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" We Are Family?": the Struggle for Same-Sex Spousal Recognition In
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be fmrn any type of computer printer, The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reprodudion. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e-g., maps, drawings, &arb) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to tight in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6' x 9" black and Mite photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustratims appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell 8 Howell Information and Leaning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 "WE ARE FAMILY'?": THE STRUGGLE FOR SAME-SEX SPOUSAL RECOGNITION IN ONTARIO AND THE CONUNDRUM OF "FAMILY" lMichelIe Kelly Owen A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto Copyright by Michelle Kelly Owen 1999 National Library Bibliothiique nationale l*B of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services sewices bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. -
A SPECIAL REPORT by Marilyn Churley
What if the TTC disappeared? What would be the economic, environmental and health impacts on Toronto and its residents? TORONTO WE WITHOUT COULDN’T TRANSIT? AFFORD IT. A SPECIAL REPORT By Marilyn Churley 54926-1 Churley Report.indd 1 2/22/08 2:10:05 PM ABOUT the TTC he Toronto Transportation (later Transit) Commission was created in 1920 by an Act of the TOntario Legislature following a municipal public referendum that approved public operation of all streetcar networks in the growing city. The TTC then purchased and took over management of Toronto’s privately owned transit services when their franchises ended in 1921. The TTC expanded steadily and the first subway, on Yonge Street, was completed in 1954, the year that Metro Toronto was created by merging several suburbs with the core city. The TTC today is the third largest mass transit system in North America, after those in New York City and Mexico City. It operates three subway lines and one rapid transit line with a total of 69 stations. There are also 149 bus and streetcar surface routes. In 2007, the TTC carried about 450 million passengers. The TTC’s Wheel-Trans service provides door- to-door services for persons with physical disabilities for the same fare as other riders. The TTC employs approximately 11,000 people; most are represented by the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 113, which was founded in 1899. An excellent capsule history of the TTC and its privately-owned predecessors can be found at http://transit.toronto.on.ca/spare/0012.shtml. ABOUT MARILYN CHURLEY s one of Ontario’s most prominent environmentalists, Marilyn Churley has been at the forefront Aof influential environmental legislation and activism for more than 25 years. -
Harris Disorder’ and How Women Tried to Cure It
Advocating for Advocacy: The ‘Harris Disorder’ and how women tried to cure it The following article was originally commissioned by Action Ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes as a context piece in training material for transitional support workers. While it outlines the roots of the provincial transitional housing and support program for women who experience violence, the context largely details the struggle to sustain women’s anti-violence advocacy in Ontario under the Harris regime and the impacts of that government’s policy on advocacy work to end violence against women. By Eileen Morrow Political and Economic Context The roots of the Transitional Housing and Support Program began over 15 years ago. At that time, political and economic shifts played an important role in determining how governments approached social programs, including supports for women experiencing violence. Shifts at both the federal and provincial levels affected women’s services and women’s lives. In 1994, the federal government began to consider social policy shifts reflecting neoliberal economic thinking that had been embraced by capitalist powers around the world. Neoliberal economic theory supports smaller government (including cuts to public services), balanced budgets and government debt reduction, tax cuts, less government regulation, privatization of public services, individual responsibility and unfettered business markets. Forces created by neoliberal economics—including the current worldwide economic crisis—still determine how government operates in Canada. A world economic shift may not at first seem connected to a small program for women in Ontario, but it affected the way the Transitional Housing and Support Program began. Federal government shifts By 1995, the Liberal government in Ottawa was ready to act on the neoliberal shift with policy decisions. -
Public Accounts of the Province of Ontario for the Year Ended March
PUBLIC ACCOUNTS, 1995-96 33 MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE, FOOD AND RURAL AFFAIRS Hon. Noble Villeneuve, Minister Hon. Elmer Buchanan, Minister DETAILS OF EXPENDITURE Voted Salaries and Wages ($81,508,038) jmporary Help Services ($1,043,045): Management Board Secretariat, 947,087; Legislative Assembly, 60,238; Accounts under $50,000—35,720. lyments to Other Ministries ($59,919): Accounts under $50,000—59,919. ;ss: Recoveries from Other Ministries ($365,326): Environment and Energy, 365,326. Employee Benefits ($13,158,626) lyments for: Canada Pension Plan, 1,574,099; Dental Plan, 930,612; Employer Health Tax, 1,632,425; Group Life Insurance, 168,215; Long Term Income Protection, 972,131; Ontario Public Service Employees' Union Pension Fund/Public Service Pension Fund, 1,754,418; Supplementary Health and Hospital Plan, 1,017,613; Unemployment Insurance, 2,873,853. ther Benefits: Attendance Gratuities, 120,204; Death Benefits, 3,195; Early Retirement Incentive, 110,432; Maternity/Parental/Adoption Leave Allowances, 546,162; Severance Pay, 972,478; Miscellaneous Benefits, 40,295. orkers' Compensation Board, 352,958. lyments to Other Ministries ($89,536): Management Board Secretariat, 75,310; Accounts under $50,000— 14,226. Travelling Expenses ($4,064,025) on. Noble Villeneuve, 11,194; Hon. Elmer Buchanan, 592; K. Knox, 6,820; R. Burak, 528; D.K. Alles, 10,977; P.M. Angus, 10,276; D. Beattie, 18,535; D.A. Bierworth, 11,123; J.R. Bird, 13,998; J.L. dishing, 16,451; J.R. Dalrymple, 10,621; P. Dick, 12,242; EJ. Dickson, 17,477; R.E. Forrest, 13,487; R. Fortin, 13,215; JJ. -
Research Report
RESEARCH REPORT OCUFA Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations Union des Associations des Professeurs des Universités de l’Ontario 83 Yonge Street, Suite 300, Toronto, Ontario M5C 1S8 Telephone: 416-979-2117 •Fax: 416-593-5607 • E-mail: [email protected] • Web Page: http://www.ocufa.on.ca Ontario Universities, the Double Cohort, and the Maclean’s Rankings: The Legacy of the Harris/Eves Years, 1995-2003 Michael J. Doucet, Ph.D. March 2004 Vol. 5, No. 1 Ontario Universities, the Double Cohort, and the Maclean’s Rankings: The Legacy of the Harris/Eves Years, 1995-2003 Executive Summary The legacy of the Harris/Eves governments from 1995-2003 was to leave Ontario’s system of public universities tenth and last in Canada on many critical measures of quality, opportunity and accessibility. If comparisons are extended to American public universities, Ontario looks even worse. The impact of this legacy has been reflected in the Maclean’s magazine rankings of Canadian universities, which have shown Ontario universities, with a few notable exceptions, dropping in relation to their peers in the rest of the country. Elected in 1995 on a platform based on provincial income tax cuts of 30 per cent and a reduction in the role of government, the Progressive Conservative government of Premier Mike Harris set out quickly to alter the structure of both government and government services. Most government departments were ordered to produce smaller budgets, and the Ministry of Education and Training was no exception. Universities were among the hardest hit of Ontario’s transfer-payment agencies, with budgets cut by $329.1 million between 1995 and 1998, for a cumulative impact of $2.3 billion by 2003. -
Biennial For
BIENNIAL REPORT 2000 – 2002 profile of COUNCIL The Council of Ontario Universities (COU) represents the collective interests of Ontario’s 17 member universities and two associate members. The organiza- tion was formed under the original name of the Committee of Presidents of the Universities of Ontario in 1962 in response to a need for institutional participa- tion in educational reform and expansion. COU’s mandate is to provide leadership on issues facing the provincially funded universities, to participate actively in the development of relevant public policy, to communicate the contribution of higher education in the province of Ontario and to foster co-operation and understanding among the universities, related interest groups, the provincial government and the general public. The Council consists of two representatives from each member institution: the executive head (president, principal or rector) and a colleague appointed by each institution’s senior academic governing body. It meets five times during the academic year and is supported by the Executive Committee, which, in turn, is supported by a full-time secretariat that provides centralized service functions. Over 50 affiliates, special task forces, committees and other groups also support and work toward the achievement of Council’s objectives. MEMBER INSTITUTIONS Brock University Carleton University University of Guelph Lakehead University Laurentian University McMaster University Nipissing University University of Ottawa Queen’s University Ryerson University University of -
British Columbians by Simplifying the Law and Making It Easier to Comply with Legal Requirements
Legislative Reports Implementation Act, 2016 which gives effect to budget initiatives, and the Food and Agricultural Products Classification Act which requires all food and beverage products marketed as “organic” to be certified under a provincial or national certification program by 2018. In addition, the Legislature adopted the Miscellaneous Statutes (Signed Statements) Amendment Act, 2016 which replaces the need for sworn statements with a simple, signed statement where appropriate. This legislation intends to reduce costs, delays and inconvenience for British Columbians by simplifying the law and making it easier to comply with legal requirements. Nineteen private members’ bills were also introduced during this spring sitting. British Columbia Government Motion Speech from the Throne Following two days of debate, on April 14, 2016, the Legislative Assembly adopted, on division, a The Fifth Session of the 40th Parliament opened on government motion expressing support for the Trans- February 9, 2016, with the presentation of the Speech Pacific Partnership (TPP) and urging the federal from the Throne by Lieutenant Governor Judith government to implement it. The TPP is a trade Guichon. The Speech outlined government’s plan to agreement signed by 12 Pacific Rim countries, including diversify the province’s economy by the expansion of Canada, on February 4, 2016, after seven years of new Asia-Pacific markets for energy and technology, negotiations. The federal government has announced particularly the export of liquefied natural gas (LNG). that it will consult with Canadians, and will support a During Address in Reply debate, Official Opposition House of Commons committee study of the TPP, prior Members expressed concern about the viability of to seeking a debate and vote in the House on ratification the LNG industry, the adverse impact of government of the agreement. -
Do Good Intentions Beget Good Policy? Two Steps Forward and One Step Back in the Construction of Domestic Violence in Ontario
Do Good Intentions Beget Good Policy? Two Steps Forward and One Step Back in the Construction of Domestic Violence in Ontario by April Lucille Girard-Brown A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen‟s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada January, 2012 Copyright ©April Lucille Girard-Brown, 2012 Abstract The construction of domestic violence shifted and changed as this issue was forced from the private shadows to the public stage. This dissertation explores how government policy initiatives - Bill 117: An Act to Better Protect Victims of Domestic Violence and the Domestic Violence Action Plan (DVAP) - shaped our understanding of domestic violence as a social problem in the first decade of the twenty-first century in Ontario. Specifically, it asks whose voices were heard, whose were silenced, how domestic violence was conceptualized by various stakeholders. In order to do this I analyzed the texts of Bill 117, its debates, the DVAP, as well as fourteen in-depth interviews with anti- violence advocates in Ontario to shed light on their construction of the domestic violence problem. Then I examined who (both state and non-state actors) regarded the work as „successful‟, flawed or wholly ineffective. In particular, I focused on the claims and counter-claims advanced by MPPs, other government officials, feminist or other women‟s group advocates and men‟s or fathers‟ rights group supporters and organizations. The key themes derived from the textual analysis of documents and the interviews encapsulate the key issues which formed the dominant construction of domestic violence in Ontario between 2000 and 2009: the never-ending struggles over funding, debates surrounding issues of rights and responsibilities, solutions proposed to address domestic violence, and finally the continued appearance of deserving and undeserving victims in public policy. -
PAAC E-News, April, 2005
Public Affairs: Your Online Newsletter April • 2005 Contents • President's Message: Up to their necks • News you can use: The CareerSite is up • Event report: David Lindsay on education • Photo feature: The Queen's Park Bash • The Book Man: Legislatures • The Web Editor: The colour yellow • Letter to the Editor: A reader writes President's message Up to their necks by Chris Benedetti PAAC President The ongoing Gomery inquiry into the Chrétien government's sponsorship imbroglio gets uglier by the day. It started out as a necessary effort to get to the bottom of things, evolved from there into a public relations attempt by Prime Minister Paul Martin to distance himself from his predecessor by letting it expose other people's misdeeds, and has now morphed into a Frankensteinian monster to him. It's threatening to tear up the Liberals in general and Paul Martin's administration in particular. Keep in mind - when you're up to your neck in alligators, it's difficult to remember than your objective was to drain the swamp. Certainly, the Liberals are swamped with bad news, and people who wish them no good are relishing the way this thing is evolving. Some months ago we had a tongue-in-cheek article on this web site comparing the revelations of AdScam with episodes of The Sopranos. Now, writers in the daily press are making the same comparisons, and not necessarily as a joke. Yet if you step back and take a wide-angle look at it, AdScam looks less like an act of planned villainy than something well-meaning that went astray because A) people didn't set ethical boundaries for themselves, and B) they didn't set proper boundaries for certain jobs they were doing, including people doing the work of lobbyists. -
The Politics of a Hydrogen Economy: Networks and the Role for Industry, Government, Ngos, and Citizens Dianne Cunningham Direc
The Politics of a Hydrogen Economy: Networks and the Role for Industry, Government, NGOs, and Citizens Dianne Cunningham Director Lawrence National Centre for Policy and Management Richard Ivey School of Business University of Western Ontario Thank you for the opportunity to participate in this important event, I look forward to discussing the political challenges of moving towards a sustainable energy future. I will preface my remarks by explaining that my position is based both on research of the existing political and policy framework for the adoption of alternative energy and on my experiences in the political realm. Some would argue that, given the current institutional framework, we are traversing a path that has been set by our past decisions and our reliance on technology. They insist that we are destined to continue to use the same fuel and energy sources that we have relied on since the Industrial Revolution. Other analysts assert that we, as a global society, must move to adopt a Hydrogen Economy in the next 40 years because our Oil Economy is coming to a halt. Our oil reserves are depleting. For example, it is sometimes reported that the United States has only 20 billion barrels in reserve and about 6 billion barrels in yet-to-find reserves (Rifkin, 2002:17; United States, 2004). Furthermore, our environment has been damaged by our consumption of fossil fuels. Global warming has become a major issue on the agenda of most industrialized countries and on the minds of their electorate. Canada’s signing and ratification of the Kyoto Protocol at the turn of the millennium, committing the country to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions to six per cent below 1990 levels by 2012, is just one manifestation of the changing priorities in society. -
Days of Action: Ontario's Extra-Parliamentary Opposition To
Days of Action: Ontario's extra-parliamentary opposition to the Common Sense Revolution, 1995-1998 By Douglas James Nesbitt A thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in History in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada May, 2018 Copyright ã Douglas James Nesbitt, 2018 Abstract From 1995 to 1998, Ontario was the site of a sustained political and industrial conflict between the provincial government of Premier Mike Harris and a loosely- coordinated protest movement of labour unions, community organizations, and activist groups. The struggle was aimed at the defeating the “Common Sense Revolution,” a sweeping neoliberal program advanced by the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario. The program designed to renovate the state, rationalize the social safety net, repeal barriers to capital accumulation, and decisively weaken the strength of organized labour. What became a union-led extra-parliamentary opposition drew in large sections of the population often aligned with a political culture of statist collectivism encompassing both social democracy and “Red Toryism”. The movement emerged at a time when the two major parties aligned with such ideas embraced neoliberal policies. Under the leadership of Mike Harris, the Red Tories were pushed out of the Ontario Progressive Conservatives in the early 1990s. Meanwhile, the one-term New Democratic government of 1990-95 made a decisive turn towards neoliberal austerity amidst a catastrophic recession, declining federal transfers, and employer hostility. Through the union-led “Days of Action” of large political strikes, mass demonstrations, and numerous militant protests, the implementation of the Common Sense Revolution was slowed and weakened and the government’s popularity greatly diminished. -
THE CITY of TORONTO City Clerk=S Office Minutes of the Policy and Finance Committee Meeting No. 4 Thursday, May 6, 2004 the Poli
THE CITY OF TORONTO City Clerk=s Office Minutes of the Policy and Finance Committee Meeting No. 4 Thursday, May 6, 2004 The Policy and Finance Committee met on Thursday, May 6, 2004, in Committee Room 1, 2nd Floor, City Hall, Toronto, commencing at 9:40 a.m. Attendance Members were present for some or all of the time periods indicated. 9:40 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. 2:15 p.m. to 4:10 p.m. Mayor David R. Miller, Chair X X Councillor Maria Augimeri X X Councillor Sandra Bussin X X Councillor Gay Cowbourne X X Councillor Mark Grimes X X Councillor Pam McConnell X X Councillor Howard Moscoe X X Councillor Joe Pantalone, Vice-Chair X X Councillor David Soknacki X X Councillor Sylvia Watson X X Confirmation of Minutes. On motion by Councillor Moscoe, the Policy and Finance Committee confirmed the minutes of its meeting held on April 13, 2004. 4-1. Updated Development Charge Background Study and Proposed Development Charge By-Law The Policy and Finance Committee had before it a joint report (May 3, 2004) from the Chief Financial Officer and Treasurer, the Commissioner of Urban Development Services and the Commissioner of Economic Development, Culture and Tourism discussing various matters related to the 2004 Development Charge By-law, including the public consultation process, technical changes to the Background Study, summarizing the proposed By-law - 2 – Policy and Finance Committee Minutes Thursday, May 6, 2004. content, the implications of the recently announced Federal and Provincial financing arrangements for the City of Toronto, the impact of