, and letters are often omitted entirely. The interpretation of these texts is greatly a matter of comparison with less obscure inscriptions of a similar kind, and I shall therefore at the end quote a few inscriptions which throw light on obscurities in the Dionysopolitan texts. M. Foucart's admirable Associations Religieuses chez les Grecsought to be read in company with the following texts. 1. On a small stele at Badinlar.

C CAN APOCIEPAOAE

of Southern 'Antiquities Phrygia,' A. II., ial M71Opl'ArdAXwvos. in Amer. Jour. Archaeol., 1887. To the homes " Compare also the inscription No. 4 in my of her add worship (7) the Ormeleis in Kabalis, 'Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,' Part I., as is shown by the inscription quoted in the J. IH.S., 1884. course of the same article, A. VIII., 'A7rFdAAw•

This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 18 Jan 2015 22:51:20 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 218 ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS. of the shrine near Dionysopolis overhanging the south bank of the Maeander. I do not in the transcript correct any of the faults of grammar in the text. The intention of the writer seems to be, 'I, Sosandros of Hierapolis, having sworn falsely and being impure on that account, entered the temple of the Gods Consort, and I was chastised, and I now give warning that no one should despise the god Lairmenos, since he will have my stele as an example.' On ryvos~,divayvo9, see Foucart, p. 147. The inscriptions of this class agree in representing the authors as having approached the when polluted with some physical or moral impurity and therefore unfit to appear before the god: they are chastised by the god (in some cases at least, perhaps in all cases, with some disease 1): they confess and acknowledge their fault (dojo*Xoo•zotLatis the technical term); they thereby appease the god (idVo-KcoaatLprobably); they are cured of their ailment or released from their punishment; and finally they relate the facts as a warning to others not to treat the god lightly. The question might be raised whether the oath in this case was a one religious (e.g. among epavao-ra4, Foucart, I.c., p. 210, 1. 9), or belonged to ordinary social life. The term o-aivp/3o.ovis important, as showing that the mother and the son were in the same worshipped temple and on the same altar: o-'zvvaos and a 'vpwtLogare often united, but the latter here implies the former.

2. Orta Keui: in a house: on a marble stele beneath a relief representing a bipennis. The stone is broken left and bottom.

HC IMOC0 A TT0 A Y 'Ov]4o-tauo [A]v[p 'A•-6XXwvt EYIAMENOEYTTEPTOYKOA ] e6vtCeovo9 v'7rzep ,cok- /v oi•, ENTOEBOOCAIATOYETr ao-0]6'row83ob0\ 8tL 7o9 "e.. EKAIMHTTAPAFEFONI ... e icai l 71apayeyovl.... HEYCHMIII .. e~oy/,w...... NEYI AM .. S5w-.. e ed/vot; og O7XOrY- '"rEN pda]o This fragment would certainly have been interesting, if it were better The relief over preserved. it shows that the bipennis was the symbol of the god Lairbenos, marking him as the sun-god: the radiated head on coins of

1 of fever is Hogarth's suggestion very pro. Th V'b i4e[ptrICv]E,cal c1 lapayeyov[E'e, in cases cThrlXJ bably right where no other disease is EVaO1AyCPi[Aacod1uEros, EAoy]czv d0r indicated. evdig4[evor IC.r.X., ' on behalf of his ox which 2 The maximum of AoypdqoJrlo•Ve, probable letters lost is had been punished (by the god) because he had indicated the number of dots. The by text been late and had not made his appearance (at doubtless continued with the usual formula, the temple).' I felt confident when reading the The 7rapayyXAcow yrgEa following re- inscription that the gap in 5-6 began with Land storation, in which I i.'..A.am aided by suggestions ended with w, and the words which I suggest of Hogarth, suits the conditions of space, but I are all technical in these formulae. I have also do not insert it in the text, as I do not feel con- thought of Hxcyt e-Xaptaorv. Repetitions are fident of the two words that follow eoa

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Hierapolis leads to the same conclusion. At Develar a small relief without inscription shows the god on horseback bearing the bipennis over his shoulder, a type which is common on coins of Lydia and Phrygia: some numismatists used to interpret the figure as an Amazon, but there can be no doubt that it represents the Lydo-Phrygian sun-god, who is known in different places by such names as Sabazios, Lairbenos, Men Askaenos, Sozon, &c. Elsewhere I have mentioned the great variety of forms in the name of the god. We have Aatppndv,, and perhaps Aatp&•yv6, AepJnro'vd, AvppLrvS. Avep/vLpr, The ox or the bull had some connection with the Phrygian mysteries: and the I ep. Foucart, p. 77, mystic TravpooSp KOv7TO9Ka Trapov see also rraT"?p Spdbcav; below, ? 19. 3. At Badinlar on a small fragment, broken at top and on left . //I//ll/ A////I/I I//lEAAWMI I//I 7rapavry]4EXcouq86- //ONEINTOYOE va Kara p]oveiv e- 7T00, oV, ]e T //EITHNCTHN v AAPION •''et, or7G[•1r1]v E.ENT ..v'rXaidptov It is possible that JfevXdparpovwas added as the only word in the last line; though there may have been a word or words between o-rv (which seems to be an engraver's error) and JfevrXEdptov.The last word is interesting. The use of the word has been made an argument against the genuineness of the epistles of Ignatius.' We have here an example, which is not, I think, later than the second century, of the word spreading north from the Lycus valley a rude and illiterate From among people. some cause or other ?'?evrXov and evErXadptovmust have been taken into the popular speech in this part of Phrygia at quite an early period. The word recurs below, 5 and 6, in extraordinary corruptions, which prove its use in the vulgar dialect. It doubtless was popularised from legal use at the conventus of Laodiceia. These three inscriptions clear up some parts of the difficult texts already published by Mr. Hogarth, all of which I examined anew in 1888 without finding any important variation from our old copies.2 I add the texts of those which can now be more completely understood, assuming all Mr. Hogarth's results. Much remains still unintelligible. 4 (Hogarth, 12). This inscription I observed on a new examination to be almost complete. We have the first line, which wants only two letters. 'A-rjOe-9'A)ya9utt6c p]ov tpcpa8tao•ia ICE 7tO0avTov ?L -- PT70-Callo-a) E-7r7KW

1 See Lightfoot, Ignatius and , I. p. - The reproduction by type of such rude 396, II. p. 34. texts was of course very imperfect.

This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 18 Jan 2015 22:51:20 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 220 ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS. - 5 Erb 70Te" 0V ixoXaO•oaE7i a xc(\) e'o-ryXoY- pa'b?)o-Ev wapary(ry)- EX(X)vw ty'val Ka- Tracpovei. drqco with prothetic vowel, which is common in Asia Minor, but generally before a double consonant. The active for passive need not surprise us in these inscriptions; but still the interpretation is doubtful, as the word is not used in any of the other texts. The offence which has caused impurity in this case is incest. Nothing is said about approaching the sanctuary during impurity, so that the punishment is represented as inflicted directly for the offence, and not for entering the sanctuary before purification from the offence.

5 (Hogarth 13).

'A7re[XXa&S' 'A7roX]wviov Mo-reXXyPov oloyoo.-ry V 70'oT /pe coXao8le•r1s OeoY cE7TgEX'01o-a peive 5 e'd IPE-r'v7a- vv " 8th"a ro-rTo o)v - pavyryXovo'-tv tp?• va IcaTacpovei 7-T^ OEC) 'rt 'eLT 7['lV oG-r]4Xyz'X ov- 7r-Xdptov.-/1.Ta'r7r 10 EL 3/VPEKO BXet1380S.

The name in the last line is certainly BAEIAIA 0E ; but considering how frequently letters are falsely engraved on the stone, Mr. Hogarth's ingenious correction Bao-tXi8oqmay very well be right. In line 6 vao-tv is engraved for 7rao-tv: in 7 w7rlfor 7rTet. The last three lines seem to me to be an addition explanatory of 4-5, The sentence ends with In je•zerKosq. fovrXcdptov. 7 I read NEI in 1888 for NH in 1887.

6 (Hogarth 14). It is doubtful how much is lost at the beginning. One or more lines may have been broken away. pLc0yeo] 'HXlov ? 'ArrXhX- wiO]ov? 8t rOb aprqc- elveteL Wt 7TjXpl[] "o-e- TVXe Cal\8t-Oa 7j-r 5 xc;Ezyet ivayvaXlnyov-

rrapa(7y)7yrXXwLu~eS't Kca'acb-

EL vjlv [TE]iXylV )FOrPapEeL(Ov).

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10 epeto- TOVLE7 rov7 77rpoeGy/eve ...]vxevt xal EcooXoryya`i-t pEv]xca? [EtXaO?)[]o.1 I think that this inscription, like the last, ended with line 9, and that the last three lines are an explanation which should have come about line 5. Either they were omitted by the engraver, or the author felt that he had not sufficiently explained the circumstances in line 5, and added some further particulars. The last two lines seem to contain the confession and the appeasing of the god. The last word is apparently as given in the text: the second last letter is imperfect. Lines 5-6 seem to be a dittography (P') of 3-5. The composer was dissatisfied and added P', i.e.' or.' The sense is 'in as much as he happened and traversed (vulgar for "lie happened to traverse ") the Village,2 or in this way, in impurity forgetting I was at the Village.' Mr. Hogarth has rightly, I think, interpreted both and as the Xoplov KcwrIy village attached to the temple. The name Hiera Kome in a similar sense is found in the lower Maeander valley. The temple was not in or close to any of the cities of the district. It was doubtless older than them all,3 and was the original central hieron of the whole surrounding district. It stood on a spur of the plateau projecting into the great caiion of the Maeander, connected by a low, narrow neck with the higher ground on which Dionysopolis stood. The expression 'to go up to the temple' (Jva3aivetv et" Xplov) is strictly ?' true to the latter part of the approach, though as a whole the hieron is on a lower level than any part of the plateau on either side of the Maeander. The exact name of the Sacred Village is preserved to us in an inscription (Cit. and Bish., No. 5) as 'ATvoXCOpLov.This name may be compared with Menos Kome, which was (as I shall prove elsewhere) applied to the village attached to the temple of Men Karou near Attoudda. The restoration given by Mr. Hogarth, in [Abp],Xlov 'Awoxx[c•ovov, line 1, does not please me. I prefer to see in the two genitives the remains of some expression like TO/~)ye4o0 70T 'HXiov The difficulty is 'Awr6XXOwvo9. that 'ArXXovov must have been the reading on the stone, but the same false form occurs in the following inscription. The name AipyX1lov'ArokX- Xovlov would imply a third century date. But though the praenomenAurelius became exceedingly common, it is not usual to give it in this way with the father's name, but only with the name of the son which precedes. For example, in this case the form of the inscription would have to be either Ab'pkXto9MWvav~po9 Ai'pXllov 'AwoXXcovlovor Mevav3pog A~pqlXlov'AwroX- XWvlov, both of which are improbable, the latter being exceedingly rare. we detect the Perhaps may words bvaryva, as in No. 1, and radpucq for 7rdpetpLt. Mr. Hogarth (rightly as I think) interprets &tiOa as 3tb(X)Oa. I

The inscription ends with O. In 10 our literally means 'the Town.' I however it was rebuilt in the first copy, made in 1887, is as published by Apparently Roman period. Mr. the third letter of A Hogarth, being part SThe writer of No. 2, who knew more or A or uses A. In 1888 I thought it was E. Greek, rapayl'yve-rOa rather than rapeirYv. 2 Compare the Phrygian city 'Bria,' which

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understand that the classical adjective kXa~wovmay already have given rise to such derivatives as the modern X7a/-covetW,Xkq(ca)ovqa-a. 7 (Hogarth 15). ME'7al 'Ar6XXhwAELtLuV69. :66 pov lepo okeOe'tlor KcoXaTeNv(i.e. xcoX(a)o-Oetl) 6ro 'Awr6XXovo9Aet- PLrov eoe 'b c4pap- 5 7TyVICEVEt7r0o-Tptoft9 V elX'o-TryIVKX'Oet7rov KeLTO7•?7V]tiXao-(a) 'Ar7r(X)- Xo[v]ov /Ke8oC Ical aliaovac Ica. 10 a vetVco" X•Xetat" i4opoX[o•y- 17o-a/LEvoelOrT7XOY[pa- Obnaa 7rapay(y)E`X(X)o un&- stEE7ret' [ef- SKcaTa0.'povtpoCt 7TV(Tj077X)'V X feLe/7rXoV].

Lines 6-10 seem to contain a statement of the expiation. 7, 8 perhaps 'I propitiated the greatness of Apollo.' Possibly gifts are mentioned as part of the propitiation (eldc[v]a ?). In 5 perhaps the intention is a passive aorist, from wpoo-rpeiro,in the sense of 'having supplicated.' 7rpo'o'7pet~OEi, In 1888 I could not satisfy myself about any letter in lines 14 and 15. The words 'r lOe&or o70V9eoD are omitted in 13 before and may have rdel, been given at the end. If the letters which we read (13, 14) with much hesitation in 1887 are to be trusted, the formula expressing the punishment at the end was different: I have restored the common formula to show what I think to have been the sense.

8 (Hogarth 16) belongs on account of the name to the third century. I can add little more than Mr. Hogarth has suggested. The offence is some as is shown the personal impurity, by relief and by the word opXL9. Mr. Robinson Ellis's as a form of aorist from Xycacyo-•anv, Phrygian X';icco,. seems correct. I have elsewhere shown that the Phrygian patois of Greek loved middle aorists.2

7TO 7P wTqpX0A9LptoOr-rpdlTov Mo'reX(X0)iVb coXaOtiv 06o0 AbpXto•ol? raV7t r~t e rTi o X(X)o avdyvov Xpovat 6 7pOic IC77lj7e7E7'apay(y)E TE V OPX Ey&)7EyhXiCVc7(Er/,/ ,9 wa/7r,ETri•" O Xa)p6)V.3

1 I would account for the form as the result of 1887 ; Philologus, 1888, p. 755. or Similar pure ignorance misspelling. reasons, 3I read WPION in 1888; WPIWN and not a rare dialectic form such as Hesychius is however more probably right, as I did the would quote, must explain line 3, where Mr. end carelessly in 1888, and we were very care- Ellis prefers a&vdytovtoo vayvov (Journal of ful in 1887. On the Phrygian dative singular Philology, XVII. 139). But the analogy of in -v see paper in Zft. f. Nos. 1 and 3 points to dva-yov. my vergl. Sprachforech- 2 S1887. Zeitschrift fiir Vergleich. Spracpforsch.,

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A writer who gives TrOv bpxv, for present n-aparyrykXo&,icoXaWiv for KoXaOelS,1may quite well have,r'apayfeXwvo given Ivayvov for ava7vo9. E for H before as 'rpoKr0 (e)e is an engraver's error. Mr. Hogarth speaks of the inscription 'a piece of very careless work.' I would rather call it a laborious piece of ignorant work by persons who had picked up by ear a smattering of the language of educated society, but who spoke Phrygian as their native language.

9 (Hogarth 19). F(4to2?)A6XXLo9 'Aro'X(X)o- vt AEpp]qvp 3,u6o'aq [lcale7ropKcqo-a, &c.]. I add a conjectural restoration in line 3 to show the general character. The inscription is not honorific (Hogarth, p. 390), but belongs to the same class as the preceding. Unfaithfulness to an oath is a common fault in this class of inscriptions, but the remains of letters in 3 show that the actual words were not those which I have printed.2

10. At Develar. The stone is broken so that it is impossible to say how much further the inscription extended. ' 'O E- OAHMOEOKAFYETTEONE 18po9 KayvETT&'ov TIMHEENEYTYXHNIOAAOY4I EtTrXlqV 'I6XXov TIPflo'ev e~. A//llv ///////P////////TTATPI N//////// X[o]Kc[ao'a]p[a tXld]r7aTpwv This inscription gives us the name of a village on the borders of the territory of Dionysopolis and Mossyna. It enables us to restore the inscription published by Mr. Hogarth, No. 22, where 1. 6, 7 is T00i 8~4pov [Ka(yv]ETTE'oq. This genitive from KayvETTrre9 is an instance of Phrygian Greek, and the want of an article after 8 rjuov is to be explained in the same way. 11. At Badinlar, on a fragment, complete only on the left, broken on all other sides: there was however no fourth line.

AWN IA A[atpp-- 'Awn-X]Xowv HN IH ry[

OEWY Oe60[JVtrer 12. At Orta Keui in a cemetery: beneath a relief representing an eagle. The letters are faint and worn.

1 Unless irokdco6~v be the reads A BII W. There is no clue to the rapay',•AAwv intention. number of but each contained about 14 or 2 the lines, In 1888 I examined and measured 15 letters. stone and considered that at least one 3 carefully, Usually 6 nipos 6 is the form, letter was lost at the left of the first line. The but sometimes the secondnpu•rnaae'wv 6 is omitted. second now begins IHN . The third now

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ATTOAAINI 'A'roXX'cvw- OEATOTAAf1 o0 'AwroXXo- 0 NIOYOIEPE viov LEpE- v Ae YCAEIN////il N[w NOYAEIEY vovXeLeU- XHN XVv. Adt for Adt occurs occasionally in Phrygian Greek. The last letter of line 4 is squeezed into a narrow space sideways and of smaller size. It can- not be given by type, but is certainly n. Apollonius the Priest is in all probability the hereditary priest of Apollo Lairbenos (see ? 31). He addresses the god by a strange title.

13. At Badinlar, on a small stele, beneath a relief representing a winged horseman to the right, carrying in his right hand an object which may be a ball or a patera. The letters are so rude as to be hardly decipherable.

HPAKAIAHCTTAN4IAOV 'HpaKlX•18 HIIavbiXov Atel AlEIi-OWCOYEYEAMENOC Foo-oi(?) eva/jevo" ANEGHKA avlr'Oc•a The epithet following At~l is quite uncertain.'

14. On a cippus in the cation of the Maeander, on the right bank of the river.

POYI WNK.KA. 'Poviwov KX(avslov) KAHMENTOC KX/4,pevTr0 AOYAOCEYXHN 8o0iXo EVX,7

15. Many of the persons mentioned bear the epithet lepo6 or lepd. Mr. Hogarth gives the sense as 'engaged in the service of the temple.' I aln disposed to get a more precise meaning by comparison with ieposovXoq: the same persons who in the original Anatolian system were hierodouloi, were now under the Graeco-Roman social system hieroi. They are distinguished alike from the slave population, from the priests, and from the immigrant population of the cities such as Dionysopolis. They are therefore the true native Anatolians, and hence the ethnic Motellenos occurs much more frequently than Dionysopolites: Motella was a village hardly affected by the Graeco-Roman civilisation, while Dionysopolis was a Greek city with the Graeco-Roman tone. The terms lepdv and Iepd are in the great inscription of Andania applied to a class of persons or officials, of considerable number and chosen by lot, connected with the mysteries. Sauppe in his commentary says that this use

1 Mr. Hogarth's words would seem to imply scription was copied by Hogarth and myself in that his No. 28 was copied by Mr. Sterrett in 1887. 1883. This is a mere slip of order. The in-

This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 18 Jan 2015 22:51:20 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS. 225 of the term is unique (p. 36). It is too purely Greek to be used in illustration of our present case. Strabo (p. 559) says of Pontica 7rXi09 [d[Trt] yvvatrcvT6Wv v a7rb T70ro-jO Wv al rXeiovw eWov lepal. 'pryaotLvoW Here the term must mean 'attached to aroo,the sanctuary and bound to the service of the deity.' Such women are a well-attested feature of the Anatolian worship.' Besides those who were bound to the life (iep6douXot),there were also cases in which women acted in this way for a time as an act of devotion to the deity. An inscription of Tralleis is erected by a lady apparently of good family, to judge from her name, during the third century after Christ, in which she of herself as speaks de 7rpo7yovovvWraXXaK~ 0v Ka& a6tvrToTr'O&wv and as herself waXXa; o-ao-aaaKat rar Xpo-p•v.2 16. A series of Inscriptions at Dionysopolis record the enfranchisement of slaves by dedicating them to the god. They would in that case become hieroi. The word lepd~ovXoq occurs in an inscription of Sandal quoted below. The inscriptions of this class are given by Hogarth, Nos. 1-6,3 to which I would add his No. 8, in which his restoration seems unsatisfactory. These inscriptions were engraved several on one stone, or they were (as in his No. 1) squeezed in at the end of an inscription of quite different character: in this way I interpret the first line as being the end of one inscription. The stone then continues after the date of the new inscription (which is rightly explained Mr. ? K by Hogarth), Z7[vo'80ooq ]a\ "ryvv() ko[v KaTa7pdkoo]ev cacv6Tv Ope7rTov]'Av, &c. 'Tv 17. The inscriptions of Dionysopolis are to be compared with those of the of Lydian city , now called Sandal, beside Koula.4 The goddess worshipped there is called Leto and Artemis-Anaeitis. She perhaps got the name Anaeitis from the Persian colonists who were settled in the Hermus valley by the Persian kings. The inscriptions of Koula are of similar character to those of Dionysopolis, but are more Greek in type, written in better language, and less instructive about the native religion. I give here two or three texts, partly because they are generally incorrectly restored in their published form, but also for the light they throw on the more obscure of In the inscriptions Dionysopolis. Movo-e-ov,No. Xry',"ETrovq.. e, Neda eP', iE[po]BovXo, adet Tph(vu)1[a/P]ai[A,]wyvaiov ov, 81 'T /[[oXa]o-e-OeO Tp6[s]bzos a'Trov [f'7pa]a /athentr7r iv&'a--[ryqo-a 7-)v]]o-avwrot o-7r4XXlV. Trophimus, when Zeus Sabazios visited him with punishment, wrote and set

11 use the term Anatolianworship, not as engrained in modern literature for me to eradi- indicatingidentity, but only generalsimilarity cate, that Koula is an ancient village . in someimportant features of religionin great Koula is the Byzantine fortress Opsikion (called part of Asia Minor. by the Turks Koula 'the in 2 fortress') the terri- I publishedit in the Bulletinde Correspond- tory of Satala. The inscription now at Koula anceHellenique, 1883, p. 276. mentioning the village Koloe, was 3 brought from In addition to those given in my 'Cities the Kara Tash district, eight hours distant. and Bishoprics,'? VII. J. H. S., 1883. Mr. Hicks, in the Classical Review, 1889, p. 69, 4 I have frequentlypointed out that there is doubles the error by actually confusing this no real foundationfor the view now too deeply Koloe with the lake near . H.S.-VOL. X. Q

This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 18 Jan 2015 22:51:20 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 226 ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS. up the stele on account of his having been is for chastised": KokdXeo-Ee /coXdce-Oat,where we should expect KeKokacaOat.

18. A still closer parallel is given by the following, which is engraved beneath a relief representing a horseman, towards the right, carrying a bi- pennis in his left hand: 'AvTrola 'Avrwvioov 'Awr6XXcovO8e Bornv 8atl 'b 8\ Ava3e/[KE]ve /ye dr 7xt' v evsv7y, XopoY iv?'rap, coXao-O•o-a 1yay77vImp etXoyiav OT"tEyeIVO07v 0Xo[KX]?pov. To judge '.poXo-from the appearance ofavy.Oca the inscription it is not later than the second century. Here many technical terms occur: ava3alvetv, Copoxoy'opat, &c.; Xop'V (opov, ought in all probability be printed Xopov,and interpreted as a mere error for X6pov or X~wpov, the village beside the sanctuary. Pvrapy is a technical term of the mysteries, as may be gathered from Plutarch, de Superst. 12, quoted by M. Foucart, 1.c.,pp. 147, 169. The stone, which is said to have come from Koula, was brought to the Berlin Museum in 1879, and published by Conze in the Archdolog. Zeitung, 1880, p. 37.

19. Another stone, of the same provenance, and published along with the preceding inscription, shows a relief representing a bipennis; beneath it is the following inscription: ol' 'Apr VOo VO 7-T1X- Xadptov i7r' ro8 poo\ 'ArdXXwovt•v&oraeavTapo-. This steleK'a7TaXOEV apparently replaced another which had been knocked down and broken by an ox belonging to Artemon or his 2 sons (see ? 2). KaT7aXOV for KaTeaXOCEV,is of the Phrygian Greek: e is often inserted in unaugmented forms by late writers and in MSS. of early writers.

20. In the Smyrna Mouseion, No. vXyr', dated A.D. 237, six persons record (beneath two breasts, a leg, and two eyes in relief) that they make the sacred tablet in of the propitiation goddess: Tb epowropa elXa- oaieevv M r 'pav 'Avide- TEKVOVK rroto'-avreTI 5v7rp Opati ,-,, rypavor, T7r0av. 21. No. vX?', dated A.D. 159, is very important in comparison with No. 7 above. MeydXqL'Avaewrt9. 'Errel ToF/o9 wrrej47o'Cfv, a Kal tdpr1PTlo'•, tepowoir evXaptor-Tv, 04%', uqvoq'Ap- arro&•e[lclvvv rTEPLeoiov/'. The cry' e•lXao-a'cGreateo" is Anaeitis,' 'Great is Apollo'ov Lairmenos,' at the beginning, recalls 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians.'" The intention of the writer, who does not give his name, seems to be as follows, in defiance of grammar and logic: Apollo visited me with punishment when I sinned, and

1 Conze makes this into two words, taking Artemon, and that his sons make the restitution. fIlr as a particle. A love for the middle voice This stone accompanied the preceding. is 3 characteristic of Phrygian Greek, see my notes I can merely state the opinion in this place in Philologus, 1888, p. 755. Moreover the com- that the inscriptions quoted in these pages give pound is not found in the active a better idea of the Artemis of the odolooXwoyo•/ai , voice. Mother, the Parthenos, than can be obtained 2 The omission of the names of the sons sug- from any other source. gests that the offence dates from the time of

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I have set forth the facts by a tabula sacra, propitiating the god and thanking him. Compare i~etXcdcaaOat and eelXkarov in Foucart, 1.c.,p. 220. 22. In No. TXP', Aur. Stratonicus, having in ignorance cut wood from the sacred grove of Zeus Sabazios and Artemis Anaeitis, KoXa-letSet,9 ovo d/ev eXXapta0e-ptovave-riraa. The date is 235-6 A.D. 23. In No. A.D. 126, b1 7X8', ~rco-iaor- ''Apwa ol'n-' Mqp-ph GPtXe180o Tov ta , /6EK /=arTov 8t' a/papTravXO'yov XaX•oaoca, [ia]jX0a/cE}r'oje"caC'/ tsla9 ai~'X)i, i , jvta . .. The inscription is also 7i' a/ ov, -r Qrre , published in the Bulletin de CorrespondanceHellenique, 1884, p. 378. The terms E'oh-~Xy and tapapriav are similar to the inscriptions below. The rest is obscure; apparently she was cured and then took an oath to make some monthly service.

24. In No. rrv', in A.D. 143, Artemidoros v and Amias /e6 rT' oTzfEver g', (e)i0Trwo cal j47 (e)i8dr6T , Xv'rpov Icar' drn-rayqv Mqjvt Tvp'vvy caal t M a'&roZl OeoZ[v],XIrpovthe word seems to be used almost o'iyv in'0Oy7v7, the sense aic, of e;X'qvas a ransom paid to the god for Artemidoros and his wife.2 The only sense I can gather from the opening words is 'with their relations six in number, some of whom know and some do not know.' The Movo-aov reads E'e d180rv Icat pq i8O7rMv. The word seems to imply that Men and Zeus are one,3 and the concluding phraseabi,~ is equivalent to Ka?

25. This use of the word Xmrpov occurs also in an inscription published in the Classical Review, 1888, p. 138, by Mr. Hicks, who despairs of the tran- scription and interpretation. I copied the same inscription at a khan in Simav in 1884, and can attest the accuracy of the copy sent to Mr. Hicks.4 But at present I can contribute little but guesses to the explanation of the the strange text, although words are quite clear: HaXXt/hk'Ao-KXlTLrt? //ct1p Kepv?g&ov7ra[t]Silr(1)q [A]oye'vov Xi'rpov. The word Xvrpov, occurring at the end, proves it to be a dedication to a deity. Asclepias, the slave of Diogenes, dedicates the expiation (-Xrpov) to some deity. The village of the Keryzeis is introduced in an obscure fashion; but the meaning is probably 'Asclepias (a native of) the village.' The inscription is engraved below a relief representing a figure compounded of Men and Telesphoros, wearing a very short mantle with a peaked hood, with the crescent moon behind his shoulders, standing facing, and bearing a spear in his right hand. The upper

I Perhaps we should read ab[&]-is. 2 beginning, H K E for H E in 2, and A for A as In a long unpublished inscription of the the letter of the last is district I find fAovuo e. robs ical first [A]Jo-ye'ov: quite (i. hAtUI ) 5pious clear and certain. ico6e/for id6/~sr, and V,9 edAaape'~v7 esAo'}yE M~7rpl 'Ap'rditpu'r(i. e. 7racsrxnx for ratitoK7, are also probably errors of the 'ApE'.4st8). The date is 119 A.D. 3 engraver, but Mr. Hicks's copy, which reads Compare At BpoVrWT6jTical BcvYrt, which identifies two gods of two different districts. TTAl for my TTA, gives the clue to the above Journ. Hell. Stud. 1883, p. 258. interpretation. 4 My variations are TT or IT for r at the Q2

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part of the stone, which is now lost, may have contained the beginning of the inscription with the date and the word Oe&. Then comes the title IIaXXthc. The twin Sicilian deities Palikoi are well known; but the representation is almost unique.

26. Mouseion, No. va', Ai'pnXtogTp6otpog 'ApreT/tl-ov peor5Oarsa rv eby avEva-Trra Myp' Oe(ov Orj~?v b6o.l0yve ov Tag 8vvad/EtL. The word Eppo proves that the r=trayy' of the god, which is frequently mentioned, rJ(tag is the oracle given to a worshipper consulting him. 27. No. ApaXas 8e3vvaTr0e& ebXaptLrcoJAr03 is theT•C?', AroX0,'vtog of explained by inscription Dionysopolis [P]vc'to 'Abta0d eoirTov 3vvar-6 0E( A71pr3, Tt ie)c?8vavrTv 8VVaTC 7roLet. E•XapPtT•o 28. The inscriptions of Koula show more variety as well as better Greek than those of Dionysopolis. In the latter tTXo seems not to occur, 'rWr /coXdco is the only verb indicating the punishment inflicted by the god, ltpoaroi~ta does not occur, nor a7ro8etCvvUt, but acraffyyXXco, otopoXo~yoptat, and orqXoypa, 61 take their place. I think however that peculiarly in- flected aorists from can be traced. In the obscure parts we may iXtJ/ooopat perhaps look for expressions to correspond to and E•XaplO-T7Ov ebVXo?oyriTa The dates of the inscriptions of Satala vary from A.D. 126 to 237. Those of Dionysopolis evidently belong to the same period, but as they are even ruder than those of Satala, and as the earliest at Satala are also the rudest, the inscriptions of Dionysopolis may be placed for the most part in the second century.

29. Several of the inscriptions copied at Ephesus by Mr. Wood belong to the same class of inscriptions as those of Dionysopolis and Satala (Inscr. 2-4 and Augusteum, 8), e'bapt-rCT Cot, Kuvpa"AprqTCt, F(aiog) :Karr-tog,and eiXapLt(rro 71 'AprT'ptt 74avog, &c. These inscriptions contain the formula 'I give thanks,' which occurs both at Dionysopolis and at Satala and nowhere so far as I have observed. else, Artemis has the title Ivupla, as Apollo is Icptogoin a Dionysopolitan inscription (Hogarth, No. 17). The expressions ' Great is Artemis,' 'Great is Apollo,' are found at Ephesus and at Dionys- opolis. The legend AHTn. E(ECIMIN. occurs on a coin of Ephesus (Imhoof, Monn. Gr. p. 285), beside a type of Greek style showing Leto with the twins in her arms. In the article already quoted I have traced the worship of Artemis-Leto from the Pamphylian coast at , through Kabalis to Dionysopolis and Satala on the north, and on the west along the slope of Messogis to Ephesus. The god who is associated with her as o-vvaog and under the names Men, Sozon, Sabazios, Apollo, is not her husband o-vvo/uo9, but her son: she is both rapO9vo9 and /rjp. She is, as Professor Robert- son Smith suggested, the Semitic Al-lat, the Alilat of Herodotus, and

2 1 ao~rAoypaqi7?racoccurs at Satala, No. TLs'. 'Antiq. of S. Phrygia,' &c., in Amer. occurs there once also. Journ. Arch. 1887. O.,opoXoCyopuat

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her worship takes us back to an older state of society, when true marriage was unknown, when descent was reckoned only through the mother, and when the divine mother of all life was, like her worshippers, unmarried (wrapOevoq). The worship of such a goddess cannot be accounted for except as the divine model for a corresponding social system among men. After the old social system had given way to the more advanced stage of society (introduced probably by European conquering tribes), the old religion still persisted along- side of newer forms, in which the iep, ?rydc/ov was the divine prototype and sanction of human marriage. 30. One rite of the primitive religion, whose traces are gradually being discovered among the inscriptions, may here be mentioned, viz. To' lrep, iOVurovaloY0 tov (Hogarth, No. 17). We may gather from the fact that this flesh was sacred and not allowed to be eaten, that at Dionysopolis the goat was offered as a purificatory sacrifice but not as an ordinary Ovoa-a:the flesh of the former might not be(Kalapp,6'), eaten, whereas the flesh of the ordinary sacrificial victims was regularly eaten. I have not repeated the text of Hogarth 17, 18, 20, in which I have nothing to add, except the possibility of 'Ao-IXaX[9o Ical 'Iot ?]vto lepo\, but below rather favours [eb d]p/evot Hogarth's reading. 31. The priestly family of this cultus is alluded to in several inscriptions, and we can recover from thein the pedigree for several generations: see above, No. 12, and 'Cities and Bishoprics,' No. 5, 6.1

Apollonios Menophilos

Apollonios

Iphianassa Laomedon

Apollonios Pauleinos Demetrios

There can be little doubt that these persons are all to be placed in the second son of century. Apollonios, Apollonios, the priest, belongs to the same family and century, and must be the son of one of the Apollonii of the above pedigree.2 These priests call themselves, sometimes at least, priests of the Savious Asklepios; and they make dedications to Zeus Nonouleus and to Leto with Apollo Lyermenos: there can be little doubt that here the various masculine names denote merely varying aspects of the same deity, who is closely akin to the Sozon Theos of Artiocheia ad Maeandrum, Themissonion, the and to the Men and Ormeleis, Karou of Attoudda, who was a healing god with a medical school attached to his temple.3 This Anatolian god is

1 In 6 read 'AroAXwvly 7T 65h same family. M7,yoplAov 3 ' E'ovs Iepei 70I wTipos 'AoiXrAptoi K.r.A. On miraculous cures in the worship of the 2 Probably r. NcSv6os, 'AwroAXwvov vids, Mother of the Gods,'see Foucart. Z.c., p. 98 and 'AvolrYvn., AdC(aCWTOr, 6 8& ye'vovs epevd, who 170. dedicates to Zeus Mossyneus, belongs to the

This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 18 Jan 2015 22:51:20 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 230 ARTEMIS-LETO AND APOLLO-LAIRBENOS. identified with the Greek Zeus as the great god, with the Greek Asclepios as the healing god, and with the Greek Apollo as the sun-god and the god of prophecy. The name and character of Men may perhaps seem inconsistent, but I believe that Men was wrongly identified, through the popular etymologizing tendency, with the Greek word puv. Men is a native name, properly Man or Manes,' and the crescent moon on his shoulders is really a mistaken representation of archaic curved wings. The name of the ' Hiera Kome,' viz. Atyokhorion, gives an insight into another aspect of the cultus. The references given in' Cities and Bishoprics,'part ii., ? 23, show that probably the mysteries described by Clemens Alexandrinus belong to this cultus.2 The entire class of reliefs showing a goddess of the Cybele type accompanied by a youthful god (the latter called by Conze Hermes-Kadmilos), are also, I think, under the influence of the same cultus.3 W. M. RAMSAY.

2 1 At he was called Manes Daes (or Protrept., c. 2; see Foucart, 1.c., p. 77. Daos) Heliodromos Zeus; see ' Cities and Bish- 3 Conze in Arch. Zeitung, 1880, p. 1. oprics,' No. 33.

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