DEVELOPMENT OF SHriSM IN CONTEMPORARY

il.BSTRACTS

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of (Isla.mic Studies)

BY Ahsanul Haq

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF

^^\^

CENTRE OF WEST ASIAN STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH 1988 DEVELOPMENT OF SHI1SM IN CONTEMPORARY IRAN

ABSTRACTS

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy (Isl£imic Studies)

BY Ahsanul Haq

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF

CENTRE OF WEST ASIAN STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH 1988 ABSTRACT

The oppositional attitude of the Shi'i 'ulania' towards the Pahlavi regime increased tremendously during the reign of Mohammad Reza (1941-79). This opposition, obviously, had certain theoretical bases. Though the power and authority of '' vis-a-vis the existing government began to increase right from the Safavi period, an attempt to make a direct bid for power is certainly a recent phenomenon. Although there are quite a few general works available on the changing roles of the Iranian 'ulama', there is no serious study of the theoretical changes that took place in the thoughts of Shi'i 'ulama' during the reign of Mohammad . This dissertation tries to fulfil this gap.

The dissertation is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter deals with the origins of Shi'i theory of imamate. Most of the basic concepts of Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism (the ) such as imaroat ghayabat, intezar and taqiyya were crystallised during the Buyid and Mongol periods. According to Ithna 'Ashari Shi'i belief only the and possess legitimate authority -2-

to rule over the people. They enjoyed spiritual as well as temporal velayat' over the people. Thus the classical Shi'i considered all the temporal governments as illegi­ timate and tyrannical (ja'er, zalim) . However, the Shi'i theolo­ gians co-operated with the existing governments, keeping in view welbeing of the coran-unity. They evolved accommodationist theories to adjust themselves with the existing rulers.

The second chapter deals with the development of Shi'ism in Iranian environment. The Safavids rulers were first to proclaim the Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism as the . The 'ulama's power and authority during this period increased. The cooperation between the clergy and state also increased. But in principle the Safavid 'ulama' continued to consider the rulers as illegitimate and tyrants. During the Qajar period the 'ulama's power and authority further increased. The victory of over the also helped in consolidating 'ulama's power. During this period 'ulama' developed oppositional attitude towards the government At the turn of this century, 'ulama' actively participated in the constitutional movement. They demanded constitution of a body of mujtahids to supervise the legislation of the parliament. Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri developved the concept of mashruta-ye mashru' (constitution based on shari'a). -3-

The next chapter deals with the 'ulama's attitude towards the Pahlavi govemraent during the period from 1941 to 1961. We find basically two trends in the attitude of 'ulama* during this period. A majority of 'ulcima' under the leadership of Boroujerdi followed the traditional quietism and rejected.the idea of active .participation in the politics. They remained largely preoccupied with the juridical problems. They declined to actively oppose the Shah or the regime. The kept contacts with the Shah and the government. They,, however, opposed the land reform programme of the government. They also unanimously opposed the women enfra- chizement. The other group of 'ulama' led by Ayatollah Kashani took active part in the . They supported the nationalization of the AIOC. They opposed the policies of moderni­ zation and secularization of the government. They also opposed the increasing role of imperial powers in the affairs of Iran, especially American and British influence on the Iranian economy. They denounced despotism and tyranny of the Shah. However, none among the clergy thought the monarchy to be incompatible with .

The fourth chapter deals with the changing attitude of clergy during 1961-79. With the death of Boroujerdi in 1961 the post of a single marja'-e came to an end. The clergy's oppositional attitude towards the government intensified. The -4-

reform programme of the Shah in the forin of White Revolution was opposed by the 'ulama'. Even the quietist 'ulama' changed their former positions iand opposed the regime. There were two main reasons for 'ulama* s opposition: The increasing role of imperial powers in the affairs of Iran and the government's policy to curb the power of 'ulama'. During the 1970s 'ularaa's opposition reached the extent of confrontation. However, most of the 'ulama' still thought the constitutional monarchy as the best form of government. Only a few 'ulama' such as Ayatollah Taleqani and Ayatollah Khomeini denounced the monarchy as incompatible with Islam,

The fifth chapter discusses the contribution made by Dr. Shari'ati to the Islamic thought. Although he was not an 'alim in technical sense of the terms, he extensively used the shi'i notions to evolve a radical Shi'i ideology. He was well-versed in both traditional as well as modem sciences. The westernization or modernization of the Iranian society was the main concern of 'Ali Shari'ati. According to him the Islamic countries including Iran have undergone the worst kind of alienation - the cultural alienation - which is the main cause of their backwardness and decline. He says that the renaissance of the Islamic societies depend upon re-interpretation of religious concepts through . He tries to give a sociological interpretation to religious themes. -5-

He says that Shi'ism was a revojlutionary ideology which always stood against the status quo. According to him, the present day Shi'ism (which he called Safavid Shi'ism) as a distorted version of original Shi'ism. He was a strong critic of conservative clergy who propagate passive and quietist Shi'ism. The true Shi'ism i.e. 'Alavid Shi'ism is, according to him, a protestant ideology which generates activism, responsibility and militancy to fight the tyranny and despotism.

The sixth chapter deals with Ayatollah Khomeini's political ideas. Khomeini's political ideas show distinct departure from traditional beliefs in many respects. Contrary to well established Shi'i idea, Khomeini believes that the establishijnent of a government during the period is necessary. As no part of shari'a can be considered suspended its political part should also be implemented. He tries to prove that only the rule of shari'a is a legitimate temporal government on earth. He denounces all non— shari' a governments such, as monarchy, constitutional monarchy or democratic republicanism as illegitimate and tyrannical. He advocated 'ulama's active participation in politics and rejected Shi'i concepts of intezar and taqiyya (political quietism).

The last chapter discussds Khomeini's concept of velayat-e fagih. According to Khomeini the only just government -6-

on earth is the government of £aqih-e 'adil. To provide legitimacy to the fug aha' to act as successors of the Prophet and imams, he narrates a number of Traditions. He says that the 'ulama' inherit each and every prerogative of the Prophet and imans except their spiritual pre-eminance. So they are entitled to rule over the people like the imams. We can find a gradual evolution in Khomeini's political ideas. Previously he followed the quietist 'ulama' and had traditional views. Most of the above mentioned views of Khomeini developed during the late i960s and early 1970s. DEVELOPMENT OF SHI'ISM IN CONTEMPORARY IRAN

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy (Isla.mio Studies)

BY Ahsanul Haq

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF

CENTRE OF WEST ASIAN STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSIFY ALIGARH 1988 ^.r^

••: ^ JA^i ;392 T3919

C.'" , • JUny. : 311 CENTRE OF WEST ASIAN STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-20200I ()

28. 12.1988

CERTIFICATE

Tiiis is to certify that the Pn,D thesis entitled Development of Shi'ism in ContenToorary Iran submitted by Mr, lasanul Han under my supervision is his o\>rn original contribution and that it is suitable for submission for the award of the degree of Pn.D.

Further certified that Ttr. Ansanul Ii^ q tes been engaged in full time research and that he has put in required attendance as prescribed by the University,

(Pf-bf". Mkhmudul m^)' Suoerviscr fjcknovi ledgeiuent

I express ray gratitude to Professor Mahniudul Haq who supervised this work, I am grateful to Professor M.A. Saleara Khan, Director of thc2 Centre, I am also thankful to my friends, especially some Irani friends who provided me Persian material. CONTEIxlTS PAGE

Intraduction i

CHAPTER" I Historical Background 10

CHAPTSR- II origins of Shi'ism in Iran 27

CHAPTER-III Development of Shi'i Thoughts in 59 Contemporary Iran: 1941-61

CHAPTER- IV Development of Shi'i Thoughts in 105 Contemporary Iran : 1961-79

CHAPTER- V 'Ali Shari'ati : Radical Shi'ism 153

CHAPTER- VI Ayatoll ah Khomeinis Religion and Politics 193

CHAPTER-VII Ayatollah Khomeini: The Concept of 238 Vela]fat-e Faqih

Conclusions 269

Bibliography 275 INTRODUCTION

There had been a gradual evolution in the views of the Shi'i

'ularna' regarding their rights of leadership of the community including politics. Recently some 'ulama' particularly Ayatollah Khorreini tried to develop the theory of possibility of a government other than that of

Ima-n of the Age, or to be more precise the government of the successors of Imai-n of the Age. It is this development in the his tor'/ oi r..odem

Shi'i thought that the present thesis indends to study. However, there is no doubt about the fact that the socio-political circumstances played a significant role in the evolution of such theories particularly the continuous process of modernization of the Iranian society by the

PahJavi government and its policy of eliminating the power and influ­ ence of the clergy in the society.

The emergence of Reza Shah during the 1920s heralded a new era of secularization and modernization in Iran, Reza Shah was determined to modernize the country and secularize the institutions of the govern­ ment. In this process, the religious institutions and the clerg^r came under direct attack. He assigned a limited role to religion which vjas confined to personal status. He replaced the religious with

Western civil code and introduced such laws as to undermine the tra­ ditional religious educational system. He decreed European dress for the Iranians and banned the veiling of women. This process of 2

modernization and secalarization vjas v^amently implemented by the Shah, The rule of Reza Shah created a strong-dissatisfaction in the clergy. The repressive measures of the Shah, however, did not allow the traditional opposition of the clergy to emerge on the surface until the end of his reign.

The new Shah who assumed power in 1941 followed the modernization policies of his father. But the beginning of his rule as the new monarch of Iran coincided with the emergence of clergy's traditional opposition. What were of the utmost concern for the clergy were the continued state policy of curbing the independence of religious institutions thereby curbing the power of clergy, the continued process of secularization and modernization: cultviral, intellectual and economic invasion of the Imperialist powers Mohammad Reza Shah's programme of reform in the form of White Revolution antagonised the clergy to the extent of confronta­ tion., The process of modernization by the Shah represented a relentless drive towards the centralization of power also and thus the monarchy despite claims of democracy, nationalism and reform heacad towards totalitarianism and despotism. However, the'ulama's attitude towards the monarchy have always been changing, the study of which is one of the purposes of the thesis.

The clergy's traditional attitude of hostility towards the state increased tremendously during the period between 1941-79, 3 particularly after the death of Ayatollah Borourdi the higViest marja'e taqlid ("source of imitation") in 1961, vjho generally follov;ed the attitude of traditional queitism tov?ards the political affairs. The period between 1961 and 1979 was the period of direct confrontation between the clergy and the state. During this period the institution of ^alama' underwent a rigorous process of politlci- zation not only practically they threw themselves into the political affairs of the country, but theoretically also they started re-interpret at ion of their religious tradition in order to make them suitable for their struggle against the Shah and modernization policies of the government. Two personalities figure as the most important ones who attempted to politicise the religious precepts. Dr. 'Ali Shari'ati and Ayatollah Rohollah Khomeini; the former cannot be considered an ' alim in technical sense of the temn but nevertteless he had made excessive use of religious terminology and concepts. Ayatollah Khomeini, on the other hand, belongs to the clergy class. He was not only the roost important leader of the revolution but cilso the most important theoretician of the revo­ lution through his concept of velayat-e_- f agih. Therefore they are studied in this dissertation in detail.

While there exists a number of general works regarding the only a few works have appeared which deal with the development of the Shi'i thought during the period, sharough •1

Akhavi's f^eligion^ and_Po2-iJtj.cs_in_Contempo^ l^^^'^ir^Sl State Relation in _the Pahlavi Period is by far one of the best studies in this regard. Although the thrust of the book is to describe the educational reform of the government and the clerical responses to it but it is a historical analysis of the dynamics and complexities of religion and politics in the twentieth centur^/ Iran. Another important work in this regard is M.J. Fischer's Iran : From Religiov£ Dispute to Revolution , Fischer is an anthropolegist. The theme of his book is to study religious and political life of Iran with Qomm as its Centre which was the mainstay of the Shi' i 'ulama's' religio-political activities. Unlike Akhavi who concentrated on the Iranian , Fischer has taken into account the changes that took place in the attitude of 'ulama' towards the state. He emphasises the social bases of Shi'ism and the hold of clergy on the masses. He also emphasises the populist sni'ism as utilized by the clergy as their base against their enemies. Brvand torahanitian' s book Iran Between the Two Revolutions deals with the socio-political movements of the twentieth century Iran. Although the basic objective of the book is to study the leftist movements, it provides information about 'ulama's attitude tovjards the leftist movement. It also provides information about the rightist Islamic groups especially Feda^iyan-e Islam. Shaul Bakhash's The Reign of the Ayatollahsis a recent work which is largely based on original sources. It provides material on the constitutional 5

debate of 1979, It also deals with Khomeini's thesis of revolution.

N.R.Keddie in her Religion and Politics in Iran; Shi'ism from Quietism to Revolution has collected some good articles. The book begins with article by W.M. Watt dealing with the religio- political origins of Shi'ism, J.R. Cole.'a article "Imami Juris- orudence and the Role of the'ulama': Mortaza Ansari on Emulating the Luprerne Exemplar", deals with the nineteenth century development of the theory of rnarja'iyYat-e tag lid. Azar Tabari's "The Role of the clergy in Modem Iranian Politics" deals with the basic objectives behind the clergy's turning towards the evolution of a revolutionary political religion. Yann Richard's "Ayatollah Kashani: Precursox of the " is based upon original and first hand information. He tries to correlate Kashani's oppositional movement with that of Khomeini and highlights the anti-imperialist and anti-westernization character of the Iranian 'ulaTia'. Greogy Rose's article is an analysis of Ayatollah Khomeini's concept of velcayat-e faqih. Sharough Akhavi's article highlights ^'s contribution to the development of a revolutionary Shi'i ideology^ There are two other editions of the collected works on the same subject. Shi'igcn, Resistence and Revolution edited by MartiiB Kramer cind Shi' i sm and Soci^ ^ Pro test edited by J.R.I. Cole and N,R. Keddie, They have studied the Shi'i movements in the todays world, especially in the Middle East countries. Both the works, in general, try to assess the role of Shi'ism as an activist and oppositional ideology in different countries and its influence on the domestic politics. Mongol 's article "Mahmud Taleqani and the Iranian Revolution in Martine Kramer's Shi'ism, Resistence and*Revolution is perhaps the first important attempt to describe the thoughts of Ayatollah Mahinoud Taleqani who distinguishes himself in so many ways amongst the clerical class on account of his broad vision, progressive thinking and a powerful personality, perhaps no less significant than Kashani on Khoireini in the modern Iranian .

There are a few other edited works which primarily study the general phenomenon of in the and contain articles on Shi'isai in Iran. Some of these edited works are« Said Aroir Arjonjand's From Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam, J. Esposito's Voices of Resurgent Islam, and Olivier Carre's Islam and the State in the World Today, W.R. Roff's, Islam and the Political Economy of Meaning, Ali Bannazizi and Myron Weiner's, The State, Relicilon and Ethnic Politicsi Pakistan, Iran and etc. Besides these there are some articles which exclusively deal with Khomeini's political theory and concept of yelayat-e faqih. For example, Hamid Enayat's "Khumayni's Concept of the Guardianship of Juriscinsult" in J,P. Piscatori (ed,). 7

Islam ln_the Political Process, Norman Calder's "Accornmodation and Revolution in Iroanii Shi'i : Khumayni and the Classical Traditionalism'* Middle Eastern studies, vol. XVIII No.l (1982); Mangol Bayat-Phillip", The Uslarnic Revolution of 1978-79; Funda­ mentalist or Modem, Middle East Journal, vo, XXXVII, No.l (1983); Abbas Kelidar, "Ayatollah Khomeini's concept of " in Alex Cudsi and A.E. Hillal Dessouki (eds,), Islam and Power in the Contemporary Muslim World, etc.

However, the works mentioned above do not give a comprehensive presentation of the development of Shi'i thought in contemporary Iran, Most of these works have not taken into account the develop­ ments in the basic concepts of Shi'i Islam during this period. Although they mention the increasing role of the clergy in politics but they do not highlight gradual development in the shi'i political theory.

The dissertation is divided into seven chapters. The first two chapters Historical Background" and Origins of Shi'ism in Iran" try to show the gradual development of Shi'i political theory and the attitude of 'ulama' vis-a-vis the state upto the 20th century. The development of political theology during the medieval period is substantiated by quotations from the writings of medieval theologians. Remarkable changes in the political attitude of the 'ulama' took place during the 5afavid period which is dealt with 8

in this chapter having in view the evolution of the theory' of imainate. The 'ulama's position as successors of the Imams is also dealt with the 'ulama's role during the Constitutional movement (1905-11) has also been analysed. Their theoretical formulation regarding the constitution and the state, their attitude towards modernization, secularization, tyranny, despotism and monarchy. As their ideas influenced the modern Iranian thought these are dealt vith in some detail.

The next chapter"Development of Shi'i Thoughts in Contemporary Iran t 1941-61" deals with the development of Shi'i thought in general, the attitude and responses of the different quarters of the clergy vis-a-vis modernization and the monarchy. It highlights the mixed reaction of the 'ulama' towards various political social and intellectual developments in Iran during the period. The main sources of 'ulama's concern and their reaction have been examined.

The fourt:h chapter "Development of Shi'i Thoughts in contemporary Irjm' 1961-79" discusses the oppositional ideas of the clergy against the so-called white revolution of the Shah, It discusses varicxis responses of the clergy to different moderni­ zation measures and tries to show how the clergy gradually developed a 'revolutionary' Shi'i ideology. The reform movement of the clergy led by Ayatollah Mortoza Motahheri and the basic ideas of these reformists have been discussed on the basis of their original n

writings. The role of clergy in politics and their attitude tofwards the government have been studied in the light of earlier theoretical developments in this regard.

Chapter five "Dr. 'Ali shari'ati; Radical Shi •ism" is exclusively devoted to the study of 'Ali Shari'ati. Keeping in view the large number of his works and the variety of subjects he had touched upon I have tried to concentrate on his main ideas regarding the reinterpretation of traditional Shi'i doctrines.

The last two chapters are exclusively devoted to describe the politico-religious ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini, The first "Ayatollah Khomeini Religion and Politics" discusses his political theory while the second "Ayatollah Khomeini: The Concept of Velayat-e Faqih" describes his theory of the govemitient and »ulama' Both these chapters are based upon original writings of Khomeini. Efforts have been made to discuss his ideas in comparison and in continuance with the previous thoughts. It is also attempted to point out the influences on his thoughts. CHAPTER - I

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The emergence of Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism is historically known to be 1 a phenomenon of 9th-10th century. Before this the Shi'a were scattered 2 in various groups .and sects. However one thing that was common among all these sects was their belief in the imamate of 'Ali, i.e. the

1 For irigins and history of early development of Shi'ism, see al~Husayn al-Kashif al-Ghita, Asal-Shi'a wa Usuluha (Beirut, 1960); Allana Muhiammad Husayn al-Adib, Al-Majmal fi'l-sRi'a wa Mu't^adatuhom; Husayn Ali Mahfuz, Tarikh al^sE'P'a'TBaqTi5ad, "T!958) D.M, Donaidsda, Tps Shi'ite Religion; A in Persia and (London, "1933); E. KoMberg, "From'lraamiyya to Ithha •fAshariyya", British Society for Oriental and African^studies, vol, XXXIX (1976); VJilliam Montgomery Watt,""" Shi'ism under the Umayyads"', Journal of Royal Asiatic Society (1960). "The Reapraisal of Abbasid Shl'^Ism In Georcie Makdisi (ed.), and in Honour of Hamilton i^»R, Gibb (Leiden^ 1966); and THeolo^ lEdinburgh, 1962)i The Islamic Political THougHt The Basic Concepts (Edinburgh, 1968)^ The^Fofroative Period of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh, 1973); "The Significance of the Early Stages of Imamr"shi'ism" in N.R, Keddie (ed.), Religion and Politics in Iran; Shi'ism From Quietism to Revolution (New Haven, T983), For soHie recent works on the early development of Shi"ism, see S.M.H, Ja'fari, The Origins and Early Development of Shi"a Islam (Qorom, n.d.); Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Sht^ Islam TYaJ'.e, 1985T.

2 For the views of different Shi'i sects regarding imamate see Al-Shaykh Ali al-A£ifur, Staubhat Hawl al-Tashayyu' (Bombay, n.d,); Husayn Ali Mafefuz, op. cit.7 MuKammad Abd'l-Karim Sharistani, Kitab al-Milal wa'1-Nahal (Beirut, 1965); Ibn Tahir Abu Mansur Abd'lnQ^iIr Muslim Schism and Sects, trans, by Kate Chambers (Columbia, 1920) and the works of W„M. Watt cited in n.i above. recognition of 'Ali as the legitimate caliph after the death of 3 the Prophet. The Shi'is generally oonsiaer imprriate as one of the 4 fundarrental doctrines of Islain. 'Just as it was necessary for to send some one as Prophet, so it is also necessary for hiir, to appoint an imain. It is necessary that at all times there shoulc be an ' ."'

According to the Shi'i concept of imamate the Prophet had designated 'Ali as his successor in his lifetime not only by ai. unambiguous declaration but also by indicating him in person. He had declared this as early as in the third year of the commencement of the revelation. The following is one of the most widely related tradition which according to the Shi'i scholars speak of clear designation of *Ali. According to this, the Prophet invited members of his clan and the believers on meal. What happened in the meeting \s> told by Ali himself.

3 Allana Mohammad Hossein Tabataba'i, Shi'a Islam, P, 3 9 ff; Muhc3ramad Husayn al-Adib, op^ cit,,"" R, Strothmann, art. "Shi* a" in Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, p, 534; W, Ivanow, "ImcW^ in ibid,, p, 16 5. " 4 Muhammad al-Husayn al-Kashif al-Ghita, cp, cit,, p, 103; Roots of Religion (Qomm: Idara-ye Rah-e~Haqq7~n.d,), p. 168. 5 Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, The Faith o_f Shi_|_a Islam. (London, 1982), pp. 31-32. ~

6 Allama Mohumraad Hossein Tabataba'i, op^_ cit., p. 3 9, claims that the term Shi' a was prevedCht during the life-time of the Prophet and to whom, this terra "was first applie- ••: .!-=• Salman, Abu Dharr, Kiqdaa and Ammer, 12

... the Apostle of addressed them saying 0' family of' ' Abd'l-Muttalib, by God, I do not know of anyone among the who has brought his people anything better than what I have brought you, I have brought you the best of this world and the next. God Almighty has ordered me to call you to Him, And which of you will assist me in this cause and become my brother, my t;irustee and my successor among you. And they all held back from this while I ('Ali), although I was the youngest of them in age, the most diseased in eyesight, the most carpulent in body and thinnest in the legs, said: I 0'Prophet of God, v?ill be your helper in this matter, 'And he put his arm around my neck and said: 'This is my brother, my trustee and my successor among you, so listen to him and obey.'

But the most evident and clear indication in this regard is what is c

Q declared" .

7 Mooj an Momen, An Introduction to Shi'l Isl_arn (Delhi, 1985), P. 12. 8 This is one of the most widely reported traditions regarding the appointment of Ali as the Prophet's successor. The length of the tradition varies in different works but the above quoted proclamatiew remains more or less identical. Roots of Reliction, p, 148 ff. 13

The first theological exposition o£ the doctrine of imamate is said to have been given by 'Ali b. Mi than who lived during the Abbasid period. The other early theologians were Abu Ja'fey 10 - al-Awwal, Hisham b. Salim al-Jawaliq and Hisham b. Hakam. Hisham b. Hakati is Sciid to have held that the Prophet had clearly indicated the person who was to succeed, the people however did not recognize him,"^ According to him. 'The imam was the legatee (wasi) of the prophet. Hs was infallible (ma' sum) in all his acts and words, but « unliKe the did not receive divine message (w^h^) . '^^e imamate was to be transmitted among the decendants of 'Ali and Fatima. Each imam appointed his successor by nass. V^hoever obeyed the imam was; a true believer, whoever opposed or rejected him, an 12 infidel () . 'Ali ibn Mi than held that 'Ali was deserving of the imamat because he was the best man (afdal _al-nas) after the Prophet and that the community in associating with Abu Bakr and *Umar was in error, not sinfully but by leaving or abandoning the best, They dissociated themselves from 'Uthman and held them infidels who 13 fought against 'Ali,

9 Watt., The Formative Period of Islamic Thought, p. 158. 10 See W, Madelung, art, "Hisham b. Hakam" in, The Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, pp. 496-98, j — —• — 11 Watt, 02^_cit., p. 159. 12 Cf. W. Madelung, op, cit., p, 497. 13 Cf. VJatt,, op^ cit,, p, 158, M

During the 'Abbasid period the Shi'a remained more or less subjected to their changing fortunes. Far from being an organic •whole or a religious or theological school, they represented a political trend, passive at most of the time and suddenly active occasionaly, Upto the close of the 9th century we can find two distinctly different currents in Shi'ism from political point of views One being politically quietist cn/stallized into Ithna Ashafi Shi'ism 14 and the other politically active came to be known as Zaydis and Isma'ilis. 15 It was the latter who made considerable^ efforts in the field of politics and tried to work out Shi'i political theories. In the second half of the 9th century initial successes were achieved by the Zaydi resurgents in establishing small princi­ palities in the southern coast of . Two Zaydi states came into the being; one on the Caspian Sea and the other in Yemen in 864/250 and 897/284 respectively. The descedants of the latter ruled that area for a very long time even to this centur^/

14 The quietism in Shi'ism began with the introduction of the principle of tacjiyya (dissimination) by the sixth imam. Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq, He made taqiyya one of the principles of faith and said "taqiyya is my religion and the religion of our ancestors" . See ShaykH Rida al-Muzaf far. The Faith of Shi|_ a_Islam (n.p,, n.d.), p. 46. For concept of taqiyya in ShT^ism; see" R. Strothmann, "Takiya" in Shprter Encyclop'aedia of Islam, p.562; E, Kohlberg, "shi'i Views on T'aqiyyah^ Journal of African and Oriental studies (1975), pp. 395-402. 15 See H. A.R. Gibb, Islam; A Historical Survey (London,1975), p. 124. For a comprehensive Study of Israa'ilism; see , The Origins of Isama'ilism (Cambridge, 1940} . 5

itself. At the beginning of the 10th century Qararnita rose to power occupying north eastern and southern parts of Arabia. Ismiiili branch of Shi'ism established Fefciraid state in Egypt in 909/297. Here it is interesting to note that these political successes were achieved either by the inost moderate Shi'is i.e. the 2aydis or the Shi'is (extremists); both the above dynasties belonged to the Ghulat.' The Twelver Shi'is, on the other hand, joulo not achieve any political success of the same nature until the establish­ ment of Safavid rule in A,D. 1501. However, it came to enjoy help and patronage from ruling dynasties, though they did not profess Ithna'Asbat*!. faith. In the period between the beginning of the age of c^haybat upto the establishment of Safavid state in Iran Ithna'Ashaf'J • Shi'is enjoyed relatively more political freedom. They also found support of a few rulers and dynasties such as the Samanids of Khorasan (903/290) Hamadanis of Mashhad (929/317) and Buyids of Baghdad (945/334). Although the Samanids were not Shi'is they not only tolerated Shi'i activities but their em.ergence was a great source of relief for the Shi'is of Khorasan. Equally important was the support of the Hamadanis for them v;ho went so far as to patronize Shi'a activities though in a limited way. But the most important support and patfomization was that of the Buyids

16 Husayn Ali Mahfuz, o2j_cit,, p,34 ff; Ibn Tahir Abu Mansur Abd'l-Qahir7'"op^ cit. 11)

v!ho for a long period not only supported them but provided them a free and conducive atmosphere to grow and carr^'-out their intellectual and scholarly activities. It is said that although they did not declare Shi'ism as their official policy, they parti­ cipated in propagating Shi'ism. Shi'a had full freedom to carry out passion demonstrations in Baghdad. 17 Baghdad was one of the main centres of Shi'a concentration at that time. Thus Buyid patronization in their home was a great source of support for Shi'ism. It is important to note that under the Buyids Ithna •Ashari menifestation of Shi'ism began to gather prominance; and it6 teachings started becoming crystallized and it started occupying the main theme of Shi'ism so much so that the terra Shi'a becane synonymous to Ithna 'Asharis. In the following centuries other branches of Shi'ism like the Zaydis began disappearing from the scene (although their state remained intact in Yemen) on account of sindlar iaeas to that of the Sunnis1. 8Th e Ithna 'Asharis on the other

17 See Donaldson, op. cit., p. 277. 13 Initially, the Zaydis considered Abu Bakr and 'Umar as legitimate rulers. The latter Zaydis gave up this idea and consi­ dered 'Ali 'as the only legitimate imam, Cf, Tabataba'i, op. cit., p. 77. Zajdi views are very close to that of Sunni belief of Khllafa. In fact there are little difference except that the fornar Insists that this office must be in the house of 'Ali, Cf, Ann. K.S, L.3mbton, State and Government in Medieval Islam (New York, 1981), pp, 28-33; Shahrist^H, op, cit., p.~Tl2;~ ^^^^1 ^'he Formative Period of Islamic Thought? W. Ivanow, op, cit,, p. 165; E, Kohlberg, "^Some Zaydi views on the Companion of the Prophet", B\illetin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. XXXIX,"No.l'~II^76l, pp. ?7-8T; ] (

hand, assimilated within itself the moderate views and it tried to give ideological foundation of Shi'ism as opposed and different to that of Sunnism but not similar to the extremists (Ghuljrt) . Thus it could be able to unite all the Shi'is having moderate views and according to Watt by the first half of the 10th century the Ithna 'Ashahi doctrines had acquired definite shape. Thus by this time the Ithna 'Ashari doctrines came to be widely accepted by moderate Shi'is so that most of the small sects ceased to exist. The works which led to the unifitation of non-revolutionary Shi'ism were mostly accomplished before A.D. 925. 19

The disappearance of the Twelfth Imam in A.D. 874 marked a completely new era in the history of Shi'ism. So far in all legal, religious and, for that matter, political matters imam was approached whose words were considered as final and binding. He was the person who knew all the exoteric as well as esoteric meanings of the ghari' a. He was a religious as well as a political authority who possessed the sole rights of interpreting the shari'a (God's will) and implement it, Novj there remained no such authority, a number of theoretical formulations started taking place. Among them most important being the theory that there are only twelve awsiya' (legatees) of the Prophet and the theory of occultation of the last Imam,

19 Watt, Thg_Formative Period of Islamic Thought, p. 275. 18

According to Ithna 'Ashari belief the son of the Eleventh imam, Muhaminad, was still young when the Imam died. He concealed himself after a couple of years after the death of his father in

874 AD and w.as not seen to his followers, and thus began the period of 5haYl>a|[, (occult at ion), The Ithna 'Asharis also believe that after him there was no imam and the chapter of iniam_at was thought closed. This Imam, it is believed by them, will reappear on a particular time and "fill the earth with justice" . He is, therefore, known as ,, Qa'im, Gha'ib, Muntazar and by various other names. s The Imam, however, kept himself in touch with his followers through his representatives. They are called wukala' (sing, wakil) _ - 21 or sufara' (sing, safir) or such names.

20 There is a great deal cf disagreement as to when the last Imam concealed himself. Different dates are mentioned which vary from 873 to 878. See S.A.A. Rizvi, A_Socio_^nte]Llectual H-LStory of the Isna 'Ashari Shi'is in India'~TCampbell, l986T,part I p, 87, and Fioojan Women, op7 cit., pp,~ 161-177.

21 There were four of such representatives. They are: Uthiman al-'Airiri, Abu Ja'far Muhansmad b, Uthman, Abu'l-Qasim Kusayn b, Ruh al-Nawbakhti and Abu'l Husayn Ali b, Luhammad al-Sar.arri The Chief function of these wukala' was to implement certain tasks previously undertaken by the"imams so as to save him from the political pressuKeof the Abbasids .., (and) to diraw complete darkness over the naimes of the Imam and his where ebouts ,., (and) to prove the existence of the Imam to his reliable adherents .... The activities of the safirs also aimed at protecting the congregation from any more schism^by proving the authenticity of the imamate of Al~Askari's son', Jassim M. hussain, The_ Occul^tation of_the Twelfth Ifnam_^; A Historical B_ac_kground (c'ambrTcge, 1982T7'"prV'""83-34 . 9

The last of the wukala' died in A.D, 941. The period betvjeen the concealment of the Imam and the death of the last of wukala' is called ghayba al_^suj2hara (Minor Occultation) while the period thereafter is know as ghayba al Kubara (Greater Occultationi .

Abu Sahal al-Nawbakhti (d. 923) and Sa'ad b..Abd-Al]ah al-^uinmi are the earliest theologians who formulated the Ithna 'rtshari doctrines, Al-Nawbakhti was the one who established 22 the idea of the occultation of the Twelfth Imam.

22 His ideas regarding the imamate are summarized as follows; (1) God has on earth a hujja (proof) from the son of Al-Hasan b. *Ali (the eleventh imam) * and he is a was^i to his father; (2) the imamate may not fall to two brothers after al-Hasan (the second imam) and Al-Husayn (the third imam), (3) The imamate is in the progeny of al-Hasan b, 'Ali (the eleventh imam) (4) If there x-jere only two men on earth, one would be a hujj a, and if one died^ the one left would be hujja ..," (5) the imamate may not be in the progeny of a man wTio died in the lifetime of his father, vhosc imamate was not established and who had no hujja. (6) The earth may not be without a huj j a, we acknowledge the imamate and death of al-Hasan b, Ali an'3 maintain that he has a descendant from his lions v;ho is the imam after him and who will appear and publicly assert his imamate, (7) It is not_for any believer to choose an imanj by rational consideration (ra'y) or choice (ikhtiyar) . God appoints him (8) there is justi'?ication for concealing the identity of imam and he will not be known until he appears. Cf,, Watt, op_^cit,, pp. 274-75. 20

These ideas were subsequently, developed further by the

'ulama' of the Buyid period since the 10th century vjhen a number of theologians took up the task of collecting traditions and sayings of the inians in support of their ideas. The development of

' ilrn al-usul, ' al- and 'ilni al- took place along with the evolution of the doctrine of imamate and other doctrines in Ithjria 'Ashari tradition.

The main features of the theory of imamate was developed by Ibn Eabwayh (d, 992). According to him 'each Prophet had a wasi whom he gave instructions b^^ the command of Allah, And concerning theiti we believe that they brought the ifuth from Allah, that their word is the word', of Allah, that their command is the command of Allah and obedience to them is obedience to Allah end that disobedience to them is disobedience to Allah. They sooke not - 5 except on behalf of Allah and on being inspired by Him'.^ He a"" so 26 declared that there are only twelve awsiya' appointed by Allah.

He says :

Our belief regarding them [.imams] is that they are in authority ('ulu'1-amr) . It is to them that Allah has ordained obedience, they are the witness for the people and they are the gates of Allah (abwab) and the road (sabil)

25 ., Risalat al-I'tijalat, Eng. tr. by A.A^A.. Fyzee, A Shi'ite Cried (London, 19TT), p.93.

2^ l^.;' P. 95; see also pp. 101-102. 21

to Him and the guides (dalil^ P. adilla) thereto, and the repositor of His knowledge end the inter­ preters of His revelations and the pillars of His unity () they are immune from sins (khata) and errors ((jlalal); they are those from whom "* Allah has removed all impurity and made them absolute pure; they are possessed of (the pov.'er) of miracles and of (irrefutable) arguments (dala'l) 27

Regarding the Imam-e Gha'ib he says :

',,. he, the Imarr.-e Gha'ib WHO WILL FILL THE EARTH WITH JUSTICE MW EQUITY, JUST AS NOW IT IS FULL OF OPPRESSION AND WRONG. -And it is he through whom Allah will make His faith manifest "in order to supersede all religion, though the polytheists may dislike (it)". He it is whom Allah will make victorious over the whole world until from every place the call to prayer will be heard, and all religion will belong-entirely to Allah,,.. He it is, who is the Rightly Guided (roahdi), about whom the Prophet gave information that when he eppears, Jesus, son of Mary, will descend upon the earth and pray behind him, and he who prays behind him is like one who prays behind the Prophet of Allah, because he is his vicegerent (Khalifa). And we believe that there can be no Qa'im other than him, ... for the Prophet and the imams have indicated him by his name ...^S

The concept of imamate and the occultation and return of the last Imari is the corner-stone of Shi'i political theory?. As

27 Ibid.* PP. 97-98. 28 Ibid., pp. 98-99. 22

the twelfth imam is alive therefore the infallible origins of legislation and infallible guidance is deemed to be uninterrupted 29 and everlasting'. It was believed that the divine justice vjill prevail only when the Imam will reappear who will fill the Earth with justice. It vjas also believed that only Imam is the rightful and legitimate ruler. Thus the Shi'i theory of imamate in its political dimension denies legitimacy to all temporal 30 authorities except the Imams. Shi'ism regards each and every

29 Joseph Eliash, "The Ithna Asha'ri Shi'i Justice Theory of Political and Legal Authority" Stvdia Islarnica, vol. XXIX (1969), p. 424, 3 0In this regard see,Said Amir Arjomand, fhe ShadovJ of God and the Hidden Imam; Religion Political Order anc["'Soci'al Change from the Beginning to 1890 "TchicagoT 198477 A.K.S.~LaiTibton, op."'cit.^"^Quis" Custodiet Cutodes:Some Reflection on the Persian Thaory~'of Government" Studia Islamica* vol. V (1956), op, 125-48 and vol, VI (1957), pp."125-46; Joseph Eliash, 02^„cit_^i "Misconceptions Regarding the Juridical Status of "the'Iranian'Ulama" International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol, X,No,l (1970) p. 9„'55? Hamid ill gar Religion and State in Iran 1785-1905;Role of Ulama in the Qaiar Period TSerkeley, 1969X' Leonard Binder7 '''The Proofs"of l^lams Religion and Politics in Iran" in, George Makdisi (ed,), Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of Hamilton A.R. GlbbTLeJgen, 196lT7" -Mill m- llim—T'Tin' '•—-»——^- • —- 23

29 political authority as de jure illegitimate.

Al-Mufid (d. 1022i a succes.':or of Ibn Eabv;ayh raised the status of imams to a place very close to that of the Prophets. He held that the Prophets and imams both possess intrinsically the sanie qaalities. He believed that imams received revelation (wahy)''J.O

The xdea of Prop'.hets and imams being mediators was also developed

29 Joseph Eliash, The Ithna'AshaVi Shi'i Juristic Tlieory of Political and Legal Authority, pp. 425-26. '... Concept cf the status of the Im^Bmate in relation to is the basis of the Ithna'ashari-Shi'i legal and theological notion that unites the authority 6f the Shari'ah and that of the Imam; the living Imam is the living entity of the infallible divine , its interpreter- maker and executor. Yet, until now, the Ithna 'ashari-Shi'i doctrine of the Imamate has not served juristically to enhance or justify the position of the Ithna 'ashari-Shi'i ruler despite the existence of an Ithna'ashari Shi'i sovereign state for more than four centuries in addition to the various earlier-Ithna'ashari-Shi'i regimes. On the contrary, it deems, infact, as unbelief any declaration to the effect that the ruler is the representative of the Shari'ah or the shadow of God upon earth, and it divests him of any authority but temporal power the source cf which may be the ruler's own person and that of other fellow men, in either case human not divine.

30 A.K.S, Lambton, op. cit., p, 231, 24

by Al~Mufid. 31 He also asserts the function of the Proptic-ts r-tnd imams to be the same. The function of the inienis, says he, is 'to take the place of the Prophets in executing the decrees (jhkj^i » of the shari'a, applying the legal penalities, protecting the law 32 (hifz al-shari' a) and punishing rran (ta'dib al-anarn) . I-ie thus emphasized both the spiritual and the executive powers of the iiTicins.

The theory of imamate was expanded and elaborated further by the 'ulama' of Ilkhanid period. The distinctive feature of these developments is the mixture of and philosophy in the discussions of imamate and related subjects. The most distinguished theologian of this period who has written a numl^er of treatises on this subject is Ibn Mutahhar al-Hilli (d, 13 24; knovm as AlliffTia^ His arguments regarding the 'isma of the imajTis, necessity of tha imamate, g hay bat of the imarr. aid the principle virtues of the imams have shown considerable influence of Kalam and philosophy. He described imamate as a 'universal authority _(ri^a5a) in the things of religion which distinguishes it from the dominion of judges ana vicegerents'. According to him imamate is a necessity for human being for his individual

31 Martin J. McDennott, The Theology of al-Shaykh al-Mufid (D.413/1022), cited by Norman Calder, in "Review"', Fulletin of" the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol, XLIII, No72 (1980T p. 366; See also Donaldson, o£^_crt,, p. 341 ff. 3 2 Al-Kufid, Aw a' i1 al-Mag alat, cited in Lambton, OD cit , pp. 23 3-34, "*••' * 33 Lainbtcn, op^ cit., p. 23 4, 'd5

as well as social and political purposes. Conflict among the human beings can be easadvSienthere is an imam who is immune from all faults and errors in his judgement and actions to arbiterate between them. Only thus could the rights of one against the other be effectively defended, the legal penalties of the divine law 34 applied, and peace and order guaranteed to the comm,unity. Being a pupil of Nasir al-Din Tusi, Ibn Mutahhar's theory of imamate assuiTBs more and more the shape of a political philosophy. 35 Ke emphasized the need of an imam whom he calls ra'is (leader] 'to interpret and preserve the shari'a to prevent man from committing aggression against each other, to restrain tyrants and to help the oppressed. Without a leader chaos would ensure and the Qur'an and the Sunna would not be observed. There had inevitably to be an imam immume from error and sin appointed by God to make knovm the decrees () of the shari'a. An imam was also necessary to delegate authority to qadls, army leaders and governors. Obedience in these matters, upon which the good order of the human race depended, would only be given to someone who was infallible. Similarly an imam was necessary for enjoining the good and forbidding the evil. The imam was the protector of the shari'a, war and were by his comi.-.and and on his summons, and he applied the

34 Ibid. 35 Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theolooy, p, 168. 26

3fi legal penaltiejs'. He also believed that 'the designation of

the irr.ain was an obligatory grace (lutf wajib) vvhich imposed itself

on GoQ in the same '-Jay as the sending of Prophets .... having

closed the succession of the Prophets with :.uhammad^ God hac

tterefore to appoint cartain holy personages (awliya') destined

to guide the viorld tou'ards the good and to protect it from error.

There was no real distinction between the irnarr, end the Prophe* ;

the function which the Prophet derived from revelation, t^e imam obtained through his infallibility, which made him not only the

guardicin () but also the interpreter of lav;'.

36 Lanibton, op. cit., p^ 235.

37 Ibid., p. 236. 27

CHAPTER - II

ORIGINS OF SHI'ISM IN IRiSJ^

We have seen above that the political power never came into the hands of Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism, therefore there has not been any precise attempt on the theory of power and politics. Instead Shi'ism developed a theory of quietism and tolerance, .Although a number of states and dynasties supported the beliefs of Shi'ism but they never professed it as official religion. Shi'a schol ars thought that the legitimate power - both spiritual ecid temporal, belongs only to imams; therefore all the leader­ ship other than imam was condemrad as illegitimate. Even though they collalDorated and cooperated with and lived under the patronage of monarchs of various states, they • considered them as illegitimate ruler by principles,

Ithna' Ashari Shi'ism for the first time obtained state recognition by the Safavid rulers of Persia (1501-1722), shah Isma'il I declared Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism to be the religion of his state in. A.D, 1501, Thus began a new chapter in the history' of Shi'ism. Although within a few years the whole of Persia was converted to Shi'ism, which was predominantly Sunni before shah Isma'il I, not much was achieved in the field of political theory.

1 Cf,, Lambton, State and Government in Medieval Islam (New York, 1981), p. 268, 28

The temporal power was still regarded as illegitimate. The reason was obvious ; the Safavids have adopted Shi'ism as a political tool and it was to remain so under the official control. Hox-^ever, de-facto recognition was conceded to the rulers.

That the Safavids adopted Shi'ism as a tactics tool of 3 their political existence is quite evident. The political safavids were the heirs of a mystic order initiated by one Safi al-Din of ArdalDil after whom the dynasty is named.

2 Cf. Leonard Binder, "The Proofs of Islam; Religion and Politics in Ircjin", Larabton, Quis Custodiet Custodes: Some Reflections on the Persian Theory of Government" Stvdia Islamii^^ vol, V (1956), pp. 125-48 and vol, VI (1957) rppT"l25"46."'" 3 There is a great deal of disagreement among modem scholars as to how far Isma'il's proclamation of Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism as his state religion was politically motivated. There are scholars who believe that it was totally a political decision. See R, Savory, "Safavid Persia" in The Cambridge History of I si am« There are others who think that it was not a totally politic"al decision, rather the result of the gradual development of a parti­ cular kind of ethos that had been developing in Persia at that time. See S, Hossein Nasr, "Spiritual Movements; Philosophy and Theology in the Safavid Period" in The Cambridge Higtory^of^Iran, vol, VI, pp. 656 f£, and "Religion in Safavid Persia"^"Iranian" Studies, vol. VII, No, 1-2- pp, 277 ff; H.R. Romer "The Safavid Period^ in The Cambridge History of Irm, Vol, VI, pp. 190 ff. B.S, ^loretti ^Religion in the Tiraurid'"'and Safavid Periods" in The_Cambridge Histor^of Iran, vol. VI, p, 610 ff. Romers has *3iscussed"thoroughly the "stands of various scholars in this regard in his long article. 29

Azeri speaking Safavids were not Shi'is. During the fifteenth 4 century they turned warriors and tended to adopt Shi'ism. As his enemies from both sides, in the east Ozbek and in the west Turks, happened to loe sunnis, he adopted Shi'ism to counter and resist them ideologically as well. By adopting Shi'ism, he envisaged not to differentiate himself from the Ottomans and Ozbeks or for that matter from the whole of Sunni world but also to win the sympathies of the who have been perceiving the pre­ dominantly Ajrabian Islam with a punch of salt and also the sympa- thies of "all heterodox elements", A false propaganda campaign was launched to provide close relation between Shi'ism and the Safavid dynast^' ,,,, They systematically destroyed any evidence which indicated thcit Shaykh Safi al-Din Ishaq, the founder of the Safavid tari^a was not a Shi'i ,,,. They fabricated evidence to prove

4 But Shaykh Safi was also not a typical orthodox Sunni theologian either 'was a typical religious leader, a representative of folk Islam far removed from the official theology, whose spokes­ men viewed his career with grave suspicion .., Signifibantly be belonged to the Shafi'i , that is, to precisely that school of religious law which is closest to the Shi'a and therefore, normally adopted by Shi'a who are masquerading as Sunnis ,,., The tendencies of activism and militancy had been found in Shaykh Safi himself .... He is portrayed as a paradoxical personality in which miracle worker and man of God combined with a sober, practical politician ,,..' H.R. Romer, op, cit., p. 191. Moreover see R.M, Savory "Safavid Persia" in The Cambridge History of Islam (London, 1970), vol,2, p. 395.

5 R.M. Savory, op. cit,, p. 394. 30

that the Safavids were , that is^ direct descendants of the Prophet, They constructed a dubious genealogy!- tracing the descent of the Safavid family from the seventh imams^ Musa al- Kazim - a genealogy which is seriously followed by the later Safavid sources. There was a dearth of Shi'ite 'ulama' and . Shah Isrna'il invited •ulama' from Aleppo^ and 7 Baghdad to meet the need. The population was converted to Shi'ism by force or otherwise. New dimensions were added to popular Shi'ism. Public cursing (tabarra) of the first three caliphs of Islcim was made compulsory, passion processions were carried out, chest beating inflicting injuries upon bodies, and rav/^j^hwani etc, became permanent features of day to day life. Thus Shi'ism underwent complete transformation both on political as well as ideologxcal plane under the Safavids,9 The

6 Ibid,,p, 394; see also , Sha:;^^kh Safi cited by R.Romer, op. cit., p. 199 f.n; 'Ali Shar"Pati, T^ghayyu'-e Alavi va Tashayyu'-e Safavi (n.p,, n,d,). 7 S.H. Nasr, "Spiritual Movements, Philosophy and Theology in the Safavid Period", The Cambridge , p, 657, 8 R, Savory, jren^under the Safavids (London 1980), p.29 ' 9 S. Hossein Nasr, 0£^_cit,, p, 271, ff., Cf, Wj!. Watt Islamic Philosophy and Theology, 167 ff. 31

'alBJTia' and the mujtabids who had been brought in Iran from the far off areas of Islamic domain in the name of propagating Imami Shi'ism had little freedom of speculation and thought because of the tight state control over them. So far, it were the Sunnis who were 'concerned to hold together church and state and sought to reconcile religious theory and historical precedent, the Shi'a as an opposition movement were broadly speaking at liberty to reject historical precedent. They therefore, enjoyed a greater 10 freedom of intellectual speculation. But the same liberty of independent judgement regarding theological speculation was not t possible as the church would not go completely independent of the state under the new circumstances. New religious institution were established. The office of the Sadr was introduced by Isma'il who although enjoyed considerable respect and authority, practically 11 worked under the rigorous supervision of the government.

ID Lambton, State and Government^ in Medieval Islam, p. 223. 11 The office of the sadr existed in the Timurid and states. But under the'Safavids the sadr was a political appointee whose office was used by the Safavids^as a means of controlling the religious classes. Since the Safavids equated beliefs in the right religion with loyalty to the state, it was necessary to root out heresy, and this task was also part of the duties of the s_adr. Upon the successful imposition of doctrinal uniformity depenHed the smooth operation of the temporal arm of government and the ability of the state to survive hostile attacks by its Sunni neighbours. This task, initially the chief part of the sadr's duties, had been largely achieved by the end of Isma'il's reign; t1>ere after the energies of the sadr were devoted mainly to the supervision of wa^f property, if R.M. Savory, l£^_under the Safavids, p, 3 0, ' ~ "" 32

AiTiong the great jurists and mujtabids of the Safavid period are: Shaykh Ali b, Husayn al Karkhi al-Amili known at; xMuhaqqiq al-Thani (d. 1533); Zayn al-Din b. 'Ali al-Amili, famicus as al~Shahid al-Thani (d, 1559)/ Shaykh al-Islam Husayn al Fusayni al-Karkhi al-Amili, Muhanmad Taqi JMajlisi (d.l659), t-:uha'rrad Baqir 1 0 al~Kajlisi (d.l699) and Baha al-Din Muhammad al-AmuU (d.l622) Among a nujnber of volumunious theological works of this i t;riod the "Three Books" arei • VJasa'il al-Shi'_a by i-iuhaMiKid b. 'All al-Hurr al-Amuli; Wafi by ^;uhammad b, Murtada Known as Hull a - - '1 Muhcin Fayd <3nd Bihar al-Anwar by Muhammad Baqir Hajlisi."""' Not much effort was made to develop the theory oi imamate during this period. The main concern so far, was to justify the theory of the imamate against the Sunni theory of the , but since neither the imam nor the Caliph any longer existed their apologetics had little direct effect on political theory. 14 Yet the imatiate was always the centre of disoassion for the _fug_^Ji' of this period. The office of imamate was made more and

12 For the biographies of these theological cee \oiTi Bakhshayshi Fuqaha-ye Naindar-e 5hi'_a.

13 A.A.A. Fyzee, "Introduction" in A_shiJ_ite_Cr22d, p.6, 14 Lambton, op^ cit., p. 268. 33

more spiritual by the 'ularria'. A special ir.ention can be made of Muhammad Baqir Majlisi. In his book Eih_ar_ _aj.-• Anwar Majlisi goes to the extent of describing the imams as pure spiritual being. This phase may be called Shi'i neo-gnosticism. 15

One of the problems with which the theologians were pre­ occupied was the question of status and authority of the mujtabids in the matter of religion. The legitimacy and authority of the 'ulama* had already been a point of discussion among the early theologians right from the beginning of the period of occult ation. The in his presence was the final authority to whom every problem was to be referred. He was the final executer and interpreter of the Shari'a the divine will, /is there remained no such authority by the time the last imam wejnt into the occultation, the four wukala' (representatives of the imam) acted on his behalf. The death of the last wakil, again created a void. The problem arose of not only the source of guidance and leadership, but also the problem of source of legislation and interpretation of sharija. The responsibility was, obviously, shouldered by the 'uleiria* who began to be called as "Proofs of Islam" (hujaj al- Islam, sing bujj^) . The legitimacy of interpretation of Shari'a by the 'ulama* was derived from some of the traditions of the

15 See W. Madelung art. "Imam", Shortef_Enc;^£lo£aedia_of Islciu, p, 166, ~ ~ _ ai

Prophet who were supposed to be acting on behalf of the hidden Imani,''"^ It became a part of Shi'i belief that 'a fully qualified mujtahid is a representative of the Imam, in the case of the letter's absence. Thus he is an authority over Kuslim and he performs the function of the imarri as regards judgement and 17 administration among the people'. It took, however, centuries to establish the authority of the 'ulama' and it involved a nuiriber of problems such as what are the specific areas of authority which the imams delegated to the 'ulama'. It is essential here to note that only power of interpretation of ghari' a was claimed to be inherited b^^ the 'ulama'; while the execution of Shari'a remained as the sole authority of the iman. It was therefore all temporal governments whether Shi'i or non-Shi'is just or unjust was declared as illegal and illegitimate. According to Lambton 'one of the earliest theologian who stated that fugaha' are, in effect, the successors or deputies of the imams in the giving of judgement was Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Tusi (d, 1067) . He states : 'The true imams, upon

16 Thus during the ghayba period the judicial competence of a faqih became valid and it was incumbent on people to accept his judgement on account of his being mansub min al-imam 'ala-al- Unimah (delegated by the Imam on the nationiT. cT~,, Norman clilder, ^Ju3Icial Authority in Imami Shi'i Jurisprudence" British Society for Middle East Studies Bulletin, vol. VI (1979), p, 1J5^

17 Muhammad Rida Al-Muzaffar, The Faith of Shi'a Islam, as

them be peace, have cast the mantle of judgement (hukumat)

on tne fugaha' of the Shi'a during such time as they themselves 18 are not in a position to exercise it in person'. Al-Mufid

thought that specific delegation is not necessary for those who

exercise authority on behalf of the Imam i.e. the fug aha'. He

also does not demand impeccability for them. He, however,

requires that they shoula have knowledge ('ilm) of everything

which concerns their exercise of authority and that they should

be more excellent than their subjects (ra'aya) ' . ' Like their

Sunni counterparts, the legitimacy to interpret Shari'a was also 20 claimed on the basis of their knowledge Cilm) of shari'a.

Muhaiwnai b, Mahmud al-'Amuli calls 'ulama' as ulu'1-amr ("Those

in authority"), a title which most of the theologians used 21 exclusively for the imams.

In the period of occultation the collection and distribu­

tion of religious taxes such as , fitra etc. are also

considered to be the jurisdiction of fug aha j According to al-Tusi

•whenever the imam is manifest () or that person whom the

18 Muhammad b, al-Hasan al-Tusi, Al-Nihaya fi Muj arrad al>-fiqh Wa'1-fatwa , cited in Lamb ton, C£j^__cit.7 p. 25^

19 Ibid,, p. 231 f.n. 20 See Leonard Binder, The Proof of Islam: Religion and Politics in Iran, 21 Lambton, loc. cit. :is

irncJin has appointed to collect it is present, religious taxes should be taken to him so that he may divide it as he sees fit aiTiong the eight groups who are entitled to it. In the opinion of Al-Muhqiq al-Hilli when the imam is absent alms should be given to a reliable faqih because he would know on what purpose it should be expanded, Khums (the one fifth of the income) is considered to be the sole pre-rogative of the Prophet, the imams and their family, but in their absence fugaha' are fully entitled to collect it from the mukallifun. They are also entitled to utilize it on behalf of the Imam.

During the Safavid period, the belief to regard the 'ulama' as the successor of the Imam becam.e stronger. Moreover, the domain of 'ulama's jurisdiction extended. Another significant development was the role of fugaha' in public matters under the new situation when the government professed the Ithna 'Ashari faith. Although the government and the shah was, in principle, regarded as de jure illegitimate, tyrant and usurper, a rapprochement was evolved under certain theological explanation. As a matter of fact such a rapproche>T»cntcould always be seen on the part of the 'ulama' towards the teinporal authority. The Imam 'ulama' co-operated with the Bu./^ids and other monarchs and even with Abbasid rulers. They

22 Cf,, ibid. 37

accepted offices in the government. This was made possible applying 23 the use of taqiyya. This (Jillema of denouncing all temporal powers except the imam's as unjust and illegitimate and accepting office from the unjust rulers, has been an all-pervasing phenomenon 24 in the Shi'i political and juridical theory. Like their Sunni counterparts, Imami 'ulama' were also confronted with the problem whether to revolt and disobey the unjust ruler and consequently create anarchy among the com.munity, or to cooperate with the ruler so that annarcliy can be avoided and a better situation can be avjaited. Both chose the latter on the principle that less evil is better than great one.

But unlike the Sunni 'ulama', the Imami Shi'i theologian never tried to justify the unjust government itself. While the Sunni 'ulama' were mainly concerned to explain the dogmas of faith in such a way to aiake the ruler legitimate, the Shi'i 'ulama' were mainly concerned with justifying their relationship and collaboration with the monarch whom they still thought unjust 25 and illegitimate.

23 See Mi Banu Azizi, "From Religious Accommodation to Religious Revolution:The Transformation of Shx'ism in Iran in Ali Banu Azizi and Myron Weiner (eds,). The State^ Religion and Ethnic Politics; Pakistan, Iran and Afghanist'an, jLahore, 198777 P. 231 tf, 24 Cf., Norman Calder, o^j^cit., p. 105 ff, 25 Lambton, op. cit,, p, 243, H8

Sharif al-Murtada 'Alani al-Huda who wrote a separate treatise on the subject entitled Mas ' ala fi' 1 'amal. roaa'l-Sultan and which is one of the earliest works on this subject helc that it is quite possible for 'ulama' to accept offices under an-unjust ruler. It is, rather 'obligatory (wjiiih) if the one accepting office knows or considers it likely on the basis of clear inuications, that he will through his tenure of the office be enabled to support a right and to reject a false claiir, or to order what is proper and to forbid what is reprehensible (i.e. emr_bi'_l ma'ruf wa ' al-nahy ' an munkar) and if it were not for this tenure nothing of this would be accomplished, In this case, the acceptance of the office is obligatory for him because of the obligatoriness of that for 'which it is a means and an expedient for its accomplishment. It reaches the level of compulsion when he is forced with the sword ,,, , or when he considered it likely that, if he does not accept it, his blood will be shed. In this case he is compelled to accept it. It is licit when he fears for some property of his or is afraid of some harm befalling him, the office is licit and the evil of accepting it is like of which can

26 The text reproduced and translated in Wilferd Madelung, "A treatise of the al-Murtada on the Legality of working for the Government", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol, XLIII, No.l~ll980T7pp. 27^79; "" "~ "" See Joseph Eliash, "The Ithna 'Ashai'r ' Shi'i Juristic Theory of Political and Legal Authority" Stvdia_ Islamic a, Vol.29 (1969), pp. 17,30; ideffi. Misconception Regar^ng tBe Juridical Authority of Iranian 'ulama' International Jgurnaljpf Miadl_e Sast Studies,vol,X,No, 1(1979),pp. 9-25; LambtonT op_^cit., p.243. 39

27 be borne. In this case it is removed. Answering the objection that by accepting office of an unjust ruler the one who does it will strengthen the latter which is an evil in itself, Shaykh al-Murtada Sciys:

If the unjust ruler has gained control of the religion it is inevitable for everyone who is in his country ,,, that he extol him, display reverence to him, and submit to his orders as if obedience to him were a religious duty .... Holding office does not lead one into anything which would not have been necessary for him if he had not accepted the office, while through the office he is enable to order what is proper and to prohibit what is reprehensible. Thus it is obligatory that he seek to attain to that through the office.^^

Al-Murtada further affirm this from tradition though he never mentioned it, that the "tenure of office on behalf of the unjust ruler" is so "only in appearance". 'Intrinsic^ly it is on behalf of the true Imams-peace be upon them - because they have given permission for the tenure of office under the conditions vhich we have mentioned ... Sound tradition has been transmitted that it is permissible for anyone in this situation to administer

27 Cf. Sharif al-Murtada, "Mas'la fi'l'anal ma'1-Sultan" trans, by W. Madelung, "A treatise of the Sharif al-Murtada on the legality of working for the government" Bulletin of the School of oriental cind African Studies, vol. XLIII '(1980}, p."?5

28 Ibid., p. 27. 40

the legal punishments, cut the hands of thieves, and do v;hatever 29 the law requires in these mat tors '.

Al-Tusi reiterates the same points:

'.. .pennission has been given, in the time when the true Imams are not in control and tyrants have usurf)ed power, for the people to apply the legal penalties to their children, their own people ..snd slaves when they do not fear that any harm vjill ensure from tyrant.s and when they are safe fiom harm from them, whenever this is not th? case, it is not permissible to apply the legal penal­ ties. If an unjust sultan makes someone his deputy over a people and appoints him to apply the legal penalties, it is for him to do so fully and completely and to believe to cooperate with him and to strengthen him as long as he does not trans­ gress what is right in that over which he is appointed and does not go beyond what is legal according to the Shari'a of Islam„ If he does it is not possible to assist him or for anyone to cooperate with him in that, unless he fears for his own person, in which case it is permissible, in a condition of taqiyya, to do these things as long as the killing of anyone is not involved. In no circumstances of ta 'qivya to be adopted in the case of killing any one, ^C^

The position of a faqih accepting office underan unjust ruler is stated by al-Tusi in the following words:

If a fa^ih exercises authority (wilaya) on behalf oT'e'tyr, ant, let him think that in applying the penalties of the law and in giving

29 Ibid., p. 26.

3 0 Al-Tusi, op^ cit,, cited in Lambton op, cit., pp. 251-52. 4.1

judgement he is acting on behalf of the true imam and let him undertake (these duties] according to the demands of the Shari'a of the faith; and whenever he is empowered to execute punishment against a transgressor, let him do so, for verily this is one of the greatest (parts) of jihjid. If, however, someone does not know the conditions in which the penalties should be applied and cannot execute them, it is not permissible for him to apply them in any circumstances, if he does he will be a sinner. But if he is compelled to do so, there will be nothinj against him let him endeavour to keep himself apart from things which are illegitimate (al-abatil). It is not permissible for anyone to choose to exercise oversight on behalf of tyrants unless he has (first) determineid that he will not transgress what is obligatory and will only execute what is right and that will allocate things such as sadaqat, akhinas and so on to their proper use. If he knows that he will not be able to control these things, it is not permissible for him to under­ take that work voluntarily, but if he is compelled to so do, it is permissible? let him strive (to act) as we have said.31

Like al-Murtada and al-Tusi most of the imami fug aha' discussed this subject under the notion of ecnr bi'1-ma'ruf wa'nahy jn_|J.;;;muiik_ar, on this basis, Al-Muhaqqiq al-Hilli has made it incumbent and obligatory upon 'ulama' to accept offices ander unjust rulerso He says that 'tradition perr-itted the ex-rcise of autliority on behalf of an unjust sultan provided that h who did

3i Ibid,, p. 254; Al-Tusi, however, did not thi;): it obligatory (Wajib) to accept office of an unjust ruler -JS his teacher al-Murt'ada thought. He rather held that it is only permissible and desirable (MastgJ^ab). Al-Tusi, op, cit,, p.30, 42

so was certain that he would be savt^from the coiimiission of

forbidden acts and v;ould be able to enjoin the good and forbid 32 the evil.

During the Safavid periods the tendency to accept

govemirent offices increased. Because, nov; it was not a dar_al-h^b,

Nor a dar al Islam either. It was rather dar al-iniam according

to al-Tusi, The fugaha of this period made it incumbent upon

themselves to accept offices. The state introduced religious

posts and institutions which fucjj|iia' accepted. Shahid al-Thani

believed that it is incumbent upon the roukallifin to obey the

'ulcKia' appointed by the state because, in fact they are working

on behalf of the imam.

Although the traditional theory of any government being

illegitimate was unanimously accepted, yet there were some 'ulama' 34 who tried to give recognition to the monarch. Muhammad Baqir

Majlisi reiterates the traditional theory and did not regard the

ru.lers to be legitimate. He warns association with the rulers, but permits accepting offices under them on the basis of exercise

3 2 Lambton, op, cit,, p„ 256.

33 Ibid., p. 269.

34 See Ali Banu Azizi, op^ cit. 43

of taqiyya. He however provides rulers some justification on the basis of their right iousness and faith. He says:

Know that the justice ('adl) of Kings and an:Lrs is one of the greatest thing conducive to'tTie well being of men ,,. while their disobedience and wickedness (fisq wa fujur) brings disorder into the affairs of the people ,,,. Thus it is related by the reli­ able sources that Prophet said: There are two classes (sinf) in ray community such that if they are righteous and worthy my community will also be righteous, and if they are corrupt, my community will also be corrupt. The Companions asked him who these two classes weire. He replied that they were the fug ah a' and the umara'. -^ ^

Thus kings should also be paid back with respect and obedience:

Know that kings who follow the true religion have many claims upon their subjects whom they protect and whose enemy they repel, and whose religion lives, wealth and honour are safe through the protection of the kings. They (the subjects) must pray for them (kings) and must recognize their rights, especially when they act justly,-^^

The doctrine of illegitimacy of all the temporal rule also resulted in the oppositional attitude of the 'ulama' towards the government, particularly in case of a tyrant irul3r who has little respect for religion and the 'ulama'. This

3 5 Muhammad Baqir Majlisi, 'Ayn al--t, cited in Lambton op. cit,, p, 283, ~ -

36 Ibid., p. 284. 44

oppositional attitude increased during the Qajar period. SiiTiultaneously increased the power of 'ulama' particularly after the triumph of led by Aqa Vahid-e Behbehain (d, 1807) over the akhbaris during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuiry. It further increased under the period of Shaykh Mortaza Ansari (d. 1864) as a sole marja'-e-taqlid. A number of juridical foin^ulations took place vjhich-enhanced the position ol the 'ul.^a', including the concept of a'lamiyyat (the most learned] , ni_c.rja_M.vY_at and V_elayat'-_e f agih (guardianship of the jurisconsult) ."" The oppositional attitude of 'ulama' and their power as leaders of the 38 community increased during the Tobacco Movement of late nineteenth century and then the constitutional movement of early twentieth century. Thus during the -Qajar period we find less efforts in the way of accomfflodation with the existing authority and more attempts to assert the'ulama's jurisdictions as the leaders of the community, Hamid Algar whose wock isoneof tte best studies of 'ulama's role and status during the Qajar period says that even upto the nineteenth century a political theory to accommodate the state within the system of belief was not developed. The

37 For this discussion see chapter.7. 38 For the role of 'ulama' in Tobacco movement see Lambton, "The Tobacco Regie: Prelude to Revolution" Stvdia Islamics;, vol. XXII, (1965), pp„ 119-57 and vol. XXIII (1966), pp„ Ti^nT""^ N.R, Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran|_ The Tobacco Protest of 1891-1392 TLondon"l966T. ~ 45

'ule3"oa% having established their position as de facto regents of the iiriaros did not allot the monarchy a similar position. Without such a position the monarchy was bound to be regarded as illegitiraate. This was the chief cause of most of the friction betwean the secular and religious powers throughout the nineteenth century.

As discussed above tne de £acto recognition of the existing governments by the Sni'i 'ulama' in the past was legalized under the disguise of safeguarding the community'' from dis­ integration and anarchy. It vjas done under the juristic provision of Rsasaleh-e uromai i.e. for the betterment of the community. As the accommodative theories developed in the later centuries it was thought that monarchy is the best form of government. This theory became more evident during the Safavid period. This m discu-ssion is also best manifested^ the arguments and counter arguments of the Absolutist and Constitutionalist 'ulama'. The Iranian clergy has been divided into a number of categories on account of their attitudes towards constitutionalism. Apart from the staunch aati-constitutionalist conservative clergy who supported the monarch through and through, there were 'ulama' who although disliked the monarch but did not approve

39 Cf,, Hamid Algar, Religion and State in ,Iran_ 1785-1905; The Role of the 'ulama' in the iQajar Period, Ifierkeley, 196977 46

constitutionaLism and tended to divert their attention tov;ards 40 educational reforms such as Ayatollah JSayyed Kaiieni Ha'iri-Yesdi. Thare were another group of 'ulama' who initially supported and ca.-npa-igJldi for the constitutional.ism but they withdrew their support later as they demanded greater role and power of clergy in the go'/ernment. They included Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri and Mirza Kasan Shirazi, as mentioned above. There was yet another group of 'ulama' who supported and canpaigned for constitutionalism towards the end. Most important among them were Sayyed Abdullah Behbehani and Sayyed Moharmnad Tabataba'i of , The Absolutists who s^ipported moncirchy at any case launched a counter propaganda campaign against the constitutionalists. The prominent 'ulama' included! Shaykh Zaynuddin Zayani; Sayyed Mohammad Tafreshi, Sayyed Akbar Shah, Sayyed Mohammad Yezdi, Sayyed Ali Aqa Yezdi, Mirza Talib Zanjani etc. They coined such slogans as "We do not vjant constitutionalism". "We want the religion of the Prophet" 42 (mashruta naml-Khvahim, ma din e-nabi __Khvahim. They published a

40 See, Sharough Akhavi, R.ej.igion _.§nd _Politics ^in Contemporary Iran t The Clergy State Relation" During the Pahalvi PilisSTTAlbariy, 1980T; Aqiqi Bakhshayeshi, tr.ins, by Al^'oTn™" Pasargadi, Ten Decades of 'ulama's struggle (Tehran, 1985), pp„ 157-168. ; 41 For different classes of 'ularr,a' in the constitutionalis- movement see Ervand Abrahamian "The Crov/d in the Persian Revolu­ tion" Iranian Studies, vol. II (1969),pp. 13 5 ff. 47

number o± pamphlets, nana bills, manifestos JTK leaflets roiuting the constitutionalist ideas. Their movement g-^thered a fre: n

hiomerltiirn when Shaykh tluri joined their campaign in 1907. "11- literatux"e of this period, produced by the two opposinu qi'cj )S oi 'uiama* is mainly poJemic.

43 Ibratnama (the book of warning), Ghayratnama (the Book of~ZeaTy, Shabnania (the Night paperT, Subahnaina (the morning paper) Ruznama (the newspaper). A number of~other leaflets bear such title as ;Tadhkira al-ghafil wa Irshcid el-jahil (A reminder for the . Kegligenl and a Guide~for ~the Ignoranx], 2arahin al-Furqan fi Butlsn Qawanin Nawasikh Muhkanrtat al-Uuran TThe Theorinis of the on the Fabity of the Laws which Abrogat, the well-Established (verses) of the Quran), Fvisala-ye Tambih (the Treatise of Adnionition), so on and so forth. (For a note of such literature see Abdul Hadi Ha'ri, Shaykh Fazlallah Nuri's Refutation of the Idea of Constitutionalism, pp. 327-29; Ahniad Ka5rayj.,Tarikh~e Mashruta-ye Iran (Tehran, 1938),p.30& ff. An Indian Jourrial published from Calcutta also played a ver^' important role in the debate on constitutionalism in Iran see E, Abrahamian, op^ ^^-.^.^ P. 136-139; A number of secret societies also emerged during this period such as Am.juwon-e Islc:im (the Islamic Society), /mjujnan-e-Shehr (city council) for detail see E.G. Browne, Thg__Persian Revolution of 1905-1909 (London, ^966) . 48

The constitutionalist 'ulama' argued in support of constitutional govemnent on the ground that it vjas the best 4. thing for the well-being of people Molla Moharranad Kazern Khorasani. one of the staunchest supporters of constitutionalisrri vjrote: 'Our aim in taking such trouble is to bring a confortable life to the people, to remove oppression, to support the oppressed and to give aid to troubled persons. We would also like to carr^'- out God's lav;s and to protect Islainic land from the infidel attacks, Ke intend to practice th'^ Tslairdc concept of aiinr bi'l ina'ruf wa'nahy'^ an trtunkar (to enjoin right conduct an3 for&xd indecenc^)and Islamic laws which are in the interest of the people'.^^

Another proconstitutionalist Mazandarani states his objective for support of constitutionalism in the following vjords:

'We participated in the movement to protect the territory of Islam and to remove aggression and tyranny/, anid to apply religious laws'.46

44Khorasani was one of the three top ranking m_a.rj a'~e tag lid residing in who actively participated in the "consti­ tutionalist movement. Other two were Shaykh Abdollah Mazandarani and Mirza Kossain Tehrani, The 'ulam.a' of Irag played equally significant role in the constitutionalist itiovement alongwith the constitutionalists of Tehran, For details see E.G. Browne^ The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909; Ahmad Kosravi, 02_j_cit,, H'a^iri^ sKI'^sm"'and Constitu'tionalism/ pp. 87-100, Ay atoll ah Sayyed Hariri also supported the standpoint oil these mujtahids though not actively. Later on, these 'ulama' gave up active campaign especially after the defection of Shaykh Nuri and his execution subsequently Shaykh Abdol Karm Ka'iri-^ezdi, then came to Qomm where he took up the charge of rennovating the -ye 'ilmiya of Qomm,

45 Hai'ri, iihi'ism and Cons_titutiona]-ism_in Ira^ p, ?9.

46 Ibid. 49

These 'ulnnia' did not try very much to theorize their iceas on constitutionalisir,. As pointed out by Abdul Hacj Kdiri, it is necessary to atuay their ideas under the political rircurrs- tances of their time, the tyr2nnr.^.cal reqinie of the Shnb ano direct 4 7 threat perception from the foreign agressors - Russir> arc "ritain.

'ih.e oppositional attitude of the 'ulania' was partictjly de •-.r: ini-jc 48 by v.hat was going on rn Iran at that time/ oescrxj?ed ui ne

47 See ibid,, pp. 88 ff. 48 Hamid Algar, however, believes that to study 'ulcixra's oppositional role under the political circumstances of the time will be a partial one. He says that 'ulana's opposition to tyranny and demonarchism had ideological bases. He says: The interpretation offered have largely centered upon the historical situation of nineteenth-century Iran, implicitly regarding the support extended by the'ulama' to the liberal cause of comti- tctlonal government as the outcome of a certain conjunction of circumstances and almost as an anomaly. Doctrinal and ideological motives for opposition to tyranny have been regarded as secondary and the 'ulairia's support for the constitution is thought indeed to have proceeded from confusion and shortsightedness. There are, however, grounds for discerning a stance ol opposition to tyranny as one of the fundamental and most pervasive characteristics of IthiHa' Ashari Shi'i Islam and this stance v/as not inspired exclusively by the defects of Qajar rule. Further more, can almost unbroken line of descent connects the oppositional role ot the 'ulama' in with the present struggle of an iiDportant group of the Iranian 'ulama'against the Pahlavi regime'. Hamid Algar "The Oppositional Role of the Ulama in Twentieth Century Iran" in Keddie (ed.). Scholar's Saints and Sufis (Berkeley,1972i, p.231. 50

•ulama* as istebdad-e-Saghir ("Minor Autocracy"). Sayyed Mohaminad Tabatabai's 49 defuse for constitutionalism seem to be guided more by the tyranny of the Shah and the threat of foreign occupation than the support of the constitution as such on theoretical ground. On the one hand he demanded the establishment of 'adalatkhana ("a house of justice") and a assembly (majlis) so that "the corruptions be remedied" and "justice be given to all people", but on the other hand, he clearly stated that he was not 'fighting for constitutionalism' as such for he believed that a consti­ tutional regime was not suitable for Iran 'because constitutionalisri » can operate only amongst a people who understand nationalism and 50 are literate and knowledgeable'. He thought reform.s should take place through the king with the participation of people and 'ulama'. He wrote: 'We have not demanded anything from the governraeni but justice, the execution of Islamic law, and an assembly in which the king and the poor may be treated according to lavj, we do not talk alDOUt constitutionalism and republicanism'."' He,

49 Sayyed Mohammad Tabataba'i had close relation with Janial al~D:'n

5^ Ha'iri, cp. cit., p.80

•1 It)id., p. 84. 51

however, improved his position later and supported consti­ tutionalism. -Ahmad Kasravi says that Tabataba'i previously tried to hide his bold ideas regarding constitutionalism and parlia- mentarianism, because he feared the conservative clergy who were 5 2 strongly against western ideas, Ke rejected the concept of Kingship which considered the king as God's shadow on earth. He ever envisaged a sort o£ secular monarchy by considering the Shah, an authority who may be obeyed as long as he served his people. 53 Attempts were also made to prove the compatibility of these ideas with the established Twelver Shi'i doctrines. In this connection two such attempts are worth mentioning : .Al-La' all al"Marbuta fi Wajub al-Mashruta by Shaykh Isma'il Mahallati and """ • ~~"~" » Tanblh al-^mma wa Tanzih al-Milla by Mirza Mohammad Hossein 54 Na'ini, The latter is more important as Naini exerted great influence upon the 'ulama' of his time. Na'ini's description is

; 52 See Kasravi, op^ cit., p. 49.

53 Ha'iri, 0£^__cit,, p. 86. 54 According to S.A. Arjomand the earliest pro- constitutional treatise written under the impact of Nuri's propaganda -was -written by one Emadol 'ulama* Khalkhali titled "Resala-ye Ma*na-ye Mashruta" in 1907, Arjomand, "The 'ulama's Traditionalist opposition to Parliamentarianis^" Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 5WII, No.2 (1981), p, 156. " 52

55 detailed systematic and scholarly. His work was first published in 1909 in Iraq. This was the time when the consti­

tutionalist movement was showing signs of defeat as the consti-

tution was already abrogated.

The problem with Na'ini was to prove that in Islam

tyranny has been condemned and a moderate, limited and ccnstitu-

tional form of government has been advocated. He divides the

government into two types: the ideal type and the actual type.

55 Hamid Algar, art, "", The Encyclopaedia of Islam, p„ 164, He describes it as 'a coherent and'"serious 's'tatement on question of political and social reform, ... from Shi'i point of view :it deleneates the positive doctrinal reason for their support of constitutionalism firmly grounded in Kur'an and Sunn a. See also, Hairi, op cit,, p. 155; Ha'iri has thoroughly studied Na'ini's life and ideas, based on his book Tggbih. He has translated and reproduced considerable matter from Tambih in his study.

56 Second edition was published in 1910 from Tehran the third edition appeared after a lapceof fortyfive years that is in 1955 at Tehran, This edition of the book played a significant role in influencing the development of Shi'i thought of 1950s- 1970s.

57 Cf. Ha'iri, 02_^cit,, p. 160. 53'

As ideal type of govemrrient is impossible during the absence of imams the choice is restricted to the second type. Now there are broadly two types of govemrnents existing in the world: tamalluKiyya (PropJietership, possessorship) and velayatiyya

(supervisorship). The former type is that of monarch^' which is tyrannical by nature. The second type is desirable according to 58 reason and according to the spirit of the Shi'i religion,"^

He defends the constitutional form of government in follov;ing v;ords!

In this type of government there is absolutely no state of possessorship, subjugation and despotism, Rulership here is based on the perfoirmance of certain duties in the interests of the public. The ruler's authority is limited to those duties, and he has no right to transgress this limit ,,., For this reason, his authority is of the type of benevolent supervisorship (veJayat). Every one of the people, in such a state, is equal to the ruler and shares with him in all affairs, financial or otherwise. Those responsible for any office are only public trustees, not possessors or lords, and all are responsible to the people and are liable to be questioned by . them. Everyone has the right to protest and is not to be subjugated or subdued by the ruler. Such government is called bound, (muqayyadah), limited (mahdudah), just ('adilah), "constitutional (mashrutah, dusturiyvah) an3 responsible (mas'ulahT. The person who rules in such a state is called custodian (hafiz), vigilant (haris), justice giver (qa'im bi gist), responsible (mas'up just (* adil) . The people who enjoy such government are accountants,(mutasibin),free (ahrar) and alive (ahya) . Since this^govemment is a trusteeship or gu'ardianship, it is bound to be void of any transgression and dissipation, and like other trusteeships, it has to be account­ able, subject to which, and be based on resoonsi- bility'.59

58 Ibid,, p. 166. 59 Ibid,, p. 189. 54

As regards monarchy, he says that it usurr)s three fundamental rights of the Imam, while democracy usurps only one:

The monarchy consists of three sets of usurptions and oppression (1) It is usurption of the authority of God and injustice to Him, (2) it is usurption of the Imam's authority and oppression of the Imam; (3) it also involves oppression of the people. By contrast, constitutional system is only oppression of the Imam,.,, Thus a constitutional regime limits three sets of oppressions to one; consequently it is necessary to adopt it,^*-*

However, the oppression of the Imam, can be removed and parliament can be legitimized if it gets sanction of the lav;ful authority, i.e. the 'ulama' He favoured the supervision of 'ulatia' over the parliament; only then the constitution and the parliament can be conceived legitimate. Na'ini gave the parliament legis­ lative power which was strongly criticized by the anti-consti­ tutionalists.

Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri, on the other hand described constitution as completely incompatible with the tenets of Islam as well as Twelver Shi'i doctrines. He called the constitutiona- 61 list the Khawary of Nahravand and innovators. According to

60 Ibid., pp. 193-94.

61 See idem, Shaykh Fazl Allah Nuri's Refutation of the Idea of Constitutionalism, Middle Eastern Studies, vol.XIII, No.3 (1987), Passim. 55

him the constitution vJill create a conflict in the source o£ legal

authority in Islam, He accused the constitutionalists of changing the shari'a;

'?irst of all, (both the writing of) a constitutional la'w and the follov;ing of the opinion of the majority are against Islam. The idea of depending on the majority even though it is originally allowed in permissi­ ble affairs (umur-i-),is an unlawful legislation, it~is an innovation in religion because it made as a la\-j to be obeyed, (And of course) every innovation is a straying from the right path. Also, it is unlawful to make a permissible action as a person's duty to be obligatorily performed and to punish the persop for his refusal of performing that duty'.°

He further says :

Strangest of all is that they (i.e. the constitutionalists say that the articles of the law can be changed. Is this change from Islam to infideiitv', or from infidality to Islam ? Both alternatives are obviously vjrong. One may argue that this change (only) consists of a change from Islam to Islam; that is to say, from a permissible (action) to another permissible (action). Although this (kind of) change can be conceived, it is wrong to make and put into effect a law v?hich regulates a permissible action, the performance and non-performance of which is all the same to the founder of the Shariah (It is wrong especially if) a punishment may be given to those who do not obey such laws.^4

62 V.A. Martin, "The Anti-Constitutionalist Arguments of Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri, Middle Eastern Studies, vol XXII,No 2 (1986), p. 183.

63 Cited in Ha'iri, op. cit., p. 333.

64 Ibid., pp. 334-35, 56

He thus proposed a "mashruta-ye vnashru' - constitution based upon shari'a. He condemned the draft constitution as mashrufca-ye 65 £er"»<|i;» i.e. the constitution based upon European laws. So far as the question of justice was concerned, Nuri says that the absolute justice will prevail only when the Imam would re-emerge upto that time the commxanity cannot enjoy ai^solute justice whether in a monarchy or constitutional monarchy, Nuri proposed the following points in order to legitimize the parliament:

(1) that the word "legitimate" be added after the word 'constitu­ tion'. (2) That during the assembly's terms, there must be five religious scholars of the first rank to supervise legislation, to ratify certain lavjs and to ensure that these laws are in agree­ ment with Islamic decrees (3) Fixing the penances and execution of religious verdicts concerning the Babis, Baha'is, other atheists and enemies of Islam. (4) Amendment of the law per­ taining to the press and publication, in the early form of which it was prohibited to publish deviating books and papers which were offensive to the holy religion, prophets and Imams. 66

Later on, when Reza Khan proposed the idea of republi­ canism in 1924 it was strongly rejected by the 'ulama'. The

65 V.A, Martin, op,_cit., p. 184.

66 Aqiqi Bakhsheyshi, op. cit., p.77. 57 basic cause of their opposition was nothing but the fear of the influence of Western calture. This was best manifested in the attitude of Ayatollah Modarres, He opposed Reza Sha.i as he feared that fate of would be similar to that of Turkey due to extensive secularization. Madarres introduced the concept of "Negative Balance" (tavazun-e ^adami) by which he meant that the •ulama' had a different sphere of their activities while the monarch has his own sphere of jurisdiction; both should not interfere into each others jurisdictions. 67

Thus three different" currents are discernible in the thoughts of post-constitutional revolution of Shi'i hierarchy: one, open support to monarchy,iMO lie constitutional demand and limitation of the power of the monarch owing to the heritage of Na'ini and three, traditional quietist opposition of the Kings, but no pronounced political activism. It is very interesting to note that those 'ulana* of later decades who followed the first line of action were mostly the imari-e ^ jom' a (imamsof Friday prayers) and rural mollas. Tbose v*x) had shown certain degree of political action belonged to second rank of the clerical hierarchy? while those who followed the last line of action

67 See Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr, Maqiyyat-e Iran va Naqsh-e Modarres (n.p., n.d.); Abol-Fazl Ezzali, The Revolutionary Islam and the Islamic Revolution (Tehran, 1981), p.l57 TTl o 8

belong to the ranks of clergy. For example, Hai'ri (d, 193 6) ! (d. 1945) and Boroujerdi (d,1961) all dominated the Shi'i hierarchy but kept themselves away from politics. On th?* other hand, Kashani, Taleqani, Khorneini all politically active 'ulama' belonged to the second rank. CHAPT2R - III

DEVELOPMENT OF SHI'I THOUGHTS IN CONTEMPORARY IRAN : 1941-61

In 1941 Reza Shah was forced to abdicate and his son Mohammad Reza Shah ascended the throne. This change led to consi­ derable relaxation of political activity as well as freedom of 1 tha press. The 'ulama' resumed to express their grievances against the regime after a prolonged quietist attitude after the constitutional movement especially after Reza Shah came to power. The clergy had developed strong anti-Pahlavi feeling during the reign of Reza Shah (1924-1941) just like their enVnity against the Qajar*3. They were angry not because the Shah gave them adverse treatment but also because they disliked a number of reforms introduced by the Shah, They were particularly annoyed by his policy towards religious institution^, and religious endowments (awqaf). Through out the 1930s the 'ulama' followed quietist and nonconfrontationist attitude while Ayatollah Abdol

1 Homa Katouzian, The Political Economy of Modem Iran 1926-79, (London, 1981), pT^I. 2 By 1941 Reza Shah had introduced a series of lav;s which restricted the control and administration of clergy over awqaf properties, religious education and charity institutions. For details, see Sharough Akhavi, Religion and Politics in Contemporary Iran !_Cler2Y_State Relations in the PahTavi_Period" (New York,'~1980}, pp. T2^r5^. — - - — GO

Karim Ha'iri and Ayatollah Sayyed Abol Hasan Ssfahani (d,1945) dorrdnated the scene, but they had collected enough anger against the regime.

Soon after the new Shah came to povjer, the clergy began . 3 to reasEjrt themselves and began their agitation on the pattern of the Constitutionalist movement. However, they did not work as a cohesive force. They not only differed in the degree of activism and involvement in politics and public matters, but also held divergent views on a number of issues, Sharough Akhavi who has made a good study of the different attitudes of the clergy 4 during this period^ says that it is very diiricult to categorise the clergy in certain groups as the views of a particular group 5 will not be identical on all the issues. However, the clergy's attitude can broadly be divided into tu/o general categories: one the conservative quietism and the oth'^r. '-raditional opposition to these two there may be added a small group of radical attitude on the part of a few clergy such as Ayatollah Borqa'i and Ayatollah Lankarani who supported not only parliamentarinism, nationalization

3 Said Amir Arjomand, "Traditionalism in Twentieth Century Iran" in Said Amir Arjomand (ed,). From Rationalism to Revolu­ tionary Islam, (London, 1984), p, 204, "" 4 See Akhavi, op, cit,. Chapter 3-4, pp. 50-116, 5 Ibid., p, 63, 'Any attempt to locate the ulama leadership on a spectrujii of orientations to public policies would have to be constructed on the basis of individual issues'. 61

of Anglo-Iranian Oil company etc., but also women enfianchize, Ttia first group that follo'.'^ed the conservative quietist line v^as led by the sole marj a'e-taqlia of the tiina ^.yatollah S-iyyod Aqa Mohainmaci Boroujerdi. The oti.^r group of clergy ina:iif=^ cec irself in the attitude of Ay atoll ah Abol-wasin:i Kash.^ni. The fcllcv.-ing were the rr,jin issues of contention for tlie cl2rgy uuring this period: (ij The attitude of tne state cov-zards the clergy and vice-versa (2) Relationship v;itn ti.e monarch and his govamment (3) involvement into the public raatters and politics (4) Activities of the militant organization both rightist and leftist (5) Nationalization of Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (6) Women enfranchize (7) Eaha'ism (3) Land reform.

Eut before we discuss the attitudes of 'ulaaia' on these issues we must have a look at the anti-clergy and the so-called "anti-religion" views of modernists such as Ahmad Kasravi Tabrizi and his followers during the early 1940s. In 1941 the ban on freedom of the press was relaxed. As a result of this there took place a spurt of polemical literature both from Ahriied Kasravi and his followers on the one hand, and from the clergy on the oiher hand. Ahmad Kasravi appeared as one of the most hated persons in the eyes of the Iranian clergy. Ke charged the 'ulaina' for

6 Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between the Tv.'o Revolution, (Princeton, 1982), p. 259, 62

promoting a distortea version of Shi'ism which he termed as Shi'i-aari. The clergy on the other hand attacked Kasravi's moveinent as Kasravi-qari, condemnec not only Kasravi but all those who followed him as anti-religion and anti-'ulama'.

Ahmed Kasravi Tabrizi the historian^ literary critic and Islamist was bom in A.D, 1890 in the rural town of Hukmavar in 7 the suburbs of Tabriz. His father was an unorthodox Iranian v;ho denounced mullas for their dependence upon charity for their livelihood. He even discouraged people from going to pilgrimage D it their relatives and neighbours vvere needy. The Azeri speaking 9 family of Kasravi belonged to 2-iUtashari sect. The rivalries between the Mutashari , Shaykis and Karimkhani. conimunities which verealways a source of disturbance in Tabrir at that time seem. to have left profound impression on the mind of Kasravi. Kasravi's father was not only against this sectarianism, but he also condemned differences between the Shi'is ana Sunnis. however,

Kasravi gained religious education at a local maarasa. His father

7 Ahmed Kasravi Tabrizi, ZenQagani-ye___Man, p.5.

8 Ibid., p.12.

9 Ervand Abrahamian, Kasravi: The Integrative llaticnalist of Iran" Middle Eastern Studies, Vol, IX,Ko,3 (1973), p.274. 10 Kasravi, cp^ cit., pp. li.-13. irs

wanted hini to becoTie a religious scholar though not a "mull a"

But, according to his ovm account, Kasravi did not want to continue

religious education which would eventually result in making hirr

a cleric.

Lateral he joined a college in Tabriz and came under the

influence of a few enlightened persons. Here, also, he inculcated 13 reformist tendencies. He, then servea at various colleges as

teacher of Arabic. By then he had earned the bad reputation of being an irreligious and unconventional person. The disturbances

during the 1910s in Azerbayjan forced him to come to Tehran and

join the Ministry of Justice, However, he had to resign from his post as he came to a direct confrontation with the army officers 14 of the Reza Khan who tried to prevail over the Ministry of Justice .

Although Kasravi gained a reputation of uprightness,

touglmess, hardwork, courage and incorruptibility, hJLs ideas made him one of the most controversial figures of his time. He was

neither liked by the political establishment nor by the religious

11 Ibid., p. 21. 12 Ibid., p. 26. 13 Cf. ibid., p. 29 ff. 14 See Kasravi, Chgra _az Adliya Bayrun Amadem ^Hi}2_Z_lS^i_^l^S_:J}^£iiS^l2^£5£llDS2l^ (Tehran, n.d .77 G4

ertablisyiment. In fact he came under strong condemnation from the latter. He engaged himself -in long polemics with the religious authorities, who regarded him as an unbeliever, a Babi, 15 an agent of western powers, a communist so on and so forth. As If) a prolific writer, Kasrevi wrote a number of books and even a greater number of articles especially in his newspaper Parcham and journal Pay am. He covered a variety of subjects, including history, literary criticism, and religion; the last is more important, for cur point of view. He wrote a number of treatises on Islam and Shi'ism in order to give a pro- gressive interpretation of religion. 17 He uses the term din for religion by vjhich he sought to draw a radical view of religion.

He says:

I use it [din] to describe an ideology that teaches people the true meaning of life and gives them a practical code of ethics. For example, what is the real function of the division of labour? Its purpose is not to give licence to the various occupations to make as much money as possible at the expense of others. Cn

16 Abraharoian, op, cit,, pp. 273-74.

16 For a list of his works see ibid., p. 279.

17 The following are his books which directly discuss with Islam: Dar Piramun-e Islam (About Islam.;, Din va Jahan G5

the contrary its real purpose is to permit each profession to perform the duties necessary for the prosperity of the whole society. When groups and individuals have a code of ethics they are able to live in harmony. And living in harmony, they are able to pursue the main role of struggling against the nature,•'•^

For him Islam in its original form was a genuine ideology 19

It united tlrie various communities opposed to each other into one and created a cohesive and unified society. But only after a few years of its success it got divided, first into shi'ism and

Sunnism and then into a number of sects. ',.. there are two

kinds of Islam: one is the Islam which was established by the pious Arab, the Prophet Muhammad^ a thousand and three hundred and fifty years ago and which flourished for centuries. The other is the Islam of today consists of Sunnis, Shi'is, Isma'ilis, Ali 21 Allahis, Shaykhis, KarmikhaniS so on and so forth'. At present there is no Islamic ideology (din-e Islam] as such. Instead there are a large number of sects ijsishj.' V/ithin Iran itself,

Kasravi pointed out, there is a large number of sects. He

18 Kasravi, "A F^essage to European and American Intellec­ tuals", F_archam, Sep. - Oct. 1942, cited in Ervand Abrahannan, op, cit.7~F. 280,

19 Kasravi, Din va Jahan, p. 28.

20 Ibid., p. 32.

21 Kasravi, Par Piramun-e^ Islam, p.2.

22 Kasravi, Din va Jahan, p,35. GB

divided these factions into four broad categcries: the religious sects, the linguistic groups, the tribal bifurcations and the class divisions. He counted as many as fourteen major religious 23 sects in Iran. According to him, these conflicting views (andishc^a-ye zid eh am) are the greatest cause of national dis- integration and backvjardness. 24 As a reformist he was greatly moved by the country's backwardness. The way to national progress 25 can only be paved by removing the conflicting thoughts. Although he criticised all kinds of factionalism, his criticism of religious sectarianism was more vehement, Ke says that the four­ teen religious communities in Iran mean fourteen states within one state:

Fourteen religious sects mean fourteen separate states, fourteen separate goals, fourteen separate interests. Some readers may not deem this as very important, but it does mean that the population is divided into segregated com.munities, all with their own leaders and followers, all viewing the government as an antagonistic force, all reluctant to pay taxes, and all consi­ dering themselves apart from the rest of the nation. They live in this land, taking advantage of its benefits, but they refuse to behave as responsible citizens of the state.2^

23 According to him they are: Sunnis, Sufis, Shaykhis Mutasharis, Karimkhanis, Baha'is, Azalis, Ali-Allahis, Jews, Armenians, Assyrians, Zoroastrians, dialectic materialists and the followers of Greek Philosophy.

24 Kasravi, The B_ayad__Kard Imroz^ Passim..

25 U^i^.' Ma Che Mikhvahim, p. 11.

26 Kasravi, The_Bayad_Kard Imroz, p. 11. 67

Kasravi attacks Shi'ism and the clerical institutions rrost vehmently. Shi'ism^he believed, \^;as as not a genuine , ^ 27 ideology (din) which was divideC into nuir.erous sub-sects (Kish) . According to him the prevalent shi'ism is a distoited c^.d per\'erted form of t-hi'isrri. This distortion of shi'isir took place 28 Juring the SJafavid period. ne thus cedls Shi'ism as Safevid

Shi'ism. He further says that tnis distoitic'n was done rr dnly due 29 to political reasons.

Kasravi regarded Shi'ism as a retrograte religion which is not only 'inconpatible with reason, which alone makes it objec- 30 tionable, it is also a hinderance to a progessive life'. Ke says that Shi'ism created conflicts in the society by differentiating tetween the people (me 11 at) and government (davjlat), ana further that it discouraged the people in shaping their own destiny and thereby making contribution to social production and progress by teaching them that 'their own effort could not im,prove the society'. He strongly criticised the shi'ite concept of denying

27 Kasravi, Din va Jahan, pp. 29-3 0.

28 Cf. F. Kazemzadeh "Iranian Historiography" in B. Lewis and P. Holt (eds.). Historians of the Hicdle _East, p. 43 0; Farhad Kazemi, "The Feda'yan-e Islam :~Fanaticism,7 Foli'tics and Terror^' in S.A. •^rjomand (ed,). From Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam, p, 160, "" ~~ ""

29 Alsrahamian, op. cit., p. 283.

3 0 Cited in Farhad Kazemi, £Bi_£ii" P. 1^0. 31 Aijrahamian, loc cit. G8

legitimacy to all temporal authority and thus denying any political 32 order in the society. He also criticized the oppositional role 33 of ulama towards the state. He also strongly criticised the view professed by the Shi'i 'ulama' that people had no right to make laws for themselves and that God alone had the right to do so. He thus reaches the conclusion that shi'ism and democracy are two opposit poles:

Shi'ism and democracy are t'AO contradictory forces. According to the formar, the authority to rule resides in the Imami and his 'ulama' . But according to the latter, it rests with the people and their representatives. Some Shi'i theologians, however, tiry to brush away this contradiction by arguing that democracy really means the rule of the majority and that the majority in Iran desire the guidance of the 'ulama'. But this line of argument has two main fallacies. First, it ignores a fundam.ental principle in democracy - that no group, such as mullas, can claim special privileges. Second, it confuses true democracy, which is a representative government, with majority rule, forgetting that if democracy meant the rule of the majority then Iran should have not obtained a constitution, since at the tim.e of the revolution the bulk of the popula- tion-especially the peasantry and the lower classes - wanted royal depotism,-^^

Kasravi thus concludes that Shi'ism has ' led its followers astray; backwardness, ignorance, disintegration and darkness, or in short, into "irreligiousness". He criticized a number of religious concepts and practices such as taqiyya.

34 Cited in Abrahamien, OP, cit., p. 28- 69

the imams' power of intercession, belief in ever living hidden imam, taqlid (blind imitation), pilgrimage, visitation o? shrines of imams, passion plays and mourning processions (ta^zijeh) .

In this connection he wrote :

Prayers, crying, vows, ana so on, have no efficiency ,,,. People think God watches this country in particular and as soon as someone commits a sin He sends a famine or flood or epidemic or a'Chengiz Khan^ They think that God is emotional and that in response to shoep sacrifice he will forgive. People learn all this from the preachers (pishvayan)..,. the beliefs in miracles is blasphemies against God ,,.. If God does not answer prayers, what kind of God is He ... JXi. , 'a-niyis (prayer writers), Sayyeds, and ima 11 as'who"tell you to make vows in order to be cured do not knew God.35

These ideas of Kasravi antagoaniaedthe clergy who considered hira a serious threat to their religion. They wrote a number of treatises to refute the modernist ideas of Kasrawi and his 3 6 followers. Ayatoll ah Rohollah Khomeini wrote a book Kashf-e

Asrar (Revealintf of the Secrets) to refute one of Kasravi's followers Ali Akbar Hakamizadeh's book "Asrar-_e_^He2ar Sal 37 (Secret of the Thousand Years). The book was widely acclaimed

35 Cited in Michel M.J. Fischer, Iran: From_Religious Dispute to Revolution (Cambridge, 1980), p,13 0,

36 See Mehdi Seraj Ansari, Nabard ba bidini; Darba_ra~^e Kasravi va Kasravigiri (Tehran, n,d'TT"

3 7 For more about the book see Chapter, 70

by the clergy as it rapresented ths clergy's views in a most systematic form. In the very beginning of the book Ayatoll ah Khomeini termed tha general perception of the clerqy of the nsodemist as the "greatest danger", and their attemots to"weaken the faith of people in religion and its rituals an J the clerical 33 institution" as the "greatest crime". He condemns these modernist reformers as Wahhabis :

These intellectuals vjant progress,* they want to be released from taqlid (imitation). In fact they are the imitators of canel-herding savages of Najd (i.e. Wahabis). Such arguments had always been put forward since the inception of Islam .... They^ the modernist intellectuals think that if we abondon our religion we will progress and will stand equal to the progress of Surope. But they do not realize that vjhat Europe has to offer is not civilization but savagery ,,,. Even many Europeans, themselves are religious ,,,. Nor these writers realize that no progress has been made in the deserts of Najd and Heiaz. How shou;|.d we seek advice from them for our development.-'^

Ke warns those who 'want to eliminate the prestige of ruhaniyat clerg/ from the people are committing the greatest treason to the nation. The reduction in ths influence of clergy over the masses would anount to such defects in the country which hundreds of 40 judicials and officials of police cannot repai-r'.

38 Ayatollal'i Rohollah Khomeini; Kashf-e^^^Asrar^ P."?. •^^ i^i'3.,, pp. 7-8; Elsewhere in the book he accuses them as followers of Ibn Tayroiy\/a, and Babis, See ibid., p.56. 40 Ibid., p. 203. 71

The clergy's reaction to Kasravi and his followers was very bitter and violent. He was therefore, assassinated in 1946 by the member of a terrorist organization Feda'iyan-e Islam. The act was widely acclairr.ed by the clergy. Some of the leading rnaj tabids including Ayatollah Mohammad Hossein Tabataba'i-Qommi and Ayatollah Kashani openly supported the assassination. They openly pleaded the acquital of the assassins. It is sail that the weapon with which Kasravi was assassinated was funded by a leading mujtahid of Tehran, Ayatollah Shaykh Mohammad Hasan 41 Taleqani. Even fatwas were issued in support of the assassi­ nation, Ayatollah Aqa Hossein Qommi have been reported to have said that the murder of Kasravi was an obligatory act similar to prayer and required no fatwa. Anyone who insults the Prophet 42 and his family must be liquidated and his blood shed'. Such a bitter and strong reaction of the clergy was only to be seen in their campaign against the Baha'is during mid 195Cs.

Among those who represented the traditional oppositional behaviour against the state during the early 1940s were Ayatollah Aqa Hossein Tabataba'i-aorami (d, 1940), Ayatollah Taqi Eafqi (d, 1946) and Ayatollah Abol, Qasim Kashani (d. 196 2) . They first

41 Farhad Kazemi, 0£ji„cit., p, 161.

42 Ibid., 78

demanded lifting of restriction on the wearing of viel and clerical 43 garb. Both Bafqi and Qommi emphasized strict observance of shari'a.^

They also eniphasized wearing of veil by women. Ayatollah Bafqi who had a reputation of objecting the presence of a royal lady in unveiled condition in a religious shrine in 193 5, strongly criti­ cized opening of a liquor shop in Uomin. The shop was humt down by his followers. He confronted the government m another incident when he opposed the un3ust distribution of a river water between 44 Qornm and M shall at. These 'ularna* also attacked on the imitation AS of the cultural pattern of the westerners" and demanded a ban on the introduction of cinema. They also demanded to repeal the ban on passion plays and mournings? strict observance of sanctity of the holy month of and to do away with the proscription of the pilgrimage to Mecca,

However, the traditional opposition of the 'ulama' towards the state during this period is manifested in the activities of

Kashani, Although a learned marja'-e tacjlid, KashaJii attracted

43 M,J, Fischer, 0£^__cit,, p, 112.

44 Ibid.

4 5 Arjomand, loc cit.

46 M.J. Fischer, op. cit., p. 113; see also notes on p. 276. 73

47 roainly the second echelon of the clergy in support of his cause. He had a mixed history of failure and success in politics, A brief political biography of Ayatollah Kashani would help understand the rnan and his thoughts as v;ell as his political behaviour. Ayatollah Kashani was bom in a traditional clerical family in Tehran in AD 1882, Kis father Ayatollah Sayyed Mostafa Kashani was himself a leading mujtahid of the city,. Tov^iardc th end of the 19th century Kashani came to live at Najaf along with his father. 48 In Najaf Kashani ... joined the classes of Ayatollah Moll a Mohanmad Kezem Khorasani and Ayatollah Mirza Hossein Khalili Tehrani both active clerics of the constitutional movement, He took active pc>t in the Constitutional movement. Although Kashani acquired excellence in religious sciences as he was declared a mujtahid at a very young age, his keenness to join the politics and lead an active life is reflected in his choice to turn down an invitation from the raadrasa of Najaf which had offered him the top post. He thus chose to join the struggle against the Britishers. 49 He was one of the close associates of

47 Akhavi, op. cit., p, 5 7 48 Aqiqi Bakhshayeshi, Ten Decades ofUlama's Struggle, Eng, trans, by Alaedim Pazarda3i~TTehran, 1985;, p,'l29. 49 Yann Richard, "Ayatollah Kashani: Precursor of the Islamic Revolution" Eng, trans, by N.R. Keddie in N.R.Keddie (ed,) SSiiSi^'^ and Politics in Iran; Shi'ism Quietism to Revolution, p. 11557" " - - . _ 74

50 Ayatollah Mohairanad Taqi Shirazi (d, 1920) who led the anti-

Britisb struggle of 'ulaina' in Iraq. On account of his anti-

British activities he vi^as condemned to death by a British court in absentia.^''" He fled to Iran in A.D. 1921.

When Kashani reached Tehran the strviggle of power betvjeen the Reza Shah and Qajajr ruler Ahmad Shah was on. He chose the 52 former made an alliance with him. It has been suggested that

Kashani's choice of Reza Khan was due to the latter*s soft and 53 supportive attitude towards the 'ulama' at that time. Although

Kashani sat in the majlis, he very soon expressed his dissatis­ faction with the new monarch and his policies of modernization especially when it came to confront his religious dogma. He also opposed the increasing influence of the foreign powers in the domestic affairs and the lack of proper attitude of th--; monarch towards the 'ulama'. He openly showed his concern against the corrupt and opportunist members of the majlis. He advocated p.:-rticipation 54 of 'ulama* into the politics in a big way. However, he was not

50 Aqiqi Bakhshayeshi, op. £i_t., p. 131,

51 Hamid Algar, ''The Oppositional Role of Ulama in Twentieth century Iran", in N.R. Keddie (ed.). Scholars Saints and __Suf is; Muslim Religious Institutions in the Midd 1 e Eas"t since""!50O" iBerKeleyT 197"5T7 pT"'2"4i.

52 He was a member of the assembly which officially declared the last of the Qajar monarch overthrown,

53 E.g. Yann Richard op, cit,, pp. 106-108.

54 Ibid., p. 187. 75

seen much during t..e late 1920s ana 1^3Os when the 3hah had

started eliminatina opposition includinq 'alama'.

It vias the conviction of Kash,3ni that religion and politics

were not different from each other; they were one and inseparable

froin each other. During his stay at Najaf he had established

a college, yfa.9,§£^,g~yQ '^If.yi/' where not only religioun subjects

•were imparted but military training was also given to the

students. Addressing the religious students he said 'As

nothing in the world occured without material causes, do not

limit yourself to praying, but unite, devote yourselves to social

problems and self-sacrifice in order not to leave the field free

to traitors who by their passions, their brigandage and their 57 ambitions will let all the values of this nation be annihilated'.

J Another important characteristic of Kashani vjar; his strong

anti-imperialist, especially anti-British sentiments. The

following extracts from his writings reflect his feelings on the

problem of imperialism:

As long as blood flovjs in the viens of the nation, the foreigners cannot install in this country tleir

55 In a interview he quoted the Quranic verse lj_£ahbaniY_Ya fi' 1-lslam (there is no monasticism in Islam) •Participating'~in the social affairs of Muslim fellow countrymen is among the duties of the religious scholars*. Interview with Ayatollah Kashani", in Echo of Islam, special vol. The Dawn of the Islamic Revolution, p e 186, 56 Yann Richard, op, cit,, p.105. 57 Ibid., p. 118. 58 'I have always regarded British policy as harmful for the Islamic countries especially since I have witnessed the hardships and agony which the Muslim Iranian brothers and sisters have under­ gone as a result of British policy, I was never prepared to talk with British or even meet them ... Interview with Ayatollah '".-^shani, op, cit,, p,188. 7G

brigand display case .... they cannot turn me froro the continuation of the tireless combat that I have undertaken against their injustice, I have always risked my worthless life^ and I will risk it until my last breath for the glory and indepen­ dence of my nation,,,, let us defend the legiti- late rights of the nation, even if vje must sacri­ fice our lives for them.^^

The boldest step on the part of the traditional 'ulama' including of Kashani came in the form of a fatw_a issued in favour of nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Besides, these 'ulama' played an important role in bringing the nationalist 60 government of Dr, Mossaddeq into power, Kashani led the 'ulama' in the majlis? he was chosen speaker of the Majlis,

However, neither Kashani nor his supporters inspite of their hostility towards the Shah and his government, ever declared roo'narchy or the constitution as unlslamic. It is to be noted that although they envisaged and demanded more and more share in politics for clergy, they never went ideologically beyona the idea of 61 constitutional monarchy. They lim.ited their demands to the true implementation of those clauses of the constitution which

59 Cited in Yann Richard, opj^_£it,, p, 119.

60 For Kashani's role in the Nationalist Koveirient See R,W. Cottom, cp. cit,, Yann Richard, cp,_jcit,,

61 Hamid Algor, op. cit,, p. 242. 77

gave a supervisory role to the 'ulan.a' in legislation, iieither Kashanl nor his followers advanced theoretical speculations in this regard. In fact, Kashani has -written nothing en the issue, Kashani's intense politit'ization of religion and his agi- tative attitude brought him closer to an extremist Islamic organi­ zation known as Feda'iyan-e Islam with whom Kashani was associated both ideologically and politically.

Feda'iyan-e Islam (Devotees of Islam) was founded by one 62 Sa^^yed Mujtaba Nawab Safavi during the early J940s. Navvai) 63 safavi was bom in 1923 in Tehran in a religious family, ' He studied in Tehran and Najaf, He did not joined hicher classes of theology at Najaf, instead he returned to Iran, Nav\''ab Safavi's immediate cause of early return to Iran seems to be h-G great dislike for anti-Shi'ism and anti-clergy v;ritings of Ahmed Kasravi 64 Tabrizi. He carriC to Tehran with one avowed objective of

6 2 See Ervand Abrahamian, 0£_,_cit., p, 13 4; Ar^ir H. Ferdcws "Khomeini and Fedayai's Society and Politics", InternatiC)n_al Journal of Middle East Studies, vol, XV, No.2 (i98~T7" pp.'241-2577 Farhad Kazemi'i "The Feda'yan-e Islam : Fanaticism,, politics and Terror, in S.A, "rjomed (ed.), from Nationalism tc Ravolutionary Islam, p, 160, ~ "

63 For his life; see Anon. ^'Ultabic Shahid Navvab Safavi; Usva-ye Jehad va Shahadat (Tehran, 14'S6 A.PTI -. ~ -

^it., pp. 160-61. 78

opposing Kasravi, He thus came close to the "Society to Combat

Irreligion" which v-'as mainly responsible for the --nti-K.isravi . Later, Safavi himselt established ,-n organi­ zation knovvn as Fed a 'iyan-e Islam. In 194 5 he unsuccessful.! y attempted on the life of Kasravi in broad day light. Kasravi was, however, assassinated in 1946 by the two agents of Fad a'iyan -

Ali Imam and Hossein Imaird. The plan was prepared by Safavi himself. After the completion of the task Safavi fled, to Najaf while the Iroami brothers were arrested and tried. They 'vere however, aquitted thanks to the pressure put up by rhe clergy who gave the fatwa that this act of murder was legal and 65 obligatory. During these years the Fed a'iyen came very close to Kashani, Kashani openly supported the as s a.'i sin at ion of Kasravi, 6G In turn the Feda'iyan demonstrated against the arrest of Kashani in 1946. An alliance was thus form.ed between Kashani and the Feda'iyan since 1946 who were mainly responsible for the public demonstration and extremist activities in late 1940s and early 19503.^"^

65 Ibid,, p. 161. 66 Edward Mortimer, Faith and_Power_; The Politics of Islam, Pa -5 •^<- 67 For this alliance see Yam Richard, op^ cit., R,V«, Cottom, opy cit., p. 89, Akhavi, cp, cit., pp. 66-69? 79

The Feda'iyan~e Islam was a wel]-organized gro-ip of youth who came mainly from micdle class backgrounds and were 68 religious zealots. Although the exact nujnber of their members is not known, they had considerable following in urban areas, particularly major towns of the country. Its members were in the age group of 20 to 35, nonetheless there were a few zealots 69 who were in their teens. It published a number of journals and newspapers including Manshur-e Beradari (The Erotherliood Circular) It also brought out a manifesto "Rahnama-ye Haqayeq" in which the ideological bases of the organization were laid dovm, ' The most fundamental belief of the Feda'iyan was the age-old Shi'i belief that only Imam's government v7ss just; all other governments in whatsoever formi v;ere unjust ana illegal. They believed that the m.onarchy or the secular government had usurx)ed the authority of the im.ams. They sought to establish a theocratic state which they termed as "Islamic governrnent" . ' As a sworn enemy of the contemporary regime they declared it as "unconsti­ tutional" and "illegal" and composed of traitors and usurpers and

68 See Ervand Abrahamian, op, cit., p. 136; Farhad Kazemd, OD, cit,, p. 168-65. 69 Most of the members of the Feda'yan had religious back ground; many of them were sons of clergy; see Arjomand, "Traditionalism in Twentieth century Iran in S.A. Arjorand (ed.) From Nationalism to Revolution, pp. 208-209, 70 See Amir H, Ferdows, op, cit., 71 See op, cit., p. 247. 80

"enemies of IslEiri".'" However, they sieir TA t: ti. clercun'-'' ti.o institution of i.on-rchy as such. They j^-^en-.a to acrcpt a constitutioncil K.cnrtichy if the 5hdh obe^^oc^ and follcv ' the aictats of religxon ana 'ulaina' . R^^l^^zl^c^Hl^iJl^' '•'^''1^- deoling v;i th the ' .."ies of the ruler, s<-yG that !:e ivat-• ho guj cieci by the rules and principles cf Shi' i Isl-'r

The basic objective of the Feda'iyan was strict enforcen^ent of shari'a in order to create an Islamic society in Iran -which should be free froiri public dancing, gambling, prostitution, high divorce rates and poverty. They advocated a government ruled by an

Imam by which they inplicitly meeint government by 'ulama' on account of their knowledge of Islamic law.'*' Great disparity of income is seen as ppinion to the individual and the state, leading to destability and social tension. According to them the equality of anyone before the law, regardless of social standing^ will

72 Farhad Kaeemi, op. cit., pp. 170-71.

73 Ibid.,

74 Ferdows, op^ cit,, p. 242, 81

encourage proper behaviour and civility and discourage violence. 75 No longer society be divided between the rich and poor. They enthusiastically supported the movement of nationalization of the

Jinglo-Iranian Oil Company led by Dr. Mossaddeq and staged rallies and demonstrations. They also believed that "God alone has right to ma)c.e laws" therefore, the majlis has no right of legislation:

Laws and rules which are based on the meagTe and feeble minds of humans anc which are contrary/ to the spirit and the wisdom of the Islamic laws and prin­ ciples are unlawful and unacceptable. Iran is offi­ cially a i-tuslim land, and all of the rules and regulations of the society must be based strictly upon the principles of Ja'fari Islam.'^S

The Feda'iyan combined religious fanaticism with the element of Iranian nationalism. They advocated purification of

Persian language from foreign influences and the unification of

Iranian land so that a single Iranian national territory may come 77 into being. Like Kashani, they also advocated military training and allied technical expertise to be taught along vjith the 7fi traditional sciences in religious institutions. Regarding

75 Ibid., p, 242.

76 Cited in Farhad Kezemd, op, cit,, p. 171.

77 Leonard Binder, Iran: Political Development In a Changing Society, BerkeleyT 1^64,"pp."l20-21,+ sT,

78 For their educational ideas; see Amir H, Ferdows, op. cit., pp. 251+52 82

religious and social affairs they proposed strict punistanents so

that corruption and. irreligiousness could be eradicated. They

even advocated cutting of hand, v;hipping in public and zo on for 79 various crimes. ' On a number of social problems they hald conservative views. For example they believed that the proper

and best place for women is "to be the manager of the house and

a mother and wife". They ridiculed the western concept of women';

emancipation. They also advocated m_uta_* (tem.porary marriage), 80 which they claimed would eradicate prostitution.

The Feda'iyan claimed themselves as the followers of

Sha^fkh Fazlollah Nuri. Their views regarding 'ulama's role in the politics as well as their jurisdiction as being sole authorities

to interpret and legislate laws were identical to that of Nuri.

They reiterated the ideas of Nuri in these words:

The parliamentary representatives must understand that parliament is not a place to make laws, but rather a consultation ground ,,,, In performing their duties, they must be put under the supervision of an assembly of pious religious leaders in order to bring the activities of the majlis ^""eputies in line with the Islamic provisions ,,, Yes, elections must be free and representatives must be devout , Un-Islandc laws must be abolished. They must not make laws, but carry out laws put down by God, They must not speak against the muslim Iranian nation and must be conti­ nuously supervised by the assembly of the leading religious leaders.

79 Arjomand, op. cit., p, 209,

80 On their ideas about women see Amir H, Ferdows, op,_cit,, pp. 253-54,

81 Cited in Arjomand, op. cit., p. 210, 83

As fundamentalists they strongly objected to the separation of religion and politics and claimed that Islam was a political religion. They also showed strong opposition to westernization and cultural import from the VJest. They condemned even music as 82 sexually stimulating and injurious to mind and body. In short their ideas are very much similar to the Islamic resurgent move­ ments of the Sunni world, especially of the Ikhwan al-Muslimun who were at the same time operating \i7ith the same objectives in their mind in Egypt. It is said that the Feda'iyan were greatly 34 influenced by the Ikhwan of Egypt, A comparative study D£ ideology and programme of both the societies (i.e. Feda^layan and Ikhwan) shows remarkable similarly. Further their attitude towards regimes 35 seems to be considerably identical. " In pursuance to realize their dream of establishing an Islamic order, Fada'iyan resorted to terror and extremism. They advocated militant method of

82 Ibid., p. 209.

83 For a study of ideas, organization and activities; see Richard Mitchel, The Society of . 84 Navvab Safavi rr^ust have had personal relations with the Ikhwan al-Muslimun. He was In Cairo during the early 1940s lAnon., xMujtah"i5_Shahid Navvab Safavi; Usva-ye jJehad va Shahadat, R. 36). "Ke als"© rXe^'to Cairo wTien the FeHa'^I Yan's members viere rounded up after the assassination of Prime Minister Ra2anara. He is reported to have been in :a demonstration held by the Ikhwan al-Muslimun during 1954; see -cichard Mitchel, The Society of Muslim Brotherhood, p, 126n.

85 See Hamid En ay at, o£_,_£it,, pp. 93-94. 84

assassination and tercocist tactics. During the late 1940s thsy weilded considerabl3 power ana influence. They assassimted Prime

Minister Hazir in 1949. 'Which VJas in fact the culmination of a series of demonstrations and terrorist activities on their part throughout the country. This situation is said to ha one o^r the causes of Boroujerdi's call for convening the ^ioiam conforance

(see below). In 1951 they assassinated another Prime I-:inicter

Razmara to help pave the ascension of Mosaddeq to the Prime ministership. Within this period they also killed one education 85 Minister and attempted on the life of the Shah. Feda'lyan also colldborated with Kashani in order to gain popularity and legitimacy among the masses particularly in vievj of the strong opposition from the top ranking clergy. Kashani^ on the other hand, sought to exploit and utilize their opposition to the regime for his ovm 37 political ambition. He supported their activities sometimes implicitly and sometimes explicitly. He even supported the assassination of Prime Minister Razmara and help release the assassin. He openly expressed happiness over the assassination. ""

86 On these assassinations^ see R. Sanghavi, AryaiT^ahar; The Shah of Iran; A Political Biography^ pp. 255-5^^7

87 Amir H. Ferdows, ODj^__cit., p, 243. 88 Asked by a reporter about what he thinks about the killei of the Prime Minister Razmara and what should be done with the asr.a^^sin he said: 'The killer of Razmara should be set free for thii. action was taken for the Iranian nation ,,,,, As a mattr^r of fact the execution verdict on Razmg^fa had been issued by the Iranian people ...Khalil Tahmashbi (the assassin) was the executor of the will of people'. Interview with Ayatollah Kashani^ op^cit.^p.lSl. 89 'This action was to the benefit of Irani nation and was the best and roost efficient blow influcted upon colonialism and enemies of Iranian nation'. Ibid. He is reported to have embraced the killer and hailed hirn""as his son. R, Sanghavi, oD_^cit., 13- 256. 85

It was due to Feda'iyan pressure that Kashani was called bac"k to Iran from his exile in Lebanon in 1949 and was offered parlia- roentry post.

The relationship between Feda'iyan, Kashani and Mosaddeq deteriorated when the former demanded more executive share in the 90 government of Mosaddeq, Kashani sided with xMosaddeq in his differences with the Feda'iyan and, therefore, Feda'ivaY> resorted to oppose the Mosaddeq government. They are seid to be one major factor in the fal? of Mosaddeq's government among many other factors, Feda'iyan had to go underground immediately after the fall of Mosaddeq'3 government and reinstation of the Shah in 1963, when five top ranking leaders of the society were captured, tortured and executed. During the revolution of 1973-79 they closely coperated with Khomeini and after the success of the revolution many of them joined the volunfe&f^ organization of 91 Q2 "?asdaran-e Inqalab'j They claimed Ay-3tollf:h Sadiq Khalkhali" to be their leader who acquired fame >:ox the indiscriminate killing of those whom he termed as the enemies of the revolution.

90 R.,W. Cottom, 0£j,_cit., p 186 91 Afiiir H. Ferdows, 0£^_£it,, p, 239. 92 In a statement Ayatollah 5adiq Khalkhali has himself admitted that he had been a member of the Feda'ayan in his student days. He further says that they "no longer need to engage in underground activities" as they have revolutionary court that can "summon the guilty". See Farhad Kazemi, oo_,^__cit., P. 16 7. 86

The top ranking clergy, led by Ayatollah Boroujerdi remained largely traditional in their approach and attitude towards politics and state. They emphasised the position of the constitutional period, i.e. the 'ula-na* should have an advisory role to the state, that the constitution must guarantee that it would not go against the religious law, and that there should be a body of 'ulama' to supervise the legislation of the parliament as provided in the Fundamental Lav; of 1905. They rem.ained largely pre-occupied with the jurisprudential problems. They avoided to speak on political matters until and unless something directly conrec-

tea with religion was at iitane. Ayatollah Eoroujerdi assumed the leadership of Shi'i clergy as the sole marja'-e taqlid in 1943. 93 He can be regarded as the last of the sole marj a'-e-taqlid,

He weilded considerable power and authority in his position but his life is characterized by the bookishness and traditional scholasticism. He contributed several works on fiqh.

Ayatollah Boroujardi assumed the leadership at a time when

Kashani and his followers were openly speaking on political matters and criticizing the Shah and government, Boroujerdi, altiiough did

93 Hamid Algar, op^ cit., p, 242,

94 For his contribution on this field see Ayatollah Mortaza Motahheri, '"Mazaya va Khidmat-e Marhum Ayatollah Boroujerdi" in Allama Tabataba'i and others (eds,), Bahsi Darbara~ye Marja'iyyat va Ruhaniyat (Tehran, 1962). 87

not criticized this act of Kashani and others but he stuck to

the traditional quietism. He kept contacts with the Shah and his government. Both exchanged visits; the latter being most 95 frequent. He kept himself aloof from the happenings of early and mid 1940s.

In 1950, Boroujerdi invited a conference of 'ulaiTia' at

.Qomm in order to discuss the sensitive issue of 'ularna's involve­ ment in politics. About two thousand 'ulama' attended this conference at madarsa Faizia. 'They adopted a firm non-interven­ tionist position v?hich prohibited all members of clergy from joining political parties and interfering in politics. It maintained that opposition to this resolution by clergy men would result in a withdrawal of recognition of the offender's status as a professional in the religious institutions - a kind of Shi'i ex-coimnunication that presumably Boroujerdi and the Qomm est- ablishment would implement'.9 6 It should be mentioned here that

95 'There seems to be a good deal of evidence that certain leading 'ulama' of this group are regularly consulted on matters of their special interest .,,, The more usual procedure, however, is for regular contact to be made through the visit by officiaJ-s to "ulama', or through the transmission of messages to officia]-s by the 'ulama' .,..' Leonard Binder, op_,__£it,, p.251.

96 i^havi, op^ cit., pp. 63-64, 88

the immediate reason to call such a conference and passing such resolution by these clergy was the active involvement of Kashani's group of theologians in politics as well as the extremist activities of the Feda'iyan which had reached at its height during this time. 97 The firm conviction of the top ranking clergy reg^ding the apoliticalization of religious leadership and their non-interventionist attitude tov;ards the state exemplified in their strong opposition to ths Feda'iyan although the latter itselt supported clerical domination.

During the nationalist movement these 'ulama' sometimes directly and sometimes indirectly supported the Shah and his 98 government,' The conference of Qomm (1950) contributed consider­ ably in consolidating the position of the government. While the activist 'ulama' issued fatwas in favour of nationalization violating the verdict of 1950's conference, they remained in touch with the Shah and his government. This is evidently clear when the Shah himself admitted the help and support he received from Boroujerdi as he was in frequent contact with Broujerdi to whom 'he had returned to counsel during the years of Hossaddeq, when the

97 Ibid., p. 66. 98 Surough Irfani; Revolutionary^Islami ^in_ Iran; Popu^lar Liberation or Religious Dictatorship,TLonoonJ 1983T, p.71, ~ 89

99 monarchy itself was feeling winds of change'. Boroujerdi

tacitly supported the Shah against the nationalists.

Regarding issuing a fatwa in favour of the nationalization

of Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, orthodox clergy split into many

groups. Borougerdi thought that such a matter did not come under

the purview of juridical speculations therefore declined to

issue one. Another group issued fatwa against the

nationalization as it violated the Islamic principle of private oroperty. 10'"' The group led by another marja e taqlid Ayatoll ah

Mohammad Taqi Moussavi Khuvansari opined that such a matter came

under the juridical formulation, as it caiae under the affairs of

Muslims and that nothing concerning the affairs of the Muslims

is beyond the jurisdiction of fiqh. Ke, therefore, declared that

'the faithful had no choice but to unite and adhere to the 103 position advanced by Kashani as to nationalization of the AIOC.

99 E.A. Bayne, Persian Kingship in Transition (Kew York, 1968), p.43.

100 Cf, William Floor, "The Revolutionary Character of the Iranian Ulama: Wishful thinking or Reality". International Journal of Miadle East, Vol. XII,No,4 (1980) ,p7503.

101 .Edward Mortimer, 02.x_£ii-' PP» -^1^-12. 102 Sarosh Irfani; loc^c_it.

103 ,?vkhavi, op. cit., p.G, 90

The brief tenure of Mossaddeq as Prime Minister did not have favourable responses from Boroujerdi as they thought that Qomm did "^ not receive due attention from the government despite being a centre of Shi'i faith.10 4 The Boroujerdi faction also criticized Mossaddeq's inclination towards left and increasing influence of leftist forces in the government. They raised the bogey of Islam being in danger and people should "rise to save Islam" and 105 save the country from "going into the hands of the communist".

When Shah returned to power in 1953 with the help of the U.S.A. he improved his relation with Boroujerdi, The latter in a way welcomed the return of the Shah, Although the cautious nature of Boi:x>ujerdi restricted him to come out v/ith open support, he was ready to mediate between the Shah and the opposition in order to settle the issue of future role of monarchy in the country, lOfi Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad Behbehani, the close associate and

104 Ibid.,

105 Suroush Irfani, 02^__cit,, p.72. He mentions Ayatollah Sayyed Mahmoud Taleqani as recalliq that during the critical days of the Nationalization crisis, a number of pro-Shah clerics gathered at the house of Ayatollah Behbehani and spent the v;hole night writing forged letters on behalf of the Tudeh party to thousand of clergy men in the country. The general content of these letters ... read "very soon we shall hang you by your turbans on street poles",

106 Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad Eehbihani was the son of Shaykh Abdollah Behbehani who was one of the leading theologian of the Constitutionalist Movement. 91

spokesman of Boroujerdi was frequently quoted in official press and his visits to holy shrines were several times officially arranged. The cooperation between the Shah and Boroujerdi- Behbehani faction reached its climax during the anti-Baha'i carrspaign of 1955, The high -handedness adopted by the Shah against the Baha'is was due only to the Shah's policy to win the clergy at the critical jucture, otherwise his personal sympathy towards 107 Baha'is was no secret. When the enny demolished the Baha'i centiB in Tehran^ Behbehani praised the army as 'the army of islam' (artish-'e Islam). Boroujerdi was not lagging behind in congratulating the Shah and the army. Significantly, he termed the anti-Baha'i campaign as the struggle for national indepen- 108 dence and the preservation of the position of monarchy'.

107 See Akhavi, cp^ cit., p. 76 ff. 108 Sharough Akhavi has described the clergy - state relation at this particular time in the following words: Eehbehani's allusion to the Iranian military as the army of Islam and Burujirdi's remark about the monarchy and Islam as the basis of Iranian nationalism vjere hardy fortuitious in the context of clergy - state relations. Burjirdi served notice that he meant to equate the weakening of Islam with the enfeeblement of the country's independence and the power of monarchy ,,,, The Shah's reply to Behbehani affirmed the close bonds that the clergy had suggested existed between Shi'ism and Kingship,,,, ibid., p.78. 92

During this period a nurrber of 'ulama'were attracted by

the growth of the leftist rcovernent in Iran, particularly such

organisations which had socialist inclinations. The most prominent

arnong them were rtyatollah Ali Akbar Eorqa'i and Shaykh hossein

Lankarani, Borqa'i, eroong the two, acquired special attention

as he was one arr.cng the theologians who acvocated the causes of women enfranchiseinent. Lankarani also supported Borqa'i on this

issue. Eorqa'i's relation with the top ranking hierarchy

deteriorated when the followers of the two clashed in Qomrri during

the former's visit to the religious city. He was accused by

the top ranking 'ulair.a' of communisrrM Baha'ism and 'of harboring 109 an internationalist social ethos'. Another example of 'ulama'

having socialist inclination v;as Osted Mohammad Taqi Shari'ati 110 (d, 1987), the father of Ali Shari'ati who belonged to i;ashhad.

He was a man of learning and activity as well. He was a graduate

from Hawza-ye 'Ilmiy^'a of Mashhad, He wrote a number of books

on Islamic theology, including a commentary on the Qur'an,"'"

109 Ibid./ pp. 65-66; Edward Mortmer, cp_^_cit., p.313 n mentions that Ayatollah Borqa'i supported the ""Soviet Peace Movement",

110 see chapter V.

111 For a list of his works, see Kamid Algar "Introduction" in Ali Shari'ati, on_Jhe_Sociolo_2;;^_o_f_j£lajin(Alig^^ 93

He adopted progressive approach tovjards the pfEcepts of Islam and Shi'ism, For an extensive study of Qur'an from a progressive approach he established a Centre for the Propagation of Islamic 112 Trath (Kanon-e Nashr-e Haqa'iq-e Islami) in Marshhad.' He was also associated with rather a founder member of the secret organization Nehzat-e Khoda_Parastan-e Sosialist (Socialist Worshippers of God). Ke founded this organization along with some other intellectuals like Dr. Yadollah Sahabi and Taher Ahrriadzadeh who campaigned among 113 the students against the regime. The basic objective of the organization was to adopt an Islamic viev; point in religious matters, while in social and political matters they advocated socialism. 114 Ostad' Taqi shari'ati closely associated himself with Kashani. He stood as a candidate for the parliament in 1952 from Mashhad on 115 the advice of Kashani, He and his organization vigorously lifi campaigned for the nationalist movement of Mosaddeq. Later on,

112 Anon„, 2erQ_aginama-ye Sahic Doctor-__Ali_SJ2ariJ_at, (n.p,, n.d.), p.23; An unofficial; but reportedly pro-Khomeini journal, however, says that this organization was founded to counter 'the growing influence of Tudeh Party'; see "The ;iuiet Revolutionary", Afkor-Inquiry (London), vol.IV, Ko.6 (June,1987), 113 Anon,, Zend agin am. a-ye Shahid^ pP'^^-g.^jL All Shari'ati, p. 25, 114 Ibid,, 115 "The Ciuiet Revolutionary" Tn2uirv;~AfKar (London), vol.4. No,6 (June 1987), p.64. ~ "^ 115 Anon,, Zendigin ami a-ye Shahid Doctor Ali Shariati, p. 27. 94

he joined Ayatolleh Motahheri and others in the tv.'o reformist 117 organizations during the 1960s.

The attitude of top ranking 'ulairia' towards such trends was always hostile. Although these societies, organisations and individuals kept a safe distance from communist organizations such as Tudeh Party of Iran ("Peoples Party of Iran")^ but the

'ulama' dubbed them as communists. In fact, whosoever presented an anti-clergy inclination was regarded by these 'ulama' as coniriiunist* In the vjords of Akhavi: "there is no simple way of determining what leftism (chapgiri) meant during this period.

It 'could be a code word or a term of opppbrium againSt anti- clericalism of the Iranian nationalist thinker Ahmed Kasravi.

Or alternatively it constituted a convenient ideological term that could be used to tar the socialists, shorn of its ideoiogi- cal connotation.

The extreme left was represented by the Tudeh Party.

It emerged in early 1940s as a radical leftist organization.

117 He delivered lectures at the Seminary of the "Monthly Religious Society", There are some publications which appeared jointly written by him and other reformist 'ulama'. For example, Hoquq-e Zan dar Islam (Tehran, n,d,); see also chapter 4,

118 Akhavi, op^ cit., pp. 64-65.

119 Cf, Kemal H, Karpat (ed.) Political and Social Thought in the Contemporary Middle East (London!,196sT, p,378. 85

IPnspite of being the real heirs of communist party of Iran, they refrained froin calling themselves as comjr-unist* Inste^jd they 120 called themselves democats. They also acqi.iired a nationalist tone, fearing accusation that they are not interested into the nationalist interests of Iran. The Tudeh Party was the most hated by the 'ulama', perhaps as much as the Baha'is. They 122 termed it as "atheist hooliganism", Tudeh Party acquired broad base among the intellectuals after its first national congress held in 1944,

However, Ayatollah Sayyed Mahmoud Taleqani (d. 1979) distinguished himself among the theologians having been described 124 as one of the most progressive member of the clergy. Although relatively young, he enjoyed equal respect among all the sections: the intellectuals/ the nationalist, the liberals and even among the clerical hierarchy. He had long career of stniqgle which dated back to the times of Reza Shah, he was born at Karj in Tehran in 1917. '' he Had clerical family background. He received most of his education in Qomm. under Ayr^tcliah Ha'eri-Yezdi. Tenran

120 Sepehr Zabih, The Communist llovement in Iran (Berkeley, 1956), p.7o. ~ " 121 Kairial H, Karpat,, 0£._cit., p. 385.

122 Akhavi, og_^ ,^A^»# p.6 5. 123 Sepher Zabih, op. cir,, p.30, ff. For a history of the evolution of Tudeh Party? see ibid., chapter 3-4; Srvand Abrahamian ..Irgn ,Betv;;3en_the Two Revqlutiojis /

124 Suroosh Irfani, _og^cit,, p. 133.

125 Anonymous "Biography of Ayatollah Taleqani", Scho_OL Islam, vol. The Davvn of the Islamic Revolution, p. 132, 86

was the centre of nis activities both educational and political.

Pie was for the first time arrested in 193 9. " In the prison

he Gorne into contact -with some of the ideologists who lattec

formed 'Tudeh Party in 1941, Taloqani had a long discussion witn 127 tnem/ < in turn was influenced by their ideas.

Taleqani can be regarded a "radical" shi'i both ideologi- 123 cally and politically. He was one of the first theologians

who called for overthrow of monarchy. He collaborated with the

pationalist movement of the early 19503/ although he did not sit

in the Iranian parliament of 1951, He v^as among the few clergy­

men vjho supported Mossaddeq even when he was bitterly attacked

by the entire clergy including Borougerdi and Kashani. To continue

his social responsibilities he joined the Nehzat-e Moc^avamat-e

Mill! ( National Resistance Movement) " and then the National

Front. He was arrested a number of times.

126 Anonymous, "Important Events in the Life Full of Struggle of Ayatollah Taleqani"/ Scho of Islam/ sp, vol. The Dawn of the Islamic Revolution, 276. ""

127 Suroosh Itfani/ op_j^ci_t,/ p. 13 9.

128 Edward i.ortiifier/ op. cit,, p, 317.

129 An on,, Zend agin cm a-ye Shahid Doct_or Ali Shari'ati, p. 2 9. 97

Ayatollah Taleqani always emphasissd the univarsal appeal

of Islaw - equality/ justicG, traternity, zreedoin anci tolorance 13 0 in his speeches ana daclaration. For hiin the :>robloin of

equality of human rxBings was one of the most important principles

of Islam, He saia that in Islam the murder of those who do not 131 oppose the faith was as forbiaaen as the murder of a Muslim.

Similarly, freedom was another fundamental principle of Islam IT 2 for which "man is prepared to give away all he has for it" .

Taleqani's ideas are characterized by his strong feelings against

threefold tyrrany - despotism, imperialism and exploitation.

According to him the basic theme of Islam vjas a struggle against

those injustices. He wrote

'What do we want ? Is it any thing other than severing the grip of imperialism and effacing exploitation? Are there not the problem vjith which Islam and the Gur'an deals? Or is it that we do not wish to aci;no'.-Jledge this fact, 2irher vje are not aware of this (that Islam and the Qur'an are against imperialistn and exploitation) or v^•e do not want to become awai-e of this fact. Islam, tne Islam vje know, *the Islam which comments from the wur' an cand the sunna of the Prophets does not restrict freedom .... Any group which does not think that despotism imperiaJ-ism and exploitation be uprooted has not understood Islam.-'—•^

13 0 Mangol Bayat-Phillip, Mahmud Taleqani and the Iranian Hariin Kramer (ed.), Shi'ism Resistgnce and Revolution (Boulder, 1937) .

131 Suroosh Irfani, op^ cit., p. 145,

132 Ibid,, p. 147, 133 Ibid,, p, 145. 08

He SGuat3d • or. ircn^ 'ith intidelJ ty ,z.^< ^m '• ieuca to tli3 134 doctrine of Unity o" To v JX, vJhia)i.

Taleqani alv; rys supoortec and praise > what h'-j termed as

"true cominunisni" v;hicn 'was against the three tyrannis of despotism,

imperialism and exploitation. It was this attitude of Taleqani

that made him acceptable in the leftist and even cominunist sections 1^5 of the opposition. However, he strongly criticised "nistorir- l

materialism" and the communist principle of peoples' sovereigniv

He eiTiphasised the Quranic verse "la'hukm ilia' Allah" (KO

sovereignty except /vllah). He made it a slogan that hukumat 1 Jft tanha bary Khuda ast". According to him it was not the problem

134 Edward Mortmer, op, cit., p. 317.

135 Once he said: I have witnessed the self-sacrifies of these leftist youths, both inside and outside prison. Their conscience, thought and motive, their inspiration and quest was the same (as that of the Muslims), It was a quest for freedom. Owing to internal and in tern aticnm reason-they are drew to left. They have made sacrifice, lost their lives .... only have not seen any clearly defined and process religion to motivate them and all this superstitious nonsense (about religion) has caused them to be dissatisfied with (finalist) religion,... I respect thsni from the humSTJangle, not because they belong to a parti­ cular ideology, Suroosh Irfani, op, cit., p, 144.

136 Akhavi, op, cit,, p.24. 99

of Islam versus comrnunisni, but Islam versus historical materia­

lism, Becduse, he saia:

'The problem of is separated from the unscientific problem of rr.aterialism in terms of its true and authentic linguistic meaning. Communism, tnat is communal family life, has been founded by Islam, Thct's the -way it was during the early days of the Islamic society founded by the Prophet. The life of the Prophet and his ccsnpanions, and the rouhajirin (those who migrated from hecca to Medina) and the ansars (residents of Medina) was like this. However, this does Exclude historical materialism and the primacy of matter. We must separate the two (i,e. communal way of living based on brotherhood and equality, from historical materialism) ' .137

He criticized the Marxist economic theory but supported the

princi.ple; "from each according to his abilities to each according 1 3 9 to his needs"." According to him comm.unism ss a revolutionary

force emerges where there is political or religious dictatorship.

in any country where there exists despotism, exploitation, dic-

tarorsiiip and when a distorted version of religions is supocrting

the despotism, communism would develop by itself. ^ He thus

137 Suroush Irfani, OD_^_^ci_t., pp. 144-45.

136 2dwara I'jcrtmer, op, ci_t., p, 3J4 .

139 Jmonyidon, "View point of Ayatollah Talegan", Echo of _I^lcaTi, Sp. vol. The Dawn of the Islamic Revolution, p. 278." ~ 140 Suroosh Irfani, op^ cit,, p, i44. 100

describes 'ulama' support tc despotic regime of the Shah as a natural cause of the emergence of comraunisid, he seems ready to 141 assimilate the positive points of communism or socialism.

A high point of 'ulama's discomfort was the land reforms introducedby the Shah and his government in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The 'ulama' showea a mixed reaction to these reforms from outright rejection to cautious approval. The strongest opposition came from the conservative clergy of Borougerdi -

Behbeheni coalition. This drastically deteriorated the so far good 142 relation existing between them and the Shah. Boroujerdi criti­ cized the reform on the basis that they violated the religious law of private ownership. He wrote a long letter to Behbehani 343 in which he emphasised the point that the reforms were against Islara.

141 2dv;ard Mortimer, op. cit., p. 3 3 3; I'or more on Tcjleqanis ideas see chapter 4. 142 S.A. Bayne, op^_ cit., p.48; 143 'I beg to inform your Eminence that vjhen sometime ago rumourc were heard concerning the restriction of ownership (of land) by way of advice and discharge of my cuty, I verbally pointed out to His Excellency the Prime 2'iinister the incompatibility of this v;ith the laws of the sacred religion of Islam. The answers 1 received were riot convincing, and at this moment I am receiving numerous letters from various persons ana boaies in many tc^.'ns asking this humble person's views. Since it is improper to hiae the aivine laws, I have no choice but to answer the people's questions. Although every- time I have pointea out something to the authorities it was evident to them that I had been motivaced solely Oy the desire to preserve the religious laws and the interests of the state, I am surprised that in this matter there is every evidence of haste in approving the Bill without deliberati.,r. aid study and in the absence of his Imperial Majesty, I ent'lret- Your Eminence to inform the two houses of parliament in any manner you consider appropriate to refrain from opposing (the Bill). I pray to God Almighty for the betterment of the affadLrs of the Muslims. Cited in William M,Floor, "The Revolutionary Character of the Iranian ulema: v;ishfull Thinking or Reality?", Intern at ion al_Journ el of .Middle East Studies, vol,XII, Ko.4 (1980), p."504. 10.1

Behbehani echoed the same views that the land raform bill v.'as "opposed to the teachings and basics of the sacred religion" * wnich states that "no owner may bs dispossesseo of his property except for a legitimate reason". Both Boroujerdi and Behbehani launched a campaign against the bill. They were soon joined by the top ranking mujtabids like Golpaygani Khvansari,

Mohsin Kakim, and Mar'ashi-Naj afi. Ayatollah Khvasari in a speech said J

The purpose of this gathering ,,.. is to respond to cables and letters from Tehran and other parts of the country requesting that the attention of the govern­ ment be dravm to the protection of the laws and the sacred teachings of Islam. It is therefore, a source * of regret that persons who by virtue of religion... held office in this land should pass decrees changing the teaching of Islam and undermining it under the guise of land reforms .... I hereby declare my views on the dispossession of people. It is a capital sin to disposses people of their property through forcible seizure of decrees; the dire consequences of such action will not/confined to the individual, but will affect the general public. I further proclaim that no pravers or ablution held on such lands will be acceptable.-'-^^

hs mentioned above the clergy showed a mixed reaction to the land reform law ranging from strong condemnation to the praised approval while the top-ranking marja'yyat lea by Buroujerdi and

145 Cited in VJilliara M, Floor, The Revolutionary Character of the Iranian Ulama: V.'ishfull Thinking or Reality, p, 509. .102

Behbehani strongly cp;)Oi;i;G it as against the- laws ot shari' at.

The supporters caiTi-a inainly from the lov;3r strata of clergy in rural areas. h syTapathetrc response was rnacie by the seconc. ranking clergy such as Ayatollah Sayyed hcharftiad Kazern r;hariatmadari who is reported to have approved "the redistribu- 147 tion of waqf larias to the peasants' . According to him if the deed lands are reel aimed they can easily be given to the reclaiiTiant according to the shari'a laws. He said that landlords should be allowed to possess only those lands vjhich they are 148 cultivating and developing. He quoted the relavant verses in support of the view that only those who develop the land for their use should be entitled to hold it. He not only critize.-:'. the land tenure system of Iran but every system of ownership of the means 149 of production, distribution and exchange.

Taleqani, however, adopted "radical" attituce towards the land reform. He criticized the small minority that held most of 150 the lands. He condemned "politician-lanclord" nexus that

146 Akhavi, op. cit., p. 93. 147 Ayatollah Shariatmadari's statement in Tjjnes (London), 24 June 1970, cited in Akhavi, 0£^_cit., p. 222n. 148 Ibid., pp. 93-94. l'^9 Ibid., pp. 93, 150 For Taleqani's views on ownership see "Nazr-e Islam darbara ye Malekiyat" in Goftar-e Mah, vol. Ill pp. 46-68. 103

had "plundered the lane of imam". He callaa for a just distri­ bution of land ol Geo, He criticised those viho offered the

Tradition "al-nas musallitun 'ala amv^alihiin" (people h -\re sovereignty over their ov;n wealth) as a legal shield to defend their large land holdings and meintai-ned that the dead lands

(mavat) which consisted a large part of the Iranian land should be taken away from the landlords and re-distributed among the landless. As Sharough Akhavi writes^apart from the consideration of religious sanction to private property acceded by Islam, "^•"

iSlTha opposition of the religious classes (to the land reform bill of December 1959), writes ~ antton, was probaoly c3ue not only, or even mainly, to obscurantism and reaction but rather to an instinctive feeling that tiie whithling away in the fielG by the temporal government (which during the occultation of the hidden iiriam is in the eyes of the orthodox unrighteous) of personal rights guaranteed by the time law and the Consti­ tution is likely to weaken the position all along the time. The tendency of the religion class is to acquiesce in the exercise of arbitrary power by the temporal government; very occasionally they were provoked to make a fleeting protest, AKS Lambton, "Persia Today", Tha World Today, vol„ XVII, No,2 (February, 1961), P.cs2; cited In Akhavi, cp7 cit., p. 222n. 104"

Clergy's personal belonging of land was the most iinportant factor of their opposition to land reform law. They possessed Large tracts of lands. In many cases they belonged to the landlord 152 families. From the Safavid time they were among the largest land ovmers in Iran. Besides, the personal properties, they held e;ad controiled awqaf properties which they administered as mutavallis. They utilized the income to run , and other charitable schemes. The land reform law was going to hit 153 the interests of all these people.

152 Cf, Akhavi, °Sx_Si-^»' PP- 96-97, mentioned data published in 1946 in which the land owners of the city of Isfahan is given profession-wise. Out of thirty-three big land owing families fifteen were clergy, 153 E.A, Bayne, op^ cit., pp. 48-49. CHAPTER - IV

DEVKL0Pi4ENT OF SHI' I THOUGHTS IN CONTEMPORARY IRAN : 1961-79

The death of Ay atoll ah Boroujerdi in 1961 marked a turning

point in the attitude and thought of Shi'i 'ulama' in Iran. The

subdued criticism of Boroujerdi's passive attitude cane into open 1 soon after his death. Even, many of the orthodox sections of

clergy v?ho upto now remained under the leadership of the Ay atoll ah

showed no hesitation in expressing dissatisfaction over his

cooperation and subservience to the Shah and his regime. The whole

class of clergy of the period between 1961-1970 can be divided

into four categories according to the level of their oppositional

attitude towards the government. The radical group consisted of

Ayatollah Taleqani and Ayatollah Khomeini joined by some other

Kiarja*-e ta^lid of Qomm and Tehran, like Ayatollah Mahallati

Shirazi and Ayatollah Sadiq Rouha^i. There was a group of 'ulama' who were although strongly opposed to the regime but who directed

their activities towards religious and educational reforms,

Ayatollah Mohammad Mortoza Motahheri iindoubtedly was the most prominent amongst this group of reformist clergy; others were

1 See Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought (London, 1982), pp. 162-63."' JOG

Ayatollah Sayyed Mohaniniad Behishti, Ay atoll ah Ibrahim Ayati, Ayatollah Hossein Hazinani and Ayatollah Sayyed llortoza Shabistari' etc. A third group consisted of tbiise vjho strictly follov;ed tha line of Boroujerdi and Behbehani. Proininent iriarja' of this group ware, Ayatollah Mohair.raad Reza Golpaygani, Ayatollah Shahaboddin Fjar'ashi-Naj afi; Ayatollah Ahrned Khuvansari, Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazari, Ayatollah Kafa'i Khorasani and Ayatollah Hadi Milsni. The marj a^^yy^t of Najaf and ' atabad also supported this group. This group still had its grip strong on the lower ranks of clergy^ that is the preachers and Imams of Friday prayer. There were some divines who could not be put into these categories for their individual distinction. For example, Ayatollah Sayyed Kazan Shariatmadari. Shariatmadari was a strong critic of some of the policies of the regime' but he did not oppose the government as . such. He also supported the reformist activities of Motahheri and others. Another distinguished personality was Ayatollah Sayyed Kohanmad Hossein Tabataba'i of Qoitim, who was revered for his piet-y and is^ning in every section of the clergy. But he showed no interest towards politics, passive or otherwise. The fourth group consisted of conservative clergy who supported and coopecated with the Shah. This group included Ayatollah Mahdavi, Allama Vahidi, Mohammad Taqi aommi, Abbas Mohajiranij Mohammad Reza Behbehani and others. The 'ulama's reactions ranged from violent and direct 107

confrontation with the government to the support of the gOTemnient,

hs mentioned above 'ulama's dissatisfaction towards the government started with the feeling of what they thought increasing xmnecessazY interference of the Imtter into the affairs of religion as well as socio-educational matters of the community. It was expressed in the opposition of land reform law of 1959-50, However, the 'ulama's opposition increased when the government pressed on its reformist measures during the 1962-63 under the 3 .'Six point prograjrime of the Shah termed as White Revolution. The clergy's opposition was based on three important considerations: (i) autocracy and tyrrany of the regime, (2) anti-imperialist sentiments in view of growing influence of the foreign powers particularly of U.S.A. into the affairs of the country and (3) spread of westejcn culture in the country,. This is reflected

2 See Sharough Akhavi, Religion and Politics in Contem^orarY Iran; Clergy-State Relation in~Pahlvi Period'~lNew~York7l98'2T, p. 99 ffT ~ " " " 3 The six point programme of the Shah included land reform, women enfranchizement, nationalization of the forest resources, etc, See Amin SaJ.kal, The Rise and Fall of the shah,Chap. Ill, pp.76-91.' .108

into the speeches and declaration of these 'uloma' during this period.

The reformist clergy during this period were preoccupied with the questions ot social, religious end educational reforms. The reformists led by Ayatollah Motahheri formed a society of 'ulama' and intellectuals, called "Anjuman-e Mahana-ye Dini" (the Monthly Religious Society) in Tehran, This organization used to hold one mahfil (session) each month. The society was able to 4 hold thirty sessions between 1961-1963 before it was banned by the regime. These thirty lectures were later published in three volumes under the title of Goftar-e Mah". The Society also invited special papers on the topic of the fole of religious class in society. These papers were collected and published under the title "Sahsl _Darbara-ye Marja'yyat va Ruhaniyyat. 6 These lectures dealt with a wide range of ideas such as imarnate, and gha;^bat; velayjit and rahbari (leadership); E3£i3ii:J^^ and a'larniyyat? ijtinid and jihad and jnir^bi^^^a^|^f• w'a_naj}.i„„*an,_al-gjunkar. Those

4 Ayatollah Mortoza Motahheri, "Preface" Pah _Goftar (Tehran: Entesharat-e Sadra. , n,d.), p,l. ~ '" 5 Ayatollah Mortoza Motahheri and others (eds,), Goftar-e^Mah, 3 vols. ~ 6 See Allama Tabataba'i and others (eds.)^ Bahsi _Darbara~ye Marj a-iyyat^ va Ruhaniyyat (n,p., n.d,), "" .109

who deliversd lectures belonged to clergy as well as lay 7 intellectual classes. 'There is little doubt writes Akhavi, 'that the thought of these individuals had a profound impact on the 'ulaJTia' in Iran. Their ideas provided a ground for vigorous debate on the part of the religious studies students, too, at the very last, in consequence, even the conservative clergy was touched by the movement. These conservatives were apprehensive at the scope of changes desired by the reformists and probably Q instinctively resisted their suggestion'.

Ayatollah Sayyed Mortoza Motahheri was one of the most active and the most prolific writers amongst the reformist clergy. He was considered as the leader and brain behind the reformist 9 activities. He was bom in 1920 and belonged to .

7 There are sixteen authors who contributed one or more papers in the volumes. They are: Ayttollah Mortoza Motahheri, sayyed Mohammad Ibrahim Ayati, Mirza Khalil Kamarah'i, Sayyed Ali Ghafuri, Sajyad Mortoza Jaza'eri, Sayyed Moussa Sadr, Sayyed Hahmoud Teleqani; Sayyed Mohammad Beheshti, Sayyed Mohaitimad Baqir Sabzvari, Seiyyed Mortoza Shabistari, Sayyed Mohammad Hossein Ja'fari, Mohammad Hossein Mazini, Sayyed Mohammad Hossein Tabatana'i, Sayyed Abol Fazl Zanjani, Sayyed Mohammad Farzan and Mohandis Mehdi Bezanga. 8 Akhavi, op. cit., p.118. 9 For a biographical sketch of Motahheri see Anonymous, "Biogr^hy of Martyr Ayatollah Mutahari", Echo_of_Islsn, sp, vol. The Dawn of the Islanic Revolution7 pp. 38-89; M. Hoda, trans, by A, Atri, In Memory of ^Ma£tyr _Hutahhe£i (Tehran: Ministry of Islamic Guidence,"198277 "" IIQ

He first studied at Mashhad then came to Qomm in late 1930s. Here rie attended the classes of great theological teachers. He also met Khomeini whom he latter described as the "person he v;as looking for". He was particularly influenced by Khomeini's lessons on ethics.•'•^ During the 1940s and early 1950s he was close to the conservative clergy. He then canne to Tehran and began his refor - mist work by establishing various literary, educational and religious societies.

The main area of Motahheri's interest, besides religion and theology, was philosophy, western thought, history and Iranian nationalism. He contributed a vast literature through his writings and lectures which cover a variety of subjects. 11 He joined the revolutionary movement led by Khomeini during 1970s.

Ijtlhad :

According to Motahheri the reconstruction of religious thought Uhya'-e fikr-e dinl) is a continuous process; it neither depends upon a single individual revivalist (Mujjtahidt nor it is true to say that there will be a revivalist at the head of each

10 M. Hod a, In Memory of Martyr Mutahheri, p. 17. 11 The main works of Motaahheri are given in the bibliography, 12 See Motahheri, "Ihya'-e fikr-e dini", Dah Goftar, pp. 113 ff. 111

13 century as believed by the Sunni theologians. The process of reconstruction of religious ideas was possible through ij;tidad.

It was through ijtihad that the religious doctrines can be re-interpreted and adopted to the new situation and circumstances

{al'^hawadith al-wagi^*a) , Motahheri broadened the scope of """ a ijtihad and conCaded/raore extended role for it in the interpreta- 14 tion of religious doctrines. Although j.jtihad _bi' 1-ra'y

('i1tih^__by opinion") was criticized by him as _ijtihad-e rnamnu** as practiced in jurisprudence, he accepted Ghazali's definition of ijtihad as a source of jurisprudence to derive legal 16 inferences (hukm-e shara'i). 'Ijtihad' says Motahheri, 'is utmost endeavour', 'to deduce (hukm-e shara'i) through authentic legal argumentation (adla-ye mo'tebar-e shar'iy/a). 17 He advocated extensive utilization of insight (tadabbor) and intellect 18 (_ta2322i'' ^^ criticized the position of rigidity in 19 !_. - religious matters. l:he tag lid of dead muj tabids (_t^lid-e mayyat) is strongly rejected by him in religious matters. He

13 Ibid., pp. 114-120; .See also Motahheri, Islamic Movemsnts in .3^Qntietir[century, p.9.

14 See Motahheri, "ijtihad az nazr-e dini", Dah_Goftaj, pp. 76-105. 15 i^i^-' PP. 77-80. 16 Ibid,, p.80. 17 Ibid,, p, 81; Else where he defines the ijtihad as 'the explanation (Kashf) and application (tjitbi3)of fundamental principles to the subsidery and changing matters' Motahheri, Moqadma-ye bar Jahanbinj-ye Islaroi ; Wahy va Nubuvrwat, p. 150. 18 Motahheri, Ijtihad az Nazr-e Dini, loc_, cit. 19 See ibid,, pp. 83-90. 112

writes; 'the idea of following of dead inujtahid is illegal. The institution of marja'yyat is a means of the survival of religious • institution and Islair.ic sciences. It is a source through which the Islamic sciences.... progress and solve the unsolved problems'. He explains the Shi'i notion of al-hawadith al-waqi'_a and the role of ijtihid in the following words:

The Muslims come across to a number of new problems in their life. They do not know how to cope vjith them. Therefore, live fuqaha and a live theology is but indespensible .... Havades-e Vage'a (i.e. ^-hawadith al-Waqi* a) are the new proETSns which occur in' eacfi "age anci time, A study of the development of fiqh of different centuries shows that the jurisprudential endeavours developed gradually according to thv- needs of the people in new problems .,,. Fundamentally ijtihid is (an effort) to adapt the fundamental principles (of faith) to the nev; problems of changing circumstances. The true mujtabid is one who knows the sects of how the circumstances have been changing and, _therefore, brings about change in the doctrines (ahkam) accordingly,'^•'- »

Kiot.ahheri, like a reformist, lairients the state of affairs 22 of the Huslims in general end Iranian people in particular.

According to him, the incorrect conception of religion was the

20 Ibid,, p. 97.

21 I,bid., p. 99.

22 Kotahheri, "Ihya'-e Fikr-e Dini", pp. 121-22 J13

Hiai n caase of the degeneration of the Muslim society, he, therefore, stressesed the need of reforming the religious 23 doctrines which had gone wrong, ^ so that religion could play vital r^le ii^ creating a sense of responsibility towards the a ''4 society," He felt that the growing alienation of the people as vjell as the elites from religion was one of tht most serious problems. He said that the ideology of nationalism was mainly responsible for alienation among the people from Islam. In order to check such an alienation he wrote a book entitled Khedm_at-e 25 Motaqabel-e Islam va Iran. The theme of the book is to describe sarvices done by Islam to Iranian people and in turn the services done by Iranian people in the development of Islamic learning. He thus intended to show that Islam and Iranian nationalisn are not two opposit poies; they are rather complimentary to each othei. He strongly refutes the contention of some of the

23 Ibid., p. 124.

24 Motahheri, "Rahbari-ye Nasl-e Javan" Dah_Goftar, pp. 163-64„

25 Kotahheri, Khedmat-e Motaqabel-e Islam va Iran, 2 vols. The first voliaine describes the services of Islam to Iran while the second volume describes the services of Iranian people in the promotion of Islam. U4

nationalists and Iranologists that Islair. vjas an alien culture for

Iranian nation. He says that the interaction of Islarri and Iran

was a nat^aral phenoinenon. For the Iranians Islani was "a natural

food which they swallowed through their hungry throat or it was

like a fresh water which quenched the thirst of the Iranians.

The Iranian nature, particularly due to the social conditions of

pre-Islemic Iran digested this natural food and gained strength

arid energy from it; while they devoted this energy (in turn) 26 in service of Islam'. Ke points out that Islani may not be

called an alien ideology for the Iranians simply because of the 27 fact that Islam originated on the Arab soil. Furthermore, the

IslSHi is not an ethnic or racial ideology: it is rather .

universal (jaharii) and hiimanist (insani), it teaches equality

of all races. It was this attraction that brought the Iranians 28 to embrace Islam.

He further refutes the view that the conquest of Iran 29 by the Arisb armies was synonymous with the of Iran,

26 Ibid., vol, II, p.669.

27 See ibid., vol. I, pp. 72-76.

28 Ibid., p. 77. 29 Motahheri and S.H.Nasr, "The Religious Sciences" in The Canbridge History of Iran, vol.IV, pp. 464-65. 115

similarly he refutes the view that the Iranians embraced Shi'ism hscause of the marriage of the daughter of the last Sassanid king,, shaharbano with the third Imam, Kusayn. He first of all questions the validity of the relation and then argues that if the embra:;ing of shi'ism by the Iranians was any thing to do with the racial consideration, it should have accepted Uma^J^^ads as there are more blood relation between Uraayyads and the Sassanids.

He says that Iranians embraced shi'ism because they found the 32 llouse of the Prophet more close to the teaching of Islara. He described the western concept of nationalism (mjUiat parasti) 33 as the greatest cause of disintegration of the Islandc ummat.

He described it as against the world viexv of tswhid (monotheism). 35 He wrote a number of books against Marxism. Comparing the

3 0 Motahheri, Khedroat-e Motaqabel Islam va Iran, Vol. I, p. 120.

31 See ibid., p. 122 ff.

32 ^bid., passim

33 Ibid., p. 50.

34 For his concept of Tawhid as a world-view see Moqaddema-ye bar Jahan bini-ye Islami; Jahanbini-ye Tawhidi.

3 5 For his criticism of Marxism see Alal-e Gerayash be Maddigiri? Qayam_va Ing^elab^e Mehdi; Usul-eTalsaTa"va Ravish-e Rj^jism, 4 volums;"'lmd'^-haye GhaiEi der"Zendagi-ye Beshar; Moda5

world view of taw hid (J ahanbini-ye tav;hidi) with other

world-views he describes thie characteristics of a monotheistic

society as a 'classless society, without discrimination, d(*pri-

vation, vsid oppression,-a society full of justice'. As a

the differences among the Islamic society 'they have given variety,

beauty progress and perfection to the society. It is a society

of brotherhood ana equality in which there are differences but

there is no discrxmxnation.

The reformists believed in a gradual but continuous process

of reforming the society. They even did not believe that once the

Hidden Imain appears the whole world will become paradise at once.

Ayatollah Motahheri, therefore, criticized the traditional

belief that the Hidden Imam will appear when the evil will be

there hundred per cent and rightliousness zero per cent in the 3 8 world. He a3.so opines against the revolutionaxist view "because partial refontis subside the social evils for a time

being and therefore they work as drugs and create obstacles in

35 See Motahheri, Moqaddema-ye bar Jahanbini-ye Islam; Jahanbini-ye Tawhidi, p. iTiTti, ~ " . uMi»r I • -'^-11- m III ' -*- * * 37 I^bid,, pp. 112-13.

38 Motahheri, Qayam va Ingelab-e Mehdi, p. 80 ff. 117

natural esvolution" . 39 According to him such a view is a mecha- 40 nicai interpretation of history and evolution. He says that partial reforms are in no way condemnable; because they also work 33 a rootivating force in evolution and history, and because 'they are not ends in themselves, there is always a possibility of 41 better reforms than the previous ones'.

The ultimate aim of the Muslim society is the "universal revolution of the Imam of the Age" when the Islamic Utopia will be establish65d. In a philosophical discussion of the notion of awaiting of the Hidden Imem, he explained two kinds of "awaiting" 42 (intezar) t the positive awaiting and the negative avjaiting. The former is constructive awaiting while the latter is destructive

39 Cf., ibid., pp. 43-65. 40 Ibid., p.58. 41 _:rbid,, p.74; He says: seeking the reform is the very spirit of IsTam. A Muslim is a reformist and atleast a protagonist of reformation for the bare fact that he is a Musalman. Reform seeking come down in the Qur'an as an attribute of Prophethood, It occupies the same significance in Islamic social teachings as the things lawful and unlawful,.,. Thus we find that a duty-bound ^5usliIn, conscious of doing what is forbidden, is very sensitive towards social reform, Motahhesi, Islamic Movement in Twentieth

4 2 Wotahheri, Qayam va Inqelab-e Mehdi, p,79 ff and pp,6-7. .1J8

aw aiting. The constructive awaiting made men active (fa'al)^ responsible and sensitive. The destructive awaiting, on the 43 other hand, created rigidity, stagnation and passivity. The positive awaiting lead man to the "great, hope" (gj^irnid-_e_ J azim) 44 of the appearance of the Imair..

Social Responsibility :

One of the fundamental themes of the reformists was social responsibility, perhaps only next to the urge of religious and athical reforms. Most of these lecturers have made their theme to create social awareness among both the masses and the elite which they thought one of the means in getting the society out of passivity <3nd stagnation. Social awareness and realization of one's socicil responsibilities towards his people can make him an active meml:)er of the society. The 'ulama' interpreted such precepts of Islam as (piety) as socially dynamic concepts.

Motahheri explains the meaning of taqwa in two lectures under the - 45 tittle "Taqwa". He says that taqwa is not a limited concept, nor 46 it advocates passivity and indifference tov;ards life. He says

43 IMd., pp. 80-81.

44 IlJid., p. 79

45 Motahheri, "Taqwa" in Pah Goftar, pp. 1-24 and pp. 25-47.

46 It.id., p. 15. IIB

that there are two types of 'a^l (reason, intellect),''aql-e nazrl and * agl-e'amali (roughly corresponding to esoteric and practical intellect). Taqwa has direct effect upon esoteric intellect as well as practical intellect in two different ways.

However, in its effect of 'aql-e nazri, tagwa expresses itself 47 into creating social awareness m man. Social responsibility can make him an active member of society. This was also the reason why the notion of amr be ma'rouf va nahy aa monkar has been a pejnnanent subject of discussion of these lectures. Many of these reformists, for example Dr. Mohammad Ibrahim Ayati, takes it as a religious and social duty in contrast to the previous 48 conception that reduced it to a moral precept. According to

Motahheri amr be ma'rouf va nahy azmonkar is one of the practical 49 principles (asl-e 'amali) of Islam. It is not limited to speech 50 and action (goftar va'amal). It rather encompasses a wider

47 Ibid., pp. 30-32.

48 Mohammad Ibrahim. Ayati, "Amr be Ma'rouf va Nahy az Monkar, Goft^r-e_Mah, vol.1, p.52; Sven a more dynamic inter­ pretation's given"to tagwa by Mohandis Mehdi Bazargan. He also defines tac^wa to be a concept that leads to activity and dynamism, not passivity and indifference, Muhaidis Mehdi Bazargam, Work and I^ljm,_ Eng. trans, by M. Yusuf Ali and others ' (n.p., n.d.T, "pl^".

49 Motahheri, Asl-e Amr be Ma'rouf va Nahy az Monkar"

50 Ibid., p. 63. 12Q

responsibility. It should lead to a collective effort to raforin • * 51 tne society.

Most of these 'ulana' expressed dissatisfaction over the indifference of the top ranking clergy towards social matters.

They opposed the belief that religion should be kept away from social and political realms. For example, Ayatollah Mohammad

Behishti and Sayyed Mortoza Jaza'eri asserted again and again 52 that Islam had direct relation with the social problem. Engineer

Mehdi Bazargan believed that degeneration of a society was not due to religion itself, but, rather due to man's idleness' and 53 "inactivity" as a result of incorrect perception of religious doctrines. Quoting a number of verses from the Quran, he emphasized the importance that Islam was given to action and activity. By rightious action ('£R}l-e_saleh) he means productive

51 ibid., p. 68. 52 See Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad Behishti, "Islam va payvandha-ye Ijtiraa'i"/ Goftar-e Ma^, vol. II, p. 76 ff. and "Ruhaniyat dar Islam a darmian-e Muslimin" in Tabataba'i and others (eds.), Bahsi Darbara~ye Marja'iyyat va Ruhaniyjjt, pp. 13 2-62; Mortaza JazaTeri^ Luiuin-e Sarahat~'3ar~Rahbariha-ye Dini va Ijtema'i" Gof tar-e Mah, vol. Ill, p.85 ff.

53 Mehdi Bazarjan. Work _and Islam, trans, by M. Yusefi and others (n.p., n.d.), p,5l5 121

action^"^ In a mathamatical study of the Quran he said that Islan had set three pre-conditions for the deliverance of the humanity. They are faith, piety and righteousness. All three are necessary for the attainment of the Heaven, therefore faith 55 will not do any good without productive action. In other words all the three were necessary for the Muslim society to progress. A major cause for the degeneration of the Muslim societies in general and shi'i society in particular had been ineffective and misinterpreted expression of religious actions. He writes:

Apart from natural religious sentiment - especially within the Shi'ite sect - and the original and undeniable spurt of progression that Islam's acceptance triggered off, it is obvious that the growth and expansion of Islan in Iran has been more or less confined to the basically abstract and emotional aspects (ritual prayer and worship, pilgrimage, mourning etc.) or the comparatively negative characteristics of religious piety (abstention from alcohol, fornication, theft, ritual impurity etc.) When it comes to "deeds of righteousness" and positive productive activity the consideration and inclination of the Iranian individual has been exceedingly weak, indeed, the only real positive and appreciable show of initiative has been in the custom of religious alms-giving and donations.

54 The word ' aml-i saleh is defined by Bazargan thus: 'The word "salih" is derived from the word ^sl_ah which means amendments ir rectification and ^^ISiJiYy^:^ which^nieans fitness translated in Persian as ",Sh_a'_ista"~or praisworthy or decent, is also used here in general sense"^ (Salih ? This means correct and proper; ' aml-e Salih ? describes any deed or act which is morally correct or righteous based on pure and definite policy and the performance of which can be guaranteed to have an effective and useful result', ibid,, p. 43„ 55 Ibid,,pp. 41-48; For his view on the role of work on Islam, see; pp. 49-6 2. i;^2

Even then, the real intention of the donator must be exajTiined before any true merit can be attributed to his generosity. In fact, out of what were stated to be the three basic keys to prosperity, and eventually to heaven only faith and piety have been touched upon — the former, in its abstract sense and the latter in its negative sense. The third key, work and deeds of rightousness" seems to have been lost or forgotten,56

According to Motahheri, too, even purely religious actions underline the notion of social responsibility. In his usual philoso­ phical fasMon Mohathheri expresses the same views regatding the relationship between religious and social responsibility? 'The religious responsibility consisted of two things: One is the responsibility which has a definit shape and form; it is a fixed act ..e, the result of which we are not concernedWth,.,The second kind of responsibility can be called as the responsibility about the result of which we are concerned (mas'uliyat-e natija ,,,,

In Islam both kinds of responsibilities exist, . Prayer, fasting and all the rituals (ta'bidat) come into the first category, while jihad comes into the second category ,,,. 57

A major thrust of the reformists was the improvement in the function and organization of religious educational institutions.

56 IMd., p. 49.

57 Motahheri, Rahbari-ye Nasl-e Javan, p. 164-66, 123

They advocated re-orientation of the studies and curriculum of tile insdarscis, Motahheri, for instance, held that the predominance of study of fiqh in the raadarsa had negative results. He 58 suggested rcore emphasis on t^afsir and hadith. They also called for complete independence of the madras as from the state. 59

The majority of these reformers pretended to keep them­ selves away from practical politics and restricted themselves/ in the \j*ords of Akhavi^ to evolve a fresh version of Shi'i Islam, But they could not escape completely from the political implica­ tions of their chosen subject matters, especially jihad, amr be ma'rouf va riahy an mankar, social responsibility etc. Even the educational reforms suggested by them had indirect bearing on the political set up of the country. The government saw the educa­ tional reforms and the suggestion of independent financial system of marj a'iyyat as a parallel body. The conservative clergy who

53 Akhavi, o£^_cit., p. 122, 59 See, for exanple, Motahheri, "Moshkel-e Asasi dar Sazman-e Ruhaniyyat", Allama Tabataba'i and others (eds.), Bahsi Darbara-ye Marj a'iyyat vaRuhaniyyat, pp. 145-98. 60 Rescuing Islam in Iran from centuries of stagnation had to happen in time and space. It could not simply be wished, as though somehow it could occur in v_accuo. The reformers felt that a new breed of Iranian shi'a ha3'"been born. With represen­ tatives in the key cities of the land, this element would fulfil the dream of Ayatollah Na'ini. It would shake the 'ulama' awake from 19 centuries of slumber', Akhavi, OD_^ cit,, p, 121. 124

were cooperafcing vith the government and that participated in the refrendum of 1963, itself were not happy with the reformist. They were not only angered by the criticism of passivity made upon them by the reformists, but they were also annoyed by a government crack down upon the clergy in general, not to speak of the reformists. They were also suspicious of any change in the status quo of the religious and educational institution. However, most of these reformers shut their mouth against any outspoken criticism of the regime. They talked only in terras of met^hor and analogy. They wanted to keep a safe distance from the practical politics and active opposition of the government, This is reflected in the fact that they did not invite Khomeini or Mahallati to their sessions. This is also true when we see that some of these 'ulama' who participated in what is called the second reform movement of 1960s i.e. the Hosseinyeh Irshad, withdrew from it when they found that it was gradually becoming more and more political,

Marja'iyyat :

The dissatisfaction of these reformist clergy with the mode of function of Ayatoll ah Boroujerdi as the highest marja'e taqlid during the earlier decades, led them to reconsider i2r^

tha position and function of mar j a^e^taqlid. Therefore, soon

after the death of the grand Ayatollah Boroujerdi, they arrange

a sen.^nar in which papers were invited from the leading 'ulama'

in connection with the position and function of the iriara'^iYyat."'

Although the idea of a seminar was not materialized, a collection of a few p^ers on the subject was published under the litle of S 2 ''Balj£i^arb_ara-ye^Marja'iYyat va Ruhaniyyat" . The book was CO highly acclaimed and widely read. The authors of the articles

61 One of tha causes that led to call such a conference by the reformists would have been the suspicion of the 'ulama' that the government will influence and interfere into the choice of the Most learned roarja'e-taqlid. See A.K.S Lembon, A Reconsideration of the Position of Maraja'e-Taqlid and the Religious Institution", Stvdla Islariica, vol, XX (1969)* p. 113. The organizer, however, cTalm that' thereonference was invited to fill the vacxjum created by the death of the grand Ayatollah Boroujerdi as the most learned raarja'-e taqlid. See "Moqadderoa" to Tabataba'i and others (eds.l Bahsi Darbara-ye Marja'iyyat va Ruhaniyat, pp. 1-2.

62 The first edition of the book appeared in 1962. This comprised eight articles in all written by seven authors; the six of which belonged to clergy while one was a lay intellectual and leader of the , Engineer Mehdi Bazargan, The second edition of the book included two more articles making the number of articles ten in all.

63 Allaina Tabataba'i and others (eds.) Bah_darbara-ye Marla'iyyat va Ruhaniyat/ "Preface to the Second Edition"*, pp, VI~VII, }2G

published in this volume sought reorientation of the institution of maria'e taqlid in the light of theoretical development of the conci^ir-". and the practice in the past. Most of the authors consider the institution of g^.arj.g'lg„^.§91 id "•^^ only a matter of religious importance rather a matter that has social and 64 political implications. In addition to this the notions of ijtihid and taqlid and yelayat and imamat were also discussed.

Almost all the contributors of the volume agreed upon the view that the present nature as well as the function of the insti­ tution were not beneficial for the ummat. The majority of the

authors believed that the notion of one marja'e taqlid as the most learned person (a*lam) should no more continue because of many reasons. For example, there may be more than one person who can equally share the position of the most learned 'aliro,

(a'^^larn), or the most leaimed 'jilira may not necessaj^ be the most learned ' alim in each and every branch of knowledge, so on and so forth. Therefore, it is more convenient that the community

should have a body of the learned maraj1'-e taq1id (shoura-ye

fatwa-ye*) each of whom should have specialized in various branches of knowledge.

64 "A Reconsideration of the Positicn of the Karia'al- Taqlid and the Religious Institution" Stvdia Islarnica, vol, XX, (1969), p. 118. "•" 127

Sayyed Hajj Abol-Fazl Koussevi Kujt-ahid Zanjani in his article " ^lJ3£jlg^_ v^a_Vaza' e^£-e Marj a' (pre-requisits and functions of the religious leader) first of all emphasised the need of deriving new problem (jWcaiii) of sharVix by using' reason and # ijtihad. He also emphasised the function of the mujtahicis as 66 iurists as well as the leaders of the urnniat. He then points out that in case of consensus (regarding a juridical prcblerc) there is no prolDlern for the follower (mogailed). In case of differences of opinion among the jurists one should follow (£uju') the more learned of the mujtahids. But contrary to the general practice and view, Zanjani held that while returning to the mujtahid for a juridical opinion in case of difference of opinion among the jurists regarding the same^ one should take care to chose that mujtahid who is more learned and specialized in the matter about which opinion is sought. similarly, expertise and specialization of the luujtahic should be taken into consideration as a principle

©f preference over his justice and piety ('adl va tagwa),

65 Sayyed Abol-Fazl Moussavi Zanjani, "shara'st va Vaza'ed-e Marja' in Allama Tabalaba'i and others (eds.), I'^£i_£arSa£a-ie Mar j a* iyyat va Ruhaniyyat, p,26. "~ >•

66 Ibid., p. 27.

S7 Ibid., p. 28; 128

Because according to Zanj ani more knovjledgeability (' alanilyyat) G8 and expertize is more import ant than piety.

Ay atoll ah T ale q ani in his article "Tamarkoz va'Adin--e tamarkoz-e^f^arjaJ_i^_at_va_F_atwa'' (centralization and decentrali­ zation of the institution of iriarja'iyyat) emphasizes to look into the problem from the point of view of what is more beneficial to the ummat and which-is near to the general spirit of the shari'a." He describes three possible situations regarding the centralization or decentralization of the marja'iyyat; (1) Absolute centralization of juridical opinion and organizational matters in the hands of one or a few individuals {2) No centralization whatsoever aiid (3) centralization of juridical opinion and organizational matters in a body or a consultative committee of 70 •ulaina'. Regarding the first situation which was prevalent at that time he says that centralization of juridical opinion and organizational matter into the hands of one ' alim or a few 'ulama' practically confiscates not only the right of the followers of independent choice but also the cooperation of other 'ulama' in different matters,' Taleqani then proceeds to contradict the

68 Ibid., 69 Ayatollah Mahmoud Taleqaa:^^ 'Tamarkoz va*Adxn-e Tamarkoz-e Marja'iyyat va Fatwa''in Tabataba'i and others (edsj Bahsi Darbara-ye Marja'iyyat va Ruhaniyyat, pp. 202-203, 70 See ibid., p. 203.

71 Iblcl. ]29

argiunents put forward in favour of one marl a* as the most learned ' alim for unirciat saying that they are not only against tradition but also they did not sufficiently prove the legitiiViacy of absolute imitation of the most learned fa^ih,' Secondly and most importantly centralization leads to religious despotism (istebdad-e dini) 73t Moreover, it makes the institution of marl a'iyyat stagnant and vulnerable to decdence. Therefore, centralization is neither suitable for the benefit of uwrnat nor it is in accordance vjith the spirit of the religion and jurisprudence.

Similarly absolute decentralization ('adm-e tamarkoz) would lead to choas and difference in the society. 74 The third situation i.e. a body of fugaha' or a consultative committee of 'ulama' to take up the religious leadership as well as the religious and educational institutions is the most suitable alternative. Talaqani says such a body of 'ulama' is not only according to the spirit of Islam but also most beneficial thing for ttB society. He points out to practice of the begging of

72 See, ibid., pp. 203-05.

73 l^^-,9.ltO- 74 T^jiol. 130

the period of Greater Occultation whence the legal experts used to consult their teachers/colleagues and even pupils while deriving juristic verdicts. Moreover, the Gur'anic injunction of "Wa amr 'BaynahuH-." is not only for political matters, it is rather, a general ruling.

Like Taleqani/ Sayyed Mortoza Jaza'eri also advocates a body of fuqah'a' to replace the contemporary practice of single marj a'. In his article "Taqlid-e A'lam ya Shoura~je_Fatwa-ye", he strongly pleads for a drastic change in the orientation and concej^tion of the institution of marj a' -e taqlid. He first of all points out that it has mistakenly been conceived by people that tlie purpose of the traditional ruling that in case of difference of opinion the believer should follow the more learned faqih v;as to follow the same in each and every case. ' On the contrary the notion of following the more learned mujtahic itself points out to the multiplicity of marja'iyyat and therefore, "s hour a-ye f atw a-ye".' According to him shoura~ye fatwa-ye neans

75 Ibid., p. 208. 76 Sayyed Mortoza Jazaeri, "Taqlid-e A'lam ya-'S hour a-ye Fatwa-ye" in Allama Tabetaba'i and others (eds.), Bahsi_Darbara-ye Marja' ivygt ya_g^hanijyj.t, p,216. - - ua

that 'in places of one fixed person as a source of imitation ... there should he a council comprising a number of fuqaha •who can take'up the problems together ... and because it is not possible to have a consensus on every problem the body of 'ulama' should give verdict on the basis of majority so that instead of following one rrajtabid people will follow the opinion of the 78 majority of the marja'iyyat*. He maintains that people should not think that such a body of 'ulama would be against the laws of Sharif a because the conception of a'lamjyyat (most learned inujtabid) i& itself a new phenomenon which has its own gradual 79 development of about four centuries. He also points out that it is not necessary that the most learned marja'-e tag lid is most learned in all respects. Furthrsrmore, there may be more than one person who can be regarded most learned at the same time. 80 Not only this it is most difficult practically to find out who is the most learned fagih; on the contrary it is relatively easy to single out a certain number of 'ulama' who can be regarded as more learned than the others.8 1

"^8 Ibid., pp. 271-81.

79 Ibid., pp. 222-24. 80 Ibid., pp. 216-17.

81 Ibid., p. 227. 132

Although Ayatollah Motahheri did not express his view in categorical terms but he also expressed the need of decentalizing 82 the religious opinion. He emphasises that the fug aha' should not be confined to the traditional juridical problems. They rather should acquire knowledge and expertise in all branches of knowledge including science and technology and modern philosophy. If a certain number of 'ulama' would have acquired specialization in various branches of knowledge they would be able to guirie the people in all matters of life. He also points out that only one jj^ih cannot acquire specialization in all branches of knowledge.

Sijnilariy, people should return to that roarja' who has got specialization in that particular branch of knowledge with which 83 the problem is related. The second article of Motahheri deals with the basic problems of the spiritual institution such as 84 financial, ethical and curricular.

A fundamental aim of these reformists was to bring the

_ruh_an_iyyat out of stagnation and to bring them closer to xhe people, society and social problems. The articles by Ayatollah

82 Cf,, Lambton, 0£j__cit,, p.222,

83 Motahheri, Asl-e Ijtihad dar Islam.

^^ l^E" " Moshkel-e Asasi dar Sazman-e JRuha-wiyyat", in_Allama-Tabataba'i and others (eds,), Bahsi Darbara-ye Maj a'iyv^at va Ruhaniyyat, pp. 165-198. "" "• " - L'la

Beheshti and Mohandis Hehdi Bazargan describe the function and role of clergy in the present circumstances. They expressed the need of the use of ijtihad and a better involvement in social matters. Mehdi Bazargan like, Motahheri, believed that 'ulama' should acquire specialization in all branches of knowledge including science and technolog^^'. He also emphasised the distribution of work according to the expertize and specialization.

Ayatoll ah Behishti describes the position of the spiritual institution (ruhaniyyat) in shi'ism in a deffensive and apolo­ getic manner. He also compares the concepts and function of ruhaniyat in Shi'ism as against the concept and prcties of spiritual institution of other religions. He says that in Shi'ism ruhaniyat is not a class; it is rather leadership of the 85 commvinity. He also expresses the need to expand religious education on mass-level and that religious education should not 87 be the monopoly of a few persons. The ideas of these theologians can be regarded as first attempts to re-evaluate the institu- tio4i of roarja' iyyat in modern times. One can find in these works

85 Mehdi Bazargan, "Intezar-e Mardom az. Mar.aje'/' Allama Tabataba'i and others (eds,), Bahsi Darbara-ye Marja' iyyat va Ruhaniyyat, p, 112, "" ~

86 Sayyed Mohammad Behishti, "Ruhaniyat dar Islam va darmian-e Muslim", Allama Tabataba'i and others (edsj, Bahsi Darbar-ye Marja'iyyat va Ruhaniyyat, pp. 13 8-40. "" 87 Ibid., pp. 153. 134

a tendency to free the ruhaniyyat from the clutches of the state and develop its own independent means and resources to perpetuate its influence among the masses. They also regarded the reform as the first step to gain more freedom and more power. The reformists unanimously call for a strong and power- 33 ful clerical institution.

Throughout the 196 0s the reformist clergy strove, on the one hand, to revitalize the institution of r^iihaniJiY;^?^ ^V bringing them closer to the people and society and on the other hand.

88 Lambton, op, cit,, p. 13 5 8o One can also find, says Lambton, 'the tendency to look for the establishment of the Kingdom of God upon earth, which, if pressed to its conclusion, is likely to lead either to politi­ cal quietism or violent revolution. On the whole, however, ttere is a tendency to turn away from the ideal of "the perfect man" and to propose that a solution of the problems raised be sought rather in consultation and organization, to emphasize the need for continued growth in the religioS institution and to press the responsibility of the individual ....(but) no effective answer had yet been found to the question of "quis custodiet castodegV Lambton* op, cit., p. 13 5. "" "" ', '

'to combine their reformism with the formulation and dissimnation 89 of an **Islamic traditionalist ideology" for the intellegentsla and youth. The net result of their efforts was increasing Shi'i traditionalism in the masses, hn empirical study in this regard has been done by Said Amir Arjomand, He gives us a detailed account of the publication of religious books^ periodicals and journals, trafic to the pilgrimages to Mecca and other religious shrines and the construction of mosques which show multiple increase. He also points out to the increase in religious societies and centers, 90 Arjomand observes that a number of indicators attest to the increased vitality of traditional religious sentiments during the period. 91 The role of mosques as

89 ^,A. Arjomand, "Traditionalism in Twentieth Century Iran", in S.A. Ajrjomand (ed.), Hj'oS-i^stion^ism__to Revolution, p, 221. • 90 See ibid., pp. 213-17, The statistics show 'forty-eight publishers of religious literature in Tehran of whom twenty-six had begun their activities ... during the decade 1965-75,,,.' While during the 1954-64 the average of religious titles published was 56,7 per year, it increased to an average of 153 titles per year during 1964-67, The average of the titles shot up to 251.7 per year during 1969-71. In 1972, it was 578 while in 1973 and 1974 it was 576 and 541 respectively. Similarly during the decade of 1954-64 the percentage of religious titles of total publication was 10,i which shot up yo 33,5 in year 1974. The cash donationr to the religions shrines also indicate multiple increase (see, p.215). Similarly the number of pilgrims to Mecca were 27/000 in 1970 which increased gradually every year to go upto 71,351 in 1975 (see p, 216). In 1962 the number of mosques in Iran was 3653 which rose to 5,389 in 1973. In 1972 there were 700 mosques in Tehran alone which increased to 1,140 in 1975,

91 Ibid,, pp. 214-16. 1,36

the centres of political and social activities continued to grow.

There v;as a spu:ct in religious practices and rituals among the masses. The reformists efforts to explain an "Islcroic ideology" 93 to the people indirectly led to the politicization of Shi'ism,

'^^® 'U1 ai'»a' and the Monarchy

By i970s 'ulama's grievances reached to the extent of confrontation. We find an equal degree of increase in all the four categories of 'ulama* mentioned above. Even those 'ulama' who followed the attitude of Boroujerdi began to express their feelings of uneasiness towards the government, A representative case may be of Ayatollah Hadi Milani, a marja' of Mashhad. Milani was among those few 'ulama' who avoided any criticism of the govf-.rnment. Although his name does not figure in the refrendum of

1963, he was one of those who called for restoration of normalcy without qualification during the disturbances of June 1963 - a sign of dislii'3 for confrontation between the 'ulama' and state and supposedly an indirect support to the government vis a vis the radical. By 1971 Milani changed his position and criticized the 94 govemm.ent in unqualified terms. The 'ulama's criticism

9 2 See M,0. Fischer, ^£J2i_™2!?_^®ii5i:2HJ_5i:52yi?_ii?

93 Arjomand, 02_^_cit:., p, 212,

94 Akhavi, op. cit., p. 102, 37

particularly increased after the alleged torture and death of Ayatollah Mohamniad Reza 5a'idi or Tehran in prison. 95 A series of demonstrations took place, by the students of hav;za ye Ilmiyya, joined by opposition groups particularly in >^omin and Tehran.

In fact, there were two reasons of 'ula.ia's increat>ing unhanpiness : (i) the government's increasing interference into the affairs of hawza-ye ilrTdyya, there by reduciny the influen'^e and pov^er of the clergy and (2) the governments insistence upon its programn.e of modernization, thereby increasing the influence of western civilization. Ayatollah Sa'idi was arrested on the charge of openly denouncing the government's policy of giving concession to the foreign companies. This denunciation came when a consotrtium of thirty five American (the U,3.A.'si investors was discussing further investment in the Iranian market in May 1970. Ayatollah sa'idi denounced this as "a catastophe and an annihilating blow to the people of Iran" and described the regime as a "tyrannical agent of Imperialism", He described it 'the duty of the 'ulama' to initiate their forebearers like Mirza Hasan Shirazi by rising up

95 On Ayatollah Reza Sa'idi and his relation with Khomeini See Anonymous, "Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Sa'idi", Echo of Islam, sp. vol. The Darwn of the Islamic Revolution, pp. 138-397 ]38

in protest against the usurpation of economic resources of the

country'.

Meanwhile certain steps of the government further

aggravated the hostility of the 'ulama'. For instance, the government

attempted to reduce the pilgrimage trafic to Iraq, A number of

•ulama' were arrested while crossing the border on the charges of

having collaborated with Khomeini, The Shah anounced formation

of Religious Corpe in an attempt to curb the influence of the

religious class in rural areas. This was seen by the 'ulama' as a

means of reducing the power and influence of the religious opposi-

tion. The paratroops intervention in the meetings and gathering

of _hawza-ye 'Ilmiyya increased. In 1971, the military surrounded

the madras a faiziyya and other hawza-ye^ 'ilmiyyas in view of the 97 fresh demonstration. A number of 'ulama' who were arrested

including Ayatollah Montazeri who had joined the radical group by

96 Hamid Algar, og_^_cijt., p, 251. Khomeini den^anced the conso:^tium in the following words: 'Any agreement that is concluded with the American capitalists and other Imperialists is contrary to tne will of the people and the ordinances of Islam. Since the members of the Majlis are not elected by the people^ their discussions are Illegal and contrary to the constitution and the"will of the people'.

97 Shaul Bakhash, The_R^J^n_of_the_A;^tollahs, p. 3 3 ff. 139

nov; aiid was supposed to be acting on behalf of Khomeini. I-lontezeri v;as exi.led in Najaf. Arnong those 'ularaa' vs?ho joined the

ooposition to openly denounce the govempent one was Ayatollah

Mohanmad Hasan Tabataba'i who attacked the government for

'muzs'ling of preachers and the despatch of the Sipah-e Din

(Religious Corpe) and rnurawezin to wreak havoc on the rural 98 population's conception of the 'ulama's role in society.

But the strongest opposition came when the Shah announced to celebrate the 2500 anniversary^ of monarchical rule in Iran. This led to the multifaceted consequences. It was at this stage that

Khomeini denounced monarchy as incompatible, rather contrary to the teachings of Islam - an unprecedented standpoint in the history of

Shi'i theology. In a statement issued from Najaf Kirorneini declared the incomp'atibility of monarchy vjith Islam. '' Khomeini also called for a total annihilation of old system and establish­ ment of an Islamic government ruled by faqih-e 'adil. Khomeini

98 Akhavi, °!Ej»_£i^«' P» ^^^. 99 For this declaration see Khomeini^ Islam aiid Revolution,

100 On his ideas regarding Islamic government and velaya-e faqlh, see chapter 6-7. 140

earned great support from the secular parties and even leftist segments of the opposition in so far as the first part of Khonieini's programme was concerned, i.e. his denunciation of monarchy and overthrov of the regime. It was because of this that they did not hesitate to describe him as the nvarj^' of Iranian people in their propaganda publication during this period. Khomeini in turn took an accommodative position towards the secular ac well as leftist opposition. For example, he condemned the arrest and torture of the activists of the Moj ahedin-Khalq. This organi­ zation had close contacts with Ayatollah Taleqani. Furthermore, such references by Khomeini as concern for "rnostaz'e fin" (oppressed), "economic deprivation of the rural peasents and poor class' - the "extravagenza of the government", and repeated anti- imperialist and anti-US statements appealed the leflist forces to a great extent,

Khomeini's growing popularity was rapidly enhancing his status to the position of sole marja'-e taqlid during the period, despite the fact that Ayatollah Muhsin was recognized for the post by the government after the death of Boroujerdi. On the

101 See Suroosh Irfani, Reyolutionary _Islain_in Iran: Popular Liberation or Religious D^ctatorsMp TLonHon,"T^98lT. Piangol Bayit, "'Ayatollah Mahmud Taleqani and the Iranian Revolution" in iMartune Kramer (ed.), 'Shi_[isrn^_Resistence and Revolution, (Boulder, 1987) . ' HI

death of Ay atoll ah Hakim, the Shah tried to nominate Ayatollah

Kho'i of Naiaf for the post. He sent a telegram to him to this effect v.'hich the latter politely r2fused. The Shah apparently sought to keep the central figure of religious influence physically

away from Iran as he has done earlier in 1961. Kho'i was a man of

learning and piety, he had kept himself away from politics and was devoted to teaching jurisorudence. The Shr^h, then, sent a telegram to Ayatollah Shari' atiiadari for the same purpose vjho had also shovm 102 accommodative attituoe on several occasions.'

Being an Azeri, Ayatollah Sayyed iMohammad Kazem Ghari'

atraadari enjoyed commanding influence in Azerbayjan. Besides, he

also weilded considerable influence in the Bazaar and the ha^jza-ye 104 ilmiyya of Qorrim. He was born in AD 1905 thus being slightly younger than Khomeini, He was regarded as the most learned theologian within Iran, He taught jurisprudence in the Oomm seminary for a long time. Besides he established a publication cell and a press

102 B,g. he did not close his classes during a general call of strike in 1970-71 which^ was strongly criticized by the ra^tical 'ulama' and more importantly he was supposedly a competent compatiterof Khomeini. See David Menshari, Shi' ite leadership in the Shadow of Conflicting Ideologies" Ir_ani_an''Studies, vol. XIII, Nos. 1-4 (1980), p,12i. ~ """

103 Edward Mortiner, op, cit., p. 330.

104 David Menshari, "Iran" in Colin Legum and others (eds.), Middle East-Contemporary Survey, Vol. Ill (1978-79), p.508. 142

\\'whic h contributed a large part of religious literature during the 1 nci 191 Cs, The Shah found in him a suitable car.didate for the position of tnarj aj -e taqli ' d who can also curb the influence of Khomeini. 'tmadari himself is reported to have responded in "affusive" and "loyalist tone"."^"

Ayatollah Shari' atmadari is regarded as the "liberal traditionalist, %iodernist, traditionalisi:' ^ or "progressive 109 traditionalist". Although he opposed the regime for its various oolicies, he kept himself at a safe distance from the mainstream of the radical clergy. Moreover, though he preferred to oppose and criticize the regime on a number of issues on several occasions he adopted unorthodox views. For example he had no objection to the principle of land reform. He even had liberal view regarding Islamic punishments for various crimes. Asked "Did Islarsi say that theives must be punished by amputation of the hand" ? he replied: 'In principles that is the law. The application of law will depend

105 Arjomand, o^^^cit., p. 213. 106 Kandd Algar, The Oppositional Role of Ulama in the Twentieth century Iran, p. 252, 'This led to a big demonstration in front of his residence. The demonstrators affirmed their recognition of Khomeini as the highest marja'-e taqlid.moreover a telegrarne was sent by forty-five mujtabids of Qcmm to Khomeini affirming their loyalty and support to him. In Tehran, Shiraz and Afiwaz, too, meetings were held to pledge their support to Khomeirii' . 107 Akhavi, cp. cit., p. 108 Edward Mortiner, 02j^__cit., p, 33 0. 109 David Menshari, cp, cit,, p. 509; and Shi'ite Leadership: In the S^^a^iO^ of Conflict, of Ideologies, p, 122 ff. 1 4 3

on the circumstance'. Sirr.ilarly to the question of stoning of women for adultery he said: 'that is prescribed by the le^-^.

But remember that you need four witness to the act of penetration .

However, he opposed the laws permitting abortion or governments decision to introduce Iranian calender instead of the Islamic

Hijra calender/^^ His views regarding constitution and the future of monarchy were traditional. He was not that much outspoken against 112 western Imperialism as he was against the Russians. Similarly, like the orthodox traditionalists he was a bitter critic of Maxism.

According to him "Islam and Marxism had nothing in common II 113 as MaxJSW was a kind of atheism. 114 Shari'atmadari, along with few top ranking 'ulama' re-iterated the position of Constitutionalist movement regarding religion-state problem. He considered constitutional monarchy as one of the best forms of government if rights of the 'ulama' as the interpreters of the law were guaranteea. He did not oppose

110 Edward Mortiner, op^ cit., p. 3 3 0-31,

111 David Henshari "Iran" in Colin Legum and Others (eds.) Miadle_East Contemporary Survgy, vol. II (1977-78), p. 474, 112 Edward hortimer, op, cit., p, 33. 113 David Menshari, cp^ cit_^, p, 473.

114 According to Akhavi, 0£^_cit,, pp. 176-77, they included: Ay atoll eh Taleqani, Sayyed Abol-Fazl Moussavi Zanjani and Sayyed Abol Lasim Dinouri.

115 Keddie, "Iran change in Islam, Islan and change" International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol, XI,No.4 (1980), P. 536." 1^4

monarchy in principle but only on account of its tyrannical methods.''1 ft He therefore advocated for the restoration of the constitution of 19 06 with some modification after the revolution.

He sayss 'After the victory of revolution and at the time when the

Iranian people voted almost unanimously for the Islcinic Republic there were discussions about a new constitution. At that time we gave our view to the effect that it would be better to retain the Persian constitution and just omit the articles relating to the monarchical regime replacing them with articles relating to the

Islamic Republic, That would naturally render the work less difficult

116 The abolition of monarchy did not appear in the charter of demands presented by the high ranking clergy to the state in 1976. The demands included the following items: 1. The abolition of laws contrary to Islam. 2. Freedom of expression for the clergy and other social forces, 3. Cancellation of the prohibition against clergy involvement in politics, 4. Amnesty for prisoners jailed in defence of Islam. 5. Invitation to exiles - especially Ayatollah Khumayni - to return Iran. 6. Prohibition of wasteful spending of natural resources and the national income. 7. Punishment of those responsible for the deaths of demonstration throughout the 1978 period, 8. Elimination of caisinos, gambling clubs, cinemas etc, 9. Reconciliation ot Iranian culture with the traditions of Islam, prescriptions of the Qur'an and ordinances of the imams, 10. Replacing "secular universal history" with Islamdc history, 11, 'Ulama'j and lay supervision of parlicinentary elections. 12„ Requiring cabinet ministers to be of the Ja'fari Shi'i faith. 13, Elimination of Baha'is and Baha'ism from official posi­ tion, 14, Nullification of all parliamentary legislation conflicting with the tenets of Ja'fari Shi'ism, Akhavi, o£^ cit., P. 169. 145

and as at this time there is a great need for preservation of general unity and monolithic solidarity, that would be a way to 117 avoid complaints;, tension and pretect seeking'. He thought nothing vsrcng in giving a further three months extension to Sharif 118 Emami's Ministry at a time when Khomeini h^^d already given the call of total revolution. He was also ready to go along with

Bakhtiyar's government who advocated for retaining the same consti­ tution but limiting the monarch's power to mere ceremonial 119 authority. He thought that 'the main goal of the opposition movement against the Shah was to end dictatorial rule and to establish a democracy based on the will of the people in the light of the Islamic law'.

Shari'atmadari's conception of Islamic government was based on the pragmatic approach. He thought the revivalist dream of establishing an ideal identical to the state of

ImaiR 'Ali as impractical. Although he did not deny the desirability

117 Pars Interview with Shari'atmadari, BBC, S^/JB, part 4, Middle East and Africa, 1 August 1979, p.A/5.

lis Keddie, loc cit., M.J, Fischer, Iran; From Rsli_g_ious Pisgute^to^^^Reyolution, p. 201. ~ "

119 David Kenashri, Shi'ite leadership: In shadow of Conflicting Ideologies, p.12,

120 Ibid., 146

of that earliest Islairdc society, he thought it aliriost irrpossible under the changed circumstances- He believed that the ideal state of ^.edina was still worthy of irr.itation in tacir.y respects, but this did not mean that we shoulc ignore all the innovations that 121 have taken place during the 1400 years since the advent of Islarr.' . Thus, b^' emphasizing the necessity of practical consideration, he brought himself close to the liberal moaernist thinkers.

Shari'atrr.adari dia not use the term "Islamic state". He rather preferred"a modern Islamic state". Furthermore, In the Islamic government as conceived by him, the Islamic laws will not be implemented in its rigid form. He advocated the interpretation and implementation of the shari'a in a "correct" (saleh) and 122 "progressive" (rnotaraqqi) mode. According to him, in the Islamic government, new legislations were possible ana it was not necessary to adopt the criminal and civil laws of Islam ov thCshari'a in toto. In his view there may be laws other than shari'a if they do not contradict the shari'a laws. The Islamid government should have an Islamic orientation (jehatgiri). It may be like any other

12J. Ibid,,

122 David Menshari, "Iran" in Coiin Legum and others (eds ), Mi^JIg.gg'gt.Contemporary Survey, vol. Ill (1978-79), pp. 509. 147

republican government, but the desirable is the one in which 123 Islamic principles are respected.

Shari'atniadari further states that the law-making is the prerogative of Allah, like Khomeini and others, and interpretation of these laws are the prerogatives of the religious scholars. He further added that the Islamic government was a democratic government based on the peoples' will. It is the government of the people, for the people and against the dictatorship and 124 despotism'. Elsewhere he says: 'Islamic Republic mean that there should be no dictatorship and no despotism, the people themselves 125 will have the sovereignty to decide their path'. According to him tlTe leader of Islamic government may be an ordinary man, not necessarily grand 'alim, as conceived by Khomeini, he might be selected and dismissed by the people.

Thus Shari'atmadari's arguments are also based on the traditiona.1 principle of what was good for the people. He advocated

123 Idem, Shi'ite leadership: In Shadow of Conflicting Ideologies, p. 124,

124 Ibid,, p, 125

125 Ibid.

126 Ibid,,p. 124; He further pointed out that there is a basic difference between the imams and the 'ulama' or those in authorit/ because the former were appointed by God whereas the latter are ordinary fcen who can be elected and dismissed by people, Cf, idem, 'Iran' in Colin Leg\iin and others (ed,). Middle East- Contemporary Survey, vol. Ill (1978-79), p. 509, 148

democratic republicanism on the basis of the carne principle. For him, it does not matter what form of government there is : whether it is de ocracy or monarchy or any other type; what is important

JOT for him is how the government "behaves". He said that the country should be a republic and it makes no great difference wteither you call it Islamic. Republic. If the Iranians are good Muslims it will be Islamic any way. Even under the existing constitution the laws are supposed to be approved by a committee of five mujtabids'.12 8

Those ideas were in sharp contradistinction to the ideas of Khomeini who considered monarchy as well as democratic republi- 129 canism as against the principles of Islam. The difference of ideas led both the Ayatollahs to direct political confrontation throughout 1979 especially after the constitutional controversy and the rise of the Kurdish uprising during 1979-30. Shari'atmadari fully supported the Democratic Party of Kurdistan (DPK) while Khomeini accused and described it as traitor and stooge of foreign . 130

127 Ibid.,

128 Edward Mortiner, 22J^^1'' P« 2^^. 129 See chapter 6.

130 Khomeini's Id al-Fitr Speech in Qorm on 24 Aug.,1979. BBC SWB Part 4; The Micdle Bast and Africa 27 Aug. 1979 P.A/7. 149

After the success of the revolution v?hen the draft consti­

tution of the new state was being written Shari'atmadari supported

the demand of the secular as well as nationalist parties that the

title of the country should be "Democratic Republic of Iran"

or "Deraocratic Islamic Republic of Iran". Khomeini strongly rejected 131 this demand and declared that he will not accept less than and 13 2 more than "Islamic Republic of Iran" as the title of the new state.

What he implied by "Islamic Republic" was the Islamic government

of his own type.

Motahheri approved the term jamhuriat-e Islami (Islamic

Republic) as the correct denoter of the Islamic government. For

him, the two te;ans - Islamic and Republic - rsfar to the type of 1J3 government and :uts iaeological content respectively. 'The

adjective Islamic signifies the nature and the content of a

131 See Khomeini, Islam and Revolution^ p, 337.

13 2 Cited in Motahheri, P^__Piramun-e_Iqelab and Eng. trans, by Muhammad K. Al i, "The C oncegt" of' I si amic Republ i c; An Aggl.Yg^,?...5?l %^^— .?'.gY,9j:^.!^J:.9B_.J:_gr.l^g'? Tfehran: -e~BeSiSat7l982), p/l57

133 r-lotahheri, o^t-^Si^'' Pol^ 150

government. It suggests that the governnient should be one based on Islamic principles and regulations (_ahkaiTi); the government function, too,, revolves round the Islamic principles ....

Accordingly, Islamic republic means a form of government the persident of which is elected by popular vote for a temporary period, and the ideological content of which is Islamic'. '' He asserts that ':he Islamic republic will be a democratic government.

But, according to him, there is a particular connotation of democracy in Islam. This conception of democracy is slightly different from European conception of democracy. He asserts that the term democratic need not be included in the title of the republic, because the term "Islamic" itself suffices the desired

Duroose;

In the phrase: "Islamic Democratic I epublic", the word: 'Democratic' is redundant. Moreover, in a hypothetical Islamic Democratic Republic, freedom ard democratic norms obtained by people ra^ be wrongly attributed to the Democratic component. In other words, the aforecited nomenclature is suggestive of twobases of the Republic: Islamic and Democratic. One may assume further that matters pertaining to individual rights and democratic freedoms arise by virtue of den-iocracy alone, or the democratic part of the nomen-clature. Then, the "Islamic" part is taken to mean just a series of religious convictions, or traditional practices in terms of prayers and similar other religious pites.

134 Ibid., p. 12. 151

We should emphasize the fact that Islam incorporates individual rights and democratic freedoms, and suc^^ as, any indiscriminate use of both the terms (Islamic .d Democratic) will be misleading. In fact, an Islamic society does not brook of any illconceived differentiation .... (As the saying in Persian goes:"when you have the hundred, (it means] you already have the ninety" 1-^^

According to him, if the constitution is made to be based on the principles of Islam, it does not violate the democratic rights or the sovereignty of the people at all. Because, at first, no democratic principle denounces the adherence to a particular ideology. Secondly, Islam is the faith of the majority of the people of Ir<3n v/ho have expressed their choice in "Islamic Republic.

Ho.Jever, .lotaliheri has shown some points of difference from

Khomeini, Although he does not deny, for example, the sovereignty of Allah ?.nd the legislative, executive and judiciary powers as the prerogatives of the Prophets and imams, he does admit a certain . . . 137 degree of peoples participation in these jurisdictions, Khomeini seems to be heading towards a theocracy by approving the three aspects of the government, judiciairy, legislation and executive

13 5 Ibid., p. 16.

136 Ibid., p. 25.

13 7 See ibid., p;25 ff. 52

authorities only the pre-rogatives of the 'ulcuT.d' on behalf of the ..r.aTi and the Prophet; nobody could share these jurisdiction of the clergy. On the other hand, Motchheri advocates people!:; oarticlpation though in a limited way. He a-jes not approve of th'jocracy; nor he accepts the rule of a class of the society. Regarding the iole of 'ulaina' in the government, he says that 'the role of the tac]_^h in an Islamic country is that of an ideologue and not that of a ruler*.

138 Ibid., p. 27. CHAPTER - V

'/JJI SHARI'ATI : RADICAL SHI • ISM

Dr, 'Ali Shari'ati though not a theologian himself but son of a prominent theologian distinguished himself in so many respects,

He sought to give the Iranians, especially the younger generation, a progressive and revolutionary ideology to combat the cultural as well as political invasion of vjestern imperialism. For the younger generation of the Iranian society the traditional methods of the clergy to bring them back to the traditional Islamic heri­ tage was ncit appealing. Thus, despite the fact that the clergy had realized the urgency to communicate with the youth, they found themselves ill-equipped methodologically to direct the younger generation towards a meaningful re-orientation. Thus a 'truely intellectual elite, un-alienated from Islam, deeply rooted in the cultural tradition of Islamic Iran was needed to apply a new scientific method ... and explain the interaction of the Islamic message with the society.

i Abdul Aziz Sachedina, "Ali Shari'ati : laeoloaue of the Iranian Revolution" in John 2sposito (ed.). The Voices'of Resurgent Isljm (London, 1983), pp, 191-73. " 154

*Ali Shari'ati calls himself a "£oushanteKr"(lit. intellec­ tual) . For hi;n, a roushanfekr is one who has an acute sense of responsibility towards his society and vjho is cominitted to the 2 oeople. 'Ali Shari'ati's personality was his activism. He had been an active member of various organisations opnosed to the Shah. He mobilized the younger generation of Iran against the monarchy. Despotism ana :.mperialism. Ko one influenced the Iranian youth as much as Shari'ati did. He is regarded as the ideologue and precursor of the Islamic revolution of 197'6-79. 'Ali Sha..ia'ti was a broad-minded and enlightened scholars. He studied a lot and wrol'i a lot. His interaction with a variety of intellectual groups someti.nes opposed to each other broadened his vision. For so many years he had been in contact with leftist intellectuals and activists of Iran who exerted profound influence on him,

'Ali Shari'ati was bom on the 2nd of the Azermah 1312 A.H. (Solar)/23rd of November, 1933 A.D. in a small town, Ma^inan, in the

2 'Ali Shari'ati, Az Koj a Aghaz_Konim (From Where Shall We Begin), p.9. 3 For an assessment of Ali Shari'ati as an idealogue of the Iranian Revolution of 1978-79; see Soheyl Amini, "A" Critical Assessment of Ali Shari'ati's Theory of Revolution" in Ahmed Jabbari (ed.), Iran: Essays on Revolution in Making, pp. 77-79; Ervand Abrahamian, "ATI shari^ti: Ideologue "oF'the Iranian Revolution" i!?5£iZ_£®E££^ (1979); Abdulaziz Sachedina, 02J, cit. J5r 5r:

4 country-side of the holy city of Mashhad. At the age of seventeen he completed higher secondary education from Mashhad in 1950. Then he was admitted to Teacher's Training Institute in Mashhad for a two year course of Basic Teaching Training. As he was keen to choose teaching profession, he joined a village school as a teacher in Ahmedabad in the suburb of MasKhad. But within four years he left the job for further education. He returned to Mashhad in 1955. and joined the newly established faculty of letters in Mashhad University where he got his degree in the first division. After graduation his name was recommended by the University authorities for higher studies abroad. He came to Paris to join Sorbonne University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in i960.

4 See Anon., Zendaginame-ye _Muj_ahid Shahid Doctor. Ali Shari' ati, (n.p,, n.d.T, p. 1;"Another biograDhsr"'of ' Ali"shari'ati, Dr. Asghar Ghasseray gives a different date. He gives December A.D. 19 3 2 that corresponds to 9th/10th Month of 13li A.H. (Solar), thus there is a difference of about one year (Dr.Asghar Ghassemy,"Ali Shari'ati" Soroush (Tehran), 3 (May, 1981), p. 24. However, most of the biographers agree on the year 1312 A.H.(Solar) as the year in vihich Ali Shari'ati was bom. But most of them do not mention the date or month or both and contend to state" one of the day of the year 1312 A.H. (Solar)". See, for example, Y_adn_arna-;Y®_^octor Shari'ati (Mashhad, n.d.l vol.1, p,9: For other important works on" the"life"of ALi Shari'ati* see, Ali Shari'ati, Ka.vir (n.p., 1348 AK Solar); Islam Maktab~e Mobarez special Issue oT All Shari'ati (Europe "and U'["S7A777 vol, 2T7"yjdnan!a-y^__3alg.ard_Hejrat_va Shahadat Abu Dharr-e gaman (n.p., lT57 A.HT SolarT; GhoTam Abbas Tavassoli, "'lntroduction^""in Hamid Algar (trs.) Qn the Sociology of of__Isl_airi_ (New Delhi, 1979),pp. 11-34. " 5 'Ali Shari'ati, Kavir, pp. 5-11. I5G

'Ali Shari'ati belonged to a middlo class religious family. His family members were renovjn for their deep knov.'ledge of Islamic Sciences, -i number of theologians and religious scientists who were highly esteemed for their scholarship in Iran came from this family. His father Mohammad Taqi Shari'ati, v;as a celebrated theologian. He had not only inherited traditional religious education but was well acquainted with modem education and disciplines of knowledge. The most important thing which 'Ali Shari'ati inherited from his father was social and political aware­ ness^ Thus in this early period of his life, his father played an important role in conditioning the mind of young Shari'ati. shari'ati mortions his father as one of his "idols" (ma'budha~ye 7 man ) at several places in his writings.

The domestic environment coupled with an atmosphere of political, social and intellectual awakening played a crucial role in the development of 'Ali Shari'ati's personality. Besides religious education he acquired knowledge of Arabic under the able tutorship of his father. Later on, he studied French language also which was beco>i'\tng popular at that time in the intellectual milieu of Iran as a means for modem ideas as against English which was

6 See Chapter 3, 7 'Ali Shari'ati, 0£jj__cit., pp, 77-107. J 57

disliked by the Iranians as a symbol of British imperialism. The period from his childhood to youth v;as marked by political, social " as •well as intellectual changes in Iranian society. These developments necessitated the emergence of a number of social, political and religious organizations X'Jhich propagated one ideology or the other. These organisations attracted the students to their activities. 'Ali Shari'ati's bringing up in an environment of » commitment to the society and people required him to associate • himself with these organizations.

During this period, 'Ali Shari'ati came to terms with an organization known as Markaz^e Tablighat-e Haqiqat-e Islami p (Centre for the Propagation of Islamic Truthlo" The organization was founcj^iby some prominent reformists including his father. There was another semi-political organization knovm as "Jornbesh-e_l^Javin-e Is1 ami" (New Islamic Movement) associated with the former end founded by the same persons. The purpose of these organisations was to create political and social awareness among the people through religion. 'Ali Shari'ati involved himself deeply into the activities of these organisations. Probably at the instance of his father who encouraged him to join these societies/ he soon becam.e

8 The name of the organization is given as 'Kanon-e Nashr-e Kaqag-gat-e Islami in Zend agin am a-y e Mu j ahid Sh'ahid Doctor Ali SharaTati, p.4. " " ]58

one o£ the most active members of these organizations. In the meantime he cainfie across the KovePient of Socialist Worshirpe'-s of God "NehzQt-j_J5hod_a Farast_an-c_ Sc5ia3J;£t" . It was this organi­ zation vvhich in fact, served for him the plat-fori^^ to discover his potentialities and to develop his politica] and social cons&iousness. The influence of this organisation is clearly visi­ ble, in the make up of 'Ali Shaii'ati's m.ind. The organization as it !.„ evident from its name, v,as a religious oiganization with a left-from.-the-centre inclination. It seems that during the time of his association with this organization he studied socialist including the v;orks of Karl Marx and other socialist writers ^^?ho wrought great influence on his mind so much so that he becair-e a stauncjh admirer of Marx. He was closely associated with

9 ^ ehz at-e Khodao aras tan-e So si alist (The Movement of Socialist Worshipp'ers o?~G6d) was the group which was established secretly in 1323 and 1324 iV.H. (Solar) in Tehran. This organization, was founded by the active Muslim Youths who emphasized Taw hid, but believed that the Islamic economic system is a kind of socialism. They also believed in a revolutionary movement which could regenerate the Iranian Society. The strategy of the organization was strictly secret. In its early stages it was an intellectual movement which tried to spread its ideology and train its cadre remaining under­ ground. Later on, differences arose in the organization itself whether it should confine to ideological work only or participate in the political struggle for the Nationalization of petroleum led by Dr. Musciddeq*, Zen dag in am a-ye Mujahid Shahid_Do_ctor__Ali- Shari'ati, p.5. ~ J 59

this oroanization and actively took part in its secret activities. As soon as 'All Shari'ati got himself admitted to the Faculty of Letters, of the Mashhad University, he had' already imbibed the influence of leftist ideology. He joined "Mehzat-e Mogavamat-e Melli" (National Resistence Movement) which w.as a new front of >5osaddeq'£ "Jebh-e Melli" () which was banned by the Shah.

During his stay in Paris he made a special study of the writings of contemporary humanists, existentialists and sociologists like, Erich Fromme, Albert Comus, Arnold Toynbee, George Gurevich, Jean F&al Sartre and Islamolcgist like Louis Massignon, Jacques Berque itc. He extensively quotes from their writings in his lectures and writings which show that he had sufficiently grasped their thoughts.

10 Ayatollah Mahmoud Taleqani, Dr. Yadollah Sahabi, Engineer Bazargan and Aqa Reza Zanjani were among the leaders of the National Resistence Movement. 11 'Ali Shafi'ati- ¥.mX£,, PP. 78-79; Snan'ati describes nis associatxon with Louis Massignon . in glowing terms: "I have a humble opportunity of being associated with him during 1960 to 1962 A.D. It was the time when he vjas engaged in doing research on the political, m.oral and spiritual personality of Fatim.a. I helped him in collecting, reading, translating and discussing Persian works relevant-to this topic. These two years are among the most proud-worthy (pur iftikhar) times of my life, for, I worked with the great man on a gr'eat work^ But what gave me immense pleasure and made my life meaningful and proud-worthy was the impact of this great, solemn, decent, genius and intellectual soul. He was a combination of the most eminent qualities which a man could possess .... I have not seen a more beautiful personality (zibatar) than this m.an for the whole of my life". 60

The other dimension of Ali Shari'ati's activities in Paris was his close association with Iranian Fresdom Movement. There •were several organisations which were working against the Pahlavi regiire in Paris as in other parts of the world. There were a number of leaders who were living in exile in Paris at that time. 'Ali Shari'ati developed close contacts with them. He had also close links with the Iranian students organisations formed outside Iran such as "Ittehadiya-ye Anjoman~e Islami Danishjuyjoi dar Urup^a" (Union of Islcaidc Students Associations in Europe), A.njornan'-e Danishjuyan-e Islami dar Amrika va Kan ad a (Students Islamic Association in America and Canada). The organ of these two organis rtions/ Islam; Maktab-e Mobarez, was a widely read megazine among the Iranians exiles living in Europe. Ali Shari'ati contributed a number of articles in this journal.

In 1965 'Ali Shari'ati founded Hosseiniya-ye Irshad along with many other reformers including Ayatollah Motahheri, His association with the Hosseniyia-ye Irshad was the most creative period of his life. Most of the important lectures of 'Ali Shari'ati were delivered here. His lectures drew crowds in large number and cassettes of his speectes were sold in thousands. The Seminari was closed by the government as it was found creating anti-government atmosphere. Since then 'Ali Shari'ati remained under Strict v^igilance of the secret intelligence of the regime. J 61

SkVAK, ultimately be managed to escape Iran under fake passport and came to London. He was found mystericusly dead on June 1977 in his apartment suspected to bo killed by the SAVAK. He is buried in Dajnascus,

According to 'Ali 5hari'ati the crux of the problems of Iranian society rested in the continuous process of westernization in the name of modernization. For him., this has caused the worst kind of alien.ation in Iranian society, that is, cultural alienation. 12' He says that modernization itself is not wrong but what has been done in Iran in the name of modernization was to mould Iran .in a western society and made the people blind followers of western culture and civilization. This has alienated people from their cultural orientation and cultural heritage that is Islam, Like others he also held the imperialist povjers responsible for this as they wanted to perpetuate their political and economic domination on Iran like other third world countries. He says:

"Europe has realized that in order to be able to rob the East, to ride on her back, and to easily deceive her, it is imperative to strip her from her personality. Once this is accomplished, she will proudly follow the West and with unspeakable^lunacy and thirst she will consume western goods.

12 Sea, 'Ali Shari'ati, Tamaddu^_va_Taj_addud (Civilization a:n.d Modernization) (n.p., n.dTT, P.3, JG^

Depriving a nation of its history and cutting it off from its culture with subsequent alienation of the present generation from its cultural resources, have reached a point that the cultures which possessed the prudent religions/ most ^progressive philosophical thinking; the most delicate arts, created the grandest civilization and contributed the most experienced human society, today have become so alienated with their past possessions that they have been transformed into a sort of human being that has to re-leam hovj to dress, eat, read, and write ; Why are these societies living in poverty and ignorance while the west and its thinkcs, by looting such cultures, are trying to enrich their own cultures?"-^-^

This has been ape^'^^^'^nt theme of another lay intellectual Jalal Al-e AVanad. Al-e Ahmad'5 . most prominent work Gh_ar_^zedai ' is based upon the samie theme. The term Sh^^zodqi , a unique term coined by Al-e Ahmad to denote the westernization of Iranian society is extensively used by 'Ali Shari'ati to condemn western culture and westernization as it existed in Iran. He seems to be profoundly influenced by Al-e Ahmad's ideas in this regard. Ke thus called upon the Iranian people in particular and Muslims and

13 ""Ali Shari'ati Ins an va Islam, tr. by Fatollah Harjani Man and ,^§2^' PP • 4 0-41, 14 Jalal Al-e Ahmad, Gharabzedgl, Eng. trans, by John Green and Alimad Alizadeh, We£t_str_uckness, Lexington, 1982. JG3

other third world countries in genera.1 to stop follov;ing the 15 VJest and return to their own "selves" (Khvishtan) .

As mentioned above the fundamental problem with Shari'ati

was to give Iran a progressive and revolu,tionary ideology. He,

therefore, like Ahmed Kasravi defined Islam as an "ideology".

According to him ideology is a "concerned faith" dealing with "hov;

the present condition must be". He says 'Ideolog^,^ explains my

condition, where I am and in vJhat period of history I am, and what

condition myself, my people, my country, and humanity are in, relative

to various battlefronts'. He says that Islam is such an ideology.

It creaces avjareness and sense of responsibility. Islam as an

ideology inspires hardwork, militancy and commitment as compared

to other cultural or historical religions.

•Ali Sh.ari' ati emphasizes the need to reinterpret many of

the religious dogmas in order to explain Islcm as a positive social

15 On this see two important works of Ali Shari'ati, &a2yasht be Khveshtan (Return to one's own self) and B_az£asht be Jc^a5m_ Khv€ish__ (Return to which self) . Both are published"together in"t'he"~"series"'of Asar-e .shari'ati. under the title Bazgasht; see also his Tjmacidan^va^I^jjiddud "and Ins an _va Islam. "

16 Ali Shari'ati, Man and Islam, p.97,

17 Ali Shari'ati, Injtej;jir-e_^,_a_zh^e_IJ^eraz, Tehran, 1350 A.M. (solar), pp. aO-Tl. 164

force that can once again eliminate the Dark Ages and bring about 13 the era o£ enlightenment. According to hiir, religious tenets are not rigid and inflexibile; they are subject to changed inter- 1"^ pretations in the light of new developments. ' He considers ijtihad as the tool to re-interpret religious tenets according 20 to the exigencies of the changing time. He, ther-^forc, describes ijtihad as absolute necessity in order to interpret the religious notions creatively and progressively. The practice of ijtihad is regarded by him a compulsory thing if the Muslim society went to 21 progress. He thus defines ijtihad as a "continuous, relentless, systematic and synthetic thinking' . In this sense ijtihad, then 23 becomes a fundamental principle of perpetual revolution. According to him ii_tihad is a heavy burden on the shoulder of learned and educated men." Further, ijtihad is not acaderric work which is done

18 'Ali Shari'ati, Jame_'_ashanasi-ye Ummat va Imamat ^^£Si2-^°2Y_°.^ Uftimat and ImmamatT, "iTshran, n.d,T7 pp. 5-6, 19 *Ali Shari'ati, Intezar-e Mazhab-e I'teraz, pp. 23-24.

20'Ali Shari'ati, Masu'liyat „3hi' a Dudan (Responsibility of Being Shi'i) (n,p,/n.d,), p.9,

21'Ali Shari'ati, ljtih_ad_v^_Naz^riy_-ye Inc;elab-e Da_^imi (Ijtihad a£d_the_theor^of_Eternal_RevolutiOT "n.d.T, p"^!!.

22 I^id., p. 13,

23 Jb_ia., pp. 14-15.

24 Ali Shari'ati, Mas_'^uli_at-e ,3hi^a Bud an, p.ll. 1G5

for the sake of academic institutions and publications. It is

rather a rethinking or a re-interpretation for the sake of people

to guide them and to keep the religion alive and suitable to the

changing circumstances and requirements.

'Ali Shari'ati's training in sociology and his keen interest

in the discipline enabled him to discover sociological notions in

the Qur'an and Tradition. Although he did not claim to evolve a

sociology of Islam but he is always inclined to give sociological

interpretations of the Islamic tenets and concepts. He himself says;

'With regard to researches pertaining to Islam, I believe in a definite principle. I feel that this principle is true to all the discussions regarding religion and Islam, Thus instead of analysing the belief or a religious dogma from scientific or logical point of view or from theories of physics and chemistry or from scholasticism or philosophy and testifying its truthfulness or falsity in this form or through that means like classical or modern 'ularaa', we should adopt a principle, more satisfying from the point of view of social. life".^°

Thus as mentioned above Shari'ati's thrust in this regard was to give a new interpretation or sociological interpretation to

a number of Islaimic terras and precepts, such as tav.'jjj^d^ (Unity of

God) imam at (leadership), ummat (Islamic community), intezar

25 Ibid., p. 14.

26 * Ali Shari'ati, ^te£ar-£_Mazhab-e_I_^ter_az;, p. 17. JG6

(avmiting of Imam of the Age) etc. According to him the sociology of Islarn is rooted in v.'hat he calls the world-vievj of tav^hid

(i5jKfflbini-ve_,:tawhid) . He discusses the world-view of t_awhid in its three diiiiensions: first, as a human philosophy (^nsanshenasi) secondly as a philosophy of history (_falsaf a-ye tc.ri"Kh) and thirdly 27 as a sociology (^afn6_'_ ashen as i} . According to Shari'ati, the sociological significance of _t_awhiQ is perair.ount in Islan. It is a social phenomenon, and not merely a theological concept. It is the only philosophy which can produce classless and just society and it is the only philosophy which can resolve the contradictions in the society. Although it is not a new idea but it yields new ideas and impetus to the members of the society according to the 28 requirement of the time and space. T_awhid_ creates a just and ideal society - the Utopia (madina-ye fazjla) . The believer in 29 tawhid is genuine, free, secure and liberal human being.

27 In a series of lectures at Hosseiniya-ye Irshad he presented a complete scheme of the"'Phil'osophy of tawhid. These lectures - ten in all - were printed in a book . Isl'am-shenasi (Islaroology) . Each of these dimensions are discuss^ in"'"ieparate chapters. Since another book by Shari'ati with the same title exists which is the compilation of his lectures on Islam delivered in Mashhad we will refer henceforth the former as -Islamshenasi (Tehran) and the latter "Islam-shenasi (Mashhad)" . ' "

28 See 'Ali Shari'ati, Islamshenasi (Tehr^), pp. 75-76.

29 See 'Ali Shari'ati, M£2hab__J^AlaYh-£_Mazh^_JReli^on versus Religion) (n.p., 1349 A^H, ^SolarT, p,llZ~ 167

According to Shari'ati there are two kinds of religions in the history: the religion of t_awhid, and the religion of ^hirk (polytheism). The former is the legacy of Abraham while the latter is the religion which thrived in all the societies. The two religions had always been at war with each other throughout^ the history. He says that kufr does not mean atheism as is generally believed. In fact it is a kind of theism. The word kufr literally means (to cover* here it means "covering the truth of 30 religion (haqigat-e Din) through another religion (din)". While the religion of shirk (din-e shirk) creates conflict disunity and war in the society through metaphysical beliefs, the religion of tawhid (din-e tawhidi) creates harmony and unity in the society. It expresses itself "in the form of equality of humanity (vahdat-e bashariyat) and as equality of all races, and all individuals and equality of their rights, values and status in the ^1 society. This Abrahamic religion i.e. religion of tawhid was revolutionary (din-;e ingelab) from the very beginning and it never supported status quo (vaza'^e .^.g'^j,^'^^ > while other religions, i.e. religions of sh_irk always supported and justified the

30 'Mi Shari'ati, Ma^ha^J^Al^^-e Ma^h^, p.6, 31 Ibid,, pp. 10-11. 1G8

status quo. Tne views expressed by ohari'ati in this regard d^Dcrv/gi to be quotoa in full:

"The religion of shirk (_Qin-e_shirk) thrived in history in tvJo fonns. One, as 3^st said7 in justifying the s_t_atU3 quo (touzih-e vaza*-ye moujud) . V,'e find that in history human societies "ire diviaeS^into the classes of pure and impure, master anca slave, possessed and dispossessed, naler and raled, free and captive, the group v;hich is racially noble and the group wi.ich is comprised of untouchables, the inferior nation (mellat) and the sun^-^rior nation, and the dominating class and the downtrodden class. The religion of shirk has served as a justification for this systejm; it h'as been a factor which contributed in per­ petuating this system. This was in direct opposition to the religion of tawhid which is the destroyer of this system. Religion"~oF'JBirk says : there should be many in the world vJhicB vjould bring into existence many groups (gerohl and many classes (tabaqat) and many races in the society, A few people could disposses the others by force. They usurp the economic and social resources and enjoy privileges ,,,, Religion i.e. religion of shirk took the responsibility of protecting this system. Its ~ function was to make people content and subservient,.,. Contradiction and class confiict is consolidated by the religion of shirk. On the otTier hand the Abrahimic religion aims at destroying the status quo. Its Prophets, always stood against the rulers - temporal, spiritual or social, des­ troyed all the idols, physical, human, economic or mate­ rial. They gradually eliminated all the manifestation 22 of the religion of shirk i,e. the religion of status quo".

He further says that the primitive society when there was no ownership, was: a tav;hidi society. And as soon as the concept of ownership crept into the society it became the society of shirk.J j

32 2ii^.' PP. 23-26, 33 'Ali Shari'ati, Shirk va Tawhid, p,16. 168

Thus ownership (malekiyat) should alone be considered as 'social structure' (zirbena), Now there are txo types of ovjnerships: the social ownership (rnalekiyat-e ijtema'i) and individual or mono- , 35 polistic ownership (rnaleki^^at-e inhesari) . The former represents tawhidie structure while the latter represents the structure of shirk.

The whole argument of 'Ali Shari'ati revolves round the story of Abel and Cain. He says that Abel and Cain should be taken as symbols of two kinds of social phenomena or two kinds of human 37 nature in the world. The former represents tawhid while the latter represents shirk. The philosophy of history according to 3 8 Shari'ati is also based upon the story of Abel and Cain. History, 39 vJhich according to him is the name of continuous social process, has passed throiigh only tvjo stages corresponding to the two social structures (zirbena) or two kinds of ownerships (malekiyat), and

34 'Ali Shari'ati, Mashin dar Asarat-e Mas hi n ism (Mach(.;ne in the captiyity_ of Mech\.nismT7 P. 12. - - - -

35 Ibid.. P.13.

36 'Ali Shari'ati, Shirk va Tax-^^id, p. 12.

3 7'Ali Shari'ati, Islamshenasi (Tehran}, p.47.

38 See ^Ali Shari'ati, 1*913a±a-ye_Tarlkh_l£^ii£122l}X of (History); Islamshenasi; chap'7~47 - - - —•.-

J"9'Al' i Shari'ati, Falsaf_a-ye Tarikh^ p.4. J 70

not in six or seven stag^-s as in !:arxi?t thecries. He says:

"Here, I believe in a particular viev which is this that basicc'illy zirbena is two; not more than two. They represent neither bourgeoisie, nor feudalism nor capi­ talism, nor serfdom and slavery. Zirbena, thr- t is upon v;hich the whole social svstem is bas is only two, not six or seven: one is monopolistic ownership (malekiyat-e inhesari) and other is social ownership (malekiy at -e i 1 tern all) .

4 0'Ali Ghari'ati, Mashin dar Asarat-e Ilashinism, p.iv. He further says that what appears to be^a ch3nge~in the stage of slavery to 'serfdom or serfdom to feudalism is not structural cnange; it is rather only superstructural change; 'In the str-ucture of ownership, superstructures (rubena) change. Superstructures are slavery, serfdom, pclitariate. Bourgeoisie . Bourgeoisie itself is not a structura. It is superstru.cture (rujpena) . It is correct that the form of relationship between the ruler and the ruled was different during the period of slavery from that of the period of serfdom; their relationship v;as relatively better. Similarly the relaticnship betvjeen these two classes changed during the period of feudalism and so on. But this class relationship (ravabet-e t^abagjrtil cannot be termed as the structure of the society ~,,. 1 was "a slave in the beginning and my owner was the master. Then I becejne serf and my ovmer became my lord. Then I became peasant and my master became the landlord. Now I am a worXer end nry master is an employer,... Ibid., pp. 19-20. J 71

Thus one of the structures represents collective ownership

vjhich means a classless society and the other represents mono­

polistic which means a class ridden society. The former is called

" zirbena-ye ijtema'i" (socialist society! and the latter " zirb_eri_a-e 41 tab^eti" (class society), It is only ownership, therefore, which makes a distinction between social structure and class structure,

in Qur'anic tenminology, the former is called Abelian society or

structure of Abel and the latter is called Canian society or the

structure of Cain. Upto the time when there was no conception of private ownership, there existed only one class in the society.

There was no ownership in the nature, the people exploited the nature collectively and divided the products aiiong themselves

according to their needs. No one suspended the rights of the others.

Everyone v.'as treated as equal and brother. People differed in skill and pov.'er but there did not exist any difference of status,

individual ownership, and deprivation of others. Slov;ly there emerged a class which possessed all these things while the majority of people remained dispossessed, who gradually became dependent 42 upon the small group who owned means of production.

According to him, the Canian structure is again divided into two social classes (t^aqat-e ijtema'ij; The Cain's class

41 Ibid., p.18. 42 cf., *Ali Shari'ati, Shirk va Tawhid (Tehran, 1358 A.H Solar), p. 13 ff. "" J72

(tabaaa-ve-Qabil) and the Abel's class (tabaqa-ve Kabil ). The • •I II III •u*' III lir-i I •• .11- .J- -III '•"" ••' mmmm»tiimmimvJim,—^tm,m '• IP lliiiii . ^- class of Cain consisted of exploiters, private owners, rulers and

other privileged people. The class of Abel consisted of the

dispossessed, exploited and deprived masses (nass). The former

is alvjays in minority but dominates the latter. The latter is 43 always in majority but is exploited by the former. Again, the class of Cain is composed of three classes (^Jib_ag_at} zor, zax

and Tag veer i.e. the forces cf political pov.'er, the forces of economic exploitation and the forces of religious e>cploitation.

In the Cur'snic terms they are called : malik or mala, mutrif and ralib respectively. He claims that throughout the history the three forces have always joined hands in the exploitation

(istismar) of the people. In his book Hossein Varis-e Adam, he points out that in each society the Canian structure contains these

43 'Ali Shari'ati, On the Sociology of Islam, p. 108 'The wing represented by Abel is that o"5 the subj'ect and the oppressed i.e., the people those who throughout history have been slaughtered and enslaved by the system of Cain, the system of private ownership which has gained ascendency over human society. The war between Cain and Abel is the perm.jnent war of 'history which has been waged by every generation. The banner of Cain has ejvjays been held high by the ruling classes and the desite to aven ge the blood of Abel has been inherited by succeeding generations cf his descendants - the subjected people who have fought for justice, freedom and true faith in a struggle that has continued, one way or another, in every age. 173

three classes. In Sassanid society, for exannple, tiere were three 44 kinds o£ the fire of Ahurmazda. In India the three classes are 45 represented by ..Kshatriyas, money lejnders, and Braiimins. They used three weapons for the exploitation te^h, tala and (sword, golo and tasbih) symbolised in istibdad, istisrri_ar and istihmar 46 (despotism, exploitation and the deception of the clergy.

According to^Ali ShaTi'eti, all the three forces of exploi­ tation were always opposed by t^awhid. It never justified contra­ diction, pluralism or class system. Because t_awhid in its social dimension aims to remove all sorts of contradiction and pluralism 47 from the society„ Furthermore, tawhid gives those who believe in it and who are brought up in its school a critical outlook

(binesh-e inteqadi), in every walk of life - material, spiritual and social. It also gives people a mission and a responsibility to destroy or change whatever they donot like and whatever is false 48 () and to replace it by what they think truth (ha^) .

44 'Ali Shari'ati, Hossein Varis-e Adam (Tehran, n,djp„19. 45 IM^,, p, 26. ^^ I,^id.« P. 25» He points out: In the Uur'an, the pharaoh is the sumbol of the ruling political power; Croesus (Qarun} is the symbol of the ruling economic power; and Bala'am is the symbol of the official, ruling clergy, 47'Ali Shari'ati, Islamshenasi (Tehran),p. 183 . 48 'Ali Shari'ati, Kazhab 'Alayh~e Mazhab, p. 14. 174

According to Shari'ati history is the naine of ctruggla

between two kinds of roliqions (2}Ji£/"\r-^_'-^iS'' • -^" history, religion

v^as not against irreligiousness or atheism ( bidini) , 'Religion was

against religion and religion fought dgainst religion'. The

iTifin always believed in religion. Not only culture, ethics

and of human societies were based on religion but 49 their economy and physical forms were also based upon religion.

There is no doubt that *A1± Shari'ati was greatly influenced 50 by Marx in his sociological thought. He adopted dialectical n^athod

and alnioB t tried to explain the Marxian theory of social changes and 51 philosophy of history with slight changes. It would not be wrong

to say that in so many respects Shari'ati adopted Marxist ideas

and expressed them in Islamic terminology. However^, Shari'ati was a

great critic of Miarx's concept of man which according to him

49 See ibici./ pp. 23-28.

50 Soheyl /oriini, A Critical Assessment of Ali 5hari'atis Theory of Revolution" in Ahmad Jabbari (ed.l Iran; Essays in Revolution in Making, p.86,

51 Soheyl ^Jidni, ogj^cit,, p,88,-observes: 'To claim that Shari'ati has not been influenced by Marx would be a gross misinter­ pretation. By the sane token to label him a Marxist would unq^iestion- ably be ai admission of one's lack of understanding of Shari'ati's general theoriticcd assumption'. 17f-1 5J-

underiTiines the spiritual aspect of rnan and reduced man to a material and economic being," Yet Shari'ati uses dialectif ^ iLin his concept of man also. In his opinion, man is a dialectical being? he is halt spiritual in so far he posses; wthe spirit of God, and half material in so far he is made up of clay. He possesse; two opposite poles in himself: "God's spirit" and "debased clay". Again as Shari'ati claims he derives his ideas from Cur' an ic 53 anthropology and th^e story of creation of man.""

A comparative study of different theories of humanism is a favourite subject for 'Ali Shari'ati. He points out that only Islam gives a balanced and correct understanding of the existence of man. Other philosophies whether ancient Greek or present day Existentialism, Marxism, materialism or spiritualism and have failed to perceive man in his real and genuine existence. They are therefore unsuccessful to give a "bal.ance human eithics". He attacks "biologism" "sociolcgism" or materialism for accepting only material dimension of man. While mysticism and

52 see *Ali Shari'ati, Insan_Islam va Maktabha-ye Mac^hrebi Zamin (Man Islam and^Westem Philosophies) (Tehran, n,d. 1 For Bngliah translation of "Islani Islam va Makt'abha-ye Maghribi Zamin" and a few of his writings"regarding the sane; see All Shari'ati, Mar^cism and other Western Fcillacie^, trans, by R. Campbell"! Berks ley 1980).

53 For his conception of man, see his "Insan va Islam" . For further detail see his Islamshenasi (Tehran!; Ins an, "islam va Maktabha-ye^^Maghrebi Zam.in. "^nsan^va Islam" is a collection of six lectured Including his lecturG~^Insan va Islam" which all deal with his concept of modem man. 1 /b

religion are criticized by him for accepting only another half of man, i.e. the spiritual one. Ha points out that only Islam exalted man to the status of vicegerent of God on Earth (Kh ali £ a ye .Khod a) ,

This dialectical being, i.e. "man" is in constant movement from highest of high spirit of God to "basest of all clay" and vice versa.

A.part from 'Western humanism^ he critici7.es other vjestern concepts also. For example, democracy does not appear to him suitable in a progressive society. For in a society which in need of rapid revolution and change,democracy is not fruitful enough.

The principle of democracy is opposed to the principle of revolutionary change and advancement. The political leadership of the progressive ideology which runs against the tide of tradition cannot be elected and supported oy that society. It is, therefore, 54 revolutionary leadership is against the orinciple of democracy.

-As a chaTipion of "t^w.hidi universal ism" he criticizes the various kincs of nationalism as narrow territorial concept:

Nationalism (Nationalisi:., Chauvanism, Racismj which is a territorial concept based on racism is against the concept of ummat based on ideology. It„^Nationalism) shatters the human society into pieces. ^^~^

54 'Ali Shari'ati, Jame'ashenasi-ye Ummat va Imamat, p. 16 2.

5 5 'A1 i Sh ar i ' at i, T ashayyu' -e 'Alavi va Tas h ayyu'-e S afavi J'AI avid._Shi'ism and Saf avid ShiTsmT (n.p., n.dTT', p7l3l. ~ i77

HG says that it was the concoot of nationalism v;hich was used as a tool by the iiiperialist forces to broak tho Islanic community into many groups. It was tha "sword of nationalism" which cut the "universal Islamic caliphata" in a larg-ij number of places during this century.

Umraat according to him, is the most proper word to denote grouping as compared to various other terms prevaiJent a-: .recent, like, tribe _(Q2bil_a}_ group (^eroh] nation ("rT?xiJ;i^) people (£awm) or sect (firqa) , Ke gives a dynamic and progressive interpretation of ummat. He says that ummat (Islamic community! based on ideology (of tawhid) is a living organism, and an integrated personality (shakhs) the members of which are bound by a single tie and are insepar,able. He says:

"When I talk of society (j ame' a) I mean a person (shakhs), conscious, thinking and sensitive being who possesses will, faith ,.,. he is not a social indivi­ dual. Society is not the agglomeration of individuals, it is rather a composition of individual elements,,,, society is a collective conscience. It is not like a crowd in a cinema or gathering in an examination hall. It is not a store of gtain which is nothing but collec­ tion of wheat and barley. Society, therefore, is not a collection of personalities. It is itself a person and a man" ,57

56 Ibid., p. 13 2. 57*Ali Shari'ati, Bazgasht, p. 53, 178

Elssv/here he defines the uminat as the community of indivi­ duals who have ' a common philosophy, common beliefs common religion and common path; they not only share in their common thoughts but also in their way of life .... It is an ideological community. Its meabers may belong to any race, tribe or territory^ 58 but they think in one direction and have common faith'. Rejecting the modem concept of nationhood based on language, race or territory as against the concept of Islandc ummat he says that 'the ideal Islamic comjr.unity is not a group based on the concept of one nation or society; It is not a society composed of those peoples having conuTion langucige, customs, race or ^iistory, Nor it is a society composed of inoividuals having a coirirnon form of livelihood, v;ork or profession'. 59 Thus, according to 3hari'ati, such conception as Iraniauism, Arabism or TurkisW are contradictory to the concept of unroat. He criticizes the Iranian nationalises and the Shah's efforts to identify the Iranian people with the ancient Persian cultural heritage as well as Arab nationalists who sought to revive their connection with the ancient cultures. 50

58'Ali Shariati, J_ame_'_ ashen as 1-^e "^'rntnat va "liTi.inaj:, p.o2. 59 Ipid., p. 71. 60 'Ali shari'ati, Tashayyu'-e_^Alayi va Tashayyu^-e_Safavi, pp. 131-132, ]7.^)

Ghari' ati points out that diffsrence may exist in an urnm^it but they do not ha-riper its revolutionary progress. For example there exis-^s differences in Shi'ism and Guniii^jn but they cire of juridical nature and ni t of fundamental and ideological nature. For him Shi'ism is a particular point of viev? and approach in

understanding Islam (Yek .na*.-?' -e f ahniidan~e Isleuri) as different from Sunnism which adopts a different point of viev.' in understanding Islajn. Thus emphasizing that :;hi' ism is nothing but just a point of view which conceives some of the texts of Islam in a particular way# he says that Shi'ism may be considered as an adjective to Islam, i.e. 'Shi'i Islam' (isla^a-e^Shi 'ij . Ke furth-^r says that all of us belicve in the reality of Islarn (^2§-lj[LT^_i^5'^'' • Hov.'ever, we differ xn our understanding of Islam. But this is just an academic difference (ikhtelaf-e J.ilmi) . The differences between the Shi'is and ti.e Sunnis in regard to beliefs are just like the differences between the Shi'i theologians themselves who sometime differ in many basic issues.

Although Shari'ati addresses the whole Islamic community and the Third World in general his immediate addresses were the

6l'Ali Shari'ati, Shi'£_Yek Hezb-e Tamam__(shi_^ai_a_Perfect Paxty},, vol. ir, p.20, -----

62 See ^Lbid,, vol.11, p, 18-19; see also his Tashawu-e 'Alavi va Tash"ayyu'-e Safavi. "" 18Q

Iranians who were Shi'is. Therefore, really sneaking his main concern X'^as Shi'ism and its tenets. He himself says that 'v;henever '1 talk of Islam I mean Shi'ism' as both are synonymous. He uses shi'i percepts and notions in order to convey his messaqe. Thus the concept of imamate and related notions are also dealt with in its sociological dimension.

He defines imairiat as the leadership of the unynat v.'hich is the fundamental need of the society:

Imam is one who, by virtue of his existence, by his thoughts speeches and his mode of life tells men how far they could proceed and to vihat extent they could progress.... Therefore, imam is one who guides man not only in one direction of political, economic . and social relationships in a limited time (he ^s a leade^, caJ-iph or amir in this meaning and this is limited to his life time^only), he rather presents examples for man in every human matter. *

According to him the function of jjmamat is same as that of prophecy as far as social and secular matters are concerned because of this reason the term imam is employed by the Quran for the Prophets. So the position of imam at (and therefore, its functions} vjas inherited by the imams from the Prophet. He argues that the term imam was spoken in the Qur'an in its general meaning of guidance 55 and leadership.

63 ^Ali Shari'ati, Shi_|^Yek_He2b-e__Taman vol.1, p.77. 6 4 'Al i Shiari • ati, Jaine_^ ashen asi._;;^_^Urnmat_ va Imam at, p. 59 7. 65 Ibid., I 81

Although he believes that the t^^'elve Imams v;ere appointed by God on account of their relative merit for leadership of the community and not on any hereditary principles* he refuses to ascribe any extra-human qualities to them. He holds that the imams were all human beings; they lived in human society, had physical structure, behaved liKe human beings and did not possess any special attribute which Mas beyond human nature. According to him an 'Imam is a "superman" (iiisan-'e mafouq), and not a "meta-human being" (mafouq-e insai) who belongs to a different species'. There is not much diffe3:ence between an Imam and a leader as far as his functions of the guidance of society are concerned. He writes the position of Imaim, in the following words:

"The Imam is a human being whose existence, spiritual behaviour and his way of life should guide mankind how hfi. ought to be and how his life should be. This defini­ tion, as a continuity of the history, enjoyed by leaders, monarchs and even by lords of ancient mythology' from practical point of view, was enjoyed by Imams also. They are the physical realities of the values of faith, human realization of philosophical proposition, tangeable examples and visible realities by whom a school is interpreted and persues man to follow it. In their person there is an ideology and reality embodied; values, ideas, rightiousness and responsibility are embodied in the like blood and bone.°°

66 See'Ali Shari'ati, Vesayat va Shour_a. (n.p., n.d.), p.6. 6 7'All Shari'ati, Jame'ishenosi-ye Ummat va Imamat, p,102. 68 Ibid., p. 97. iH2

Although he eld not rcfuca to believe in the ghaybat of the last

Imoin and his return, he rejects to discuss the matter scientifif-'ally as useless. On the othjr hand, he discusses the matter in the light of what impact the awaiting of Imam of the Age (Into^ar-c 59 Imam-e Zanian) put on the society and its members. Replyiricf to i question whether he believed that a person can have ai. unlimited life, he said: 'Let us pay our attentions to a more important problems of life instead of devoting our minds and thoughts to these abstract philosophical questions. It is more important to know that what positive or negative effects its belief or dis- 70 belief could have on the human destiny'.

Like Mctahheri he also describes the concept of the ah_a^_abt in its "positive" and "negative" implications. Like him, he also tries to prove that the avJaiting of Imam of the Age does not lead to stagnation and apathy; on the contrary it activates the society for a progressive movement. This is cal]£J "intezar-e mosbat" .

Shari'ati believed that the leadership of the society should neither go into the hands of spiritual authority (ruhaniyvat) nor the pseudo intellectuals (i.e. those under the influence of vjestern thought and culture). He says that the leadership should be in the

69 See^Ali Shari'ati, Intez_ar-e Mazhab-e I'teraz, pp. 14-16

70 IMd., n. 17.

71 see ibid,, pjssjjri. 183

hands of enlightened intellectuals roushanfekr. He is against "'2 those "intellectuals" who indulge only in. "mental work".' ' On the

other hand roushanf ekr is precisely defined by hini as a 'rr.an vjho

possesses self-consciousness in the hi.

and space in which he lives. The self Consciousness, naturally,

gives him a sense of responsibility, k roushanfekr is e self- 73 conscious and responsible being. He many and may not be educated.

However^ 'if £•. roushanf ekr is educated he will be more effective.

Cf course at the early stages of his campaign education is useful

but as time passes on,an uneducated individual can play a more 74 important role ....

Shari'ati was a bitter critic of the clergy and its role

in the society. He attacked them for their stagnation and apathy

tox'.'ards social problems. He held them responsible for distorting

the progressive and dynamic concepts of Shi'ism, Le says that the

clergy altered the true Shi'ism, v;hich in his woid was a pro­

gressive and revolutionary^ ideolcny, into a philosophy of Justifying

the oppression^, despotism and tyran.iy of the establishment. Like

Ahm.ad Kasravi, 'Ali 5hari'ati is c- the viev; that Shi'ism as

7 2 Ali Shari'ati, Az_Koja_:.gh_az_Kunim (TehrRn:Sa%mc3n-e Intisharat-e Kosseiniya-ye Irshad',"'n.d7y'i^ p75. 73 Ibid., pp. 9-10.

74 Ibid., 184

practised today does not represent real shi'isra. It has been distorted by both the nilcrs and the clergy for their own vested interests. In his book ±^y}^2I}^I^-li^BY^~l^~^-S!n^I^i^^^' ^° vehemently criticizes the Saf avid monarchs and the Safavic clergy/. The book highlights the sharp contrast which exists between original Shi "ism and dif^olfted Shi'ism. The forrner is termed by hini as ^Alavid Shi'ism (T ashayyu-'e Alavij and the latter as Saf avid Shi'icm (Tashayyu'-e Saf avi). According to 'Ali Shaxi'ati, conternoi cry Shi'ism represents the latter kind of debased Shi'ism.'

In this book he traces the history of the ohi'isrr ana tries to shov; that hov; the Safevid rulers distorted it with the help of the clergy. According to hiui it can be traced to the political rivalry of the Safavids against the Cttorian Caliphs, the .^^.rabs and the Ozbek rulers v/ith whom they fought. A13 their enemies happened to be the Sunnis. Thus according to Shari'eti, it was political animosity that led Shah Isma'il to establish his empire on two distinct principles : (1) Shi'ism (Ha_?Jlgb"e Shi'i) and (2) Iranianism (^•£liiiat^__lr_anil, because his eneries were Sunnis and non Iranians. By propagating Shi'ism and Iranianism they intended to

,, 46 "^^ '^^^ Shari'eti, Ia5ha:^u:-eJAlayi_vajr_as2^;^.^^-e_^^^^^ 185

make a separate identity for the Iranians religiously and nationally.

He writes:

It was the great manipulation on the part of the Safavids that they estcl)lished their rule on two bas-ic principles :- (ii Shi' ism and (2i Ironianism. These two basic principles cut Iran apart from the great Islcsmic society and put it against the Ottomans vho were the rival power of the Sefavids .... Cafevirir propagated Iranianism to make Iran a force against the Islajnic Caliphate. °

Shari'ati points out a number of factual distortion.! and

fabrications such as the story of a Sasanid princess Ghaharbano's 77 marriage with Imam Husayn, 'Ali Shari'ati says that this false

story and m.any other such stories were purposefully fabricated and propagated. The purpose was to separate Iranian identity from its mainstream to create animosity between the Iranians and the rest of

the Muslim world and to link the Iranians with Sasanid heritage.

According to 'Ali Shari'ati^ a fulfledged propaganda proqrerrane was 78 planned. The fourth Imam Sajjad (Ali b. Husayn b. Ali] was portrayed as the most dignified Imam, the first in the chain of

"dual-raced Imams". Because he was the first to inherit both

Kashimite and Sasanid qualities. The so-called Iranian origin of the

Imam was consistently propagated. *Ali Shari'ati also points out,

76 Ibia., p.lH.

77 See ibid., p. 116 ff.

78 Ibid., p, 126. 1 QC'

why Fatinia who was the sole link between prophecy and in;iaiinat

was over-shadowed by Shaharbano to make the latter the linlc betv?een

imarr!_at and Scisanid heritage in Safa\id literature. Ke writes:

"Such a dual Imam was a bom to the Safavid Shi'isrn- which was the reappearance of ruins of "old Iranianism in the new religion" - the representative of the Iranian government in the Islamic Imamat; the inclusion of remains of Ceaser into the house of the Prophet .... Consequently a new shu'ubi-shj.' ism, was invented which was full of contradletfions.^S

Shari'ati says that the Safavids not only cnanged the corcept of

imr-TTiat, but also tried to interpret the Qur'anic concepts of

tawhid and prophethood in such a way that these can be differentiated

from Sunni interpretations. They made changes even in such rituals

as pilgrimage eind prayer so that in the and in hajj they 80 should not have anything comnson with the Sunnis, They also

innovated a number cf practices to create a cleavage between the

Sunnis and Shi'a. For example, it became a comimon practice to abuse

the first three caliphs in the sermons of the Friday prayers.

Public cursing known as tabarra was made compulsory,''. Such innovations as the mourning precession ta'ziyadari and inflicting PI injury upon body were made common practices by the Safavids. '

79 Ibid..,

80 Ibid., p„ 36 ff.

31 i^iS.<' pp. 206-207; Shari'ati thinks that most of these practices were borrowed from the Christian VJest such as the prac­ tices oi inflicting injuries upon body which was prev alient among the Christians of the Eastern Eurone. 1 O (

The fundamen-tol concepts of Shi'ism such as imam at and

' adalat v.'ere also distorted. To shov? hov; the concepts ot lir_ajriat_

MBS distorted Shari'ati quotes a nunber of the passages from the

theological literature of the Safavid perico such as J^'ah,^£^_Jj,^ 82 V.'alaya and Bihar al-r-.n'..'ar" . KG points out that in these sources

imams ere described as the ones who receive revelation (w_ahy);

they do not have shadov.'s; they never sleep; they are supposed to

be given pov;er to create and govern the universe etc. 'All Shari'at;

says that the status of imams in these sources has been exalted

to that of God. They have been ascribed with those divine powers

which exclusively belong to God. According to him these concep­

tions are against the genuine Shi'i beliefs. In this way, writes

Shari'ati, tlie religion which was fighting against the establishment

became a part of the establishment itself, and the force which

fought for the freedom of oppressed people became an instrument of

oppression'. He gives instances from history to shov; that

whenever a progressive ideology gets the official patronage it

becomes the pact of the establishjuent or in other words becomes

institution of the government and loses its spirit. He further says

'islam itself vJas a revolutionary movemient until it became an

82 See i^id., pp. 173-185.

83 'Ali Shari'ati, Shi'a Yek Hezb-e Tamam, vol.1, p. 56. 18a

official ideology, institutionalised in the form of Caliphote, The same thing haf)pened to Shi'ism. It changed from a i m an_'.-;G _ mo t eih ar r ak to imarn-e T^otahajjar . He says:

Shi'ism witnessed tvjo stages which are completely distinct from each other. In qurun-e awwal It was the manifestation of "Islam the movement^ against "Islam the institution" (Sunnism), This was the stage of revolution and movement in Shi'ism. But after the Safavids Shi'ism, transformed itseltselfi frctrcmr a movement (harkat) into an institution ( nezam),

On account of these ideas and his criticism of clergy, his relations with the latter remained bitter in most of the part of his career . he was bitterly attacked by the clergy, particularly the lower clergy. He was charged of being a Comir.unist a Kasravite, a Baha'i, so on and so forth. He seldom cared to engage in polemics v)ith those aXhunds (the low rank clerg^O until and xinless something 86 substantial was written against him.

84 'All Ghari'ati, Tashayyu'-e 'Alavi ya Tashayyu-e ^afayi, p, 42.

ffilbid,, p. 46.

06 For exanplOi, Chari'ati wrote I'Jiaqad bar Kotab-e Barrasi (A Critique of the book Barrasi) tc refute some of the objection put forward by a theologian o^Tehran. He has also referred to some of the objections in Mizgard: Pasokh be So' alat va enteqadat. See also Ali Shari'ati, Nania-ve___az"Aqa-ye Nasser Makar_em''''~"in Haft az Mejahld s'hahid'Doctor ATI'~sBari'atI7~PP.'^7-To. J 813

A close friend of Ali Shari'ati mentions that part of Shari'ati's

criticism of clergy was due to his personal experience with the

clergy. According to him Shari'ati's contempt for the clergy increased during his association with the Hosseni-Ya-ye Irshad, particularly v^hen the clerical rrembers of the seminary like

Ayatollah Molcihheri^ left it because they thought that ^Ali Shari'ati 37 was politicizing the seminary. However, in the latter part of his life he seem.s to have reviewed his bitter attitude towards

clergy and praised some of the positive contributions made by the 88 clergy.

As mentioned above the fundamental objective of 'All

jhari'ati vjas to provide a progressive and revolutionar^^' ideology

for the masses to arouse them against despotism of the Shah, Thus,

37 Abdulaziz Sachedina, op. cit., p. 206; see also Sharough Akhavi, ReJi2i2£-^£-l!°ii^i:^-iB_.?£22i__i]}S_ri:S^2Z_^^^"'^® RelQtion_During PaHlayi Period, p. 13~

83 Abdulaziz Sachedina says 'In the lectures towards -he end of his career, he Shari'ati was aware of his over sensitivity and over- reaction to valid c:iticism of his own shortcomings as well as those that he landed against some of the religious leaders, and had accordingly revised his stanc--. Ke was deeply concerned that some of his lectures wererais-construed as stemm.ing from his personal dislike for an al:.;und. Abdulaziz Sachedina, 0]Djj__cit.,p^ 203. For Shari'ati'spositive comments on the Iranian clergy such""as his praise for clergy's anti VJest and anti-imperialist campaign see'Mi Shari'ati, I j t i h ad y a N a z a ^i Y a-; Yg,. 1 ng e 1 ab -• e D a' em i and Mizgax'd; __Pasokh Be So^alat~ya_ Snteg'adat." IHQ he always tried to e:cplain 5hi' i dogmas in progressive and revolutionary language. This task of Shari'ati became 'nore acute during the late 19603 and early 1970s, thjs his interoretation of Shi'i dognuas in this period becane more revolutionary. In a worh of this period " 3hiJ^ a vGK__He2b-e_l^mam'' Shari'ati goes to define shi'ism as an ideal and perfect party:

"Shi'ism is a perfect party (^ssb-e_t_amarri) . It is a party which on the one hand, represents the genuine principles and values of Abrahamic religion (^in-e Ibrahimi), and on the other hand, it is an ideal response for an intellectual (£Oush_anfol

In short, Shi'ism is the manifestation of Islam 'in the -Form of a party vihich possesses a particular world-view, ideological structure, earns and objectives, mission and responsibility, philosophy and history, slogan, direction, political and social outlook, economic principles, leadership, tradition of struggle, 90 organization ana strategy. He further says; by party I mean an ideology .and by describing Shi'lsma^a party I mean the ideology of Islam in the form of a Shi'i philosophy (tDine_sh-e_ta^ha^u') v;hich fulfils the need of all the intellectuals of the w'crld Its

89'Ali Shari'ati, SM_^a_Ye_k_Kezb-e_Taman, vol. II, p. 4-5 90 Ibid,, pp. 6-7. •J!)!

reuisers are the con.uitt°d ohi'i peopla vjho ar'e avjare of their social responsibilities. They perciive ::ihi'i;:.i as the :,,c':-' pro- qressive vjinq of Isl ciTa and it.s phj-losophy as most hui"an o ised or justice and tret3doiT.'.

According to 'Ali Shari'ati, Shi'isrn pu- special emphasis on tv;o principles: (i> 'adalat (justice) and (2) imam at

(leadership), ':^j.§A^ ^^ described as the main objective of 92 the mission of Shi'isrn. Ke explains the concept of 'adalat 93 in the light of the Cur'anic verses pointing out that in these

91 ibid., pp. 34-36.

92 For a detailed discussion on the concept of 'adalat by Ali Shari'ati, see ibid., vol. I, pp. &2-87 cind pp. 92~T20,

93 For example, 'Let there arise out of you a band of people inviting all that is good, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is v^rong' and 'you are the best of peoples evolved for iTiankind enjoining what is right and forbidding what is evil and believing in God' (Qur'an, 3:104 and 110). 19:^

versus the Islamic umrnat or the Shi'a Party (hezb-e __Shi'_a)

is described as the responsible group of people (geroh-e rnobahed) who fight against monkar ( rnobareza 'alayhe monkar) , According

to him afnr bi_'l_-:iTia'aruf wa'l-nahi 'ani'3.-fTiunkar (Enjoinino what

is right and forbidding what is wrong) means responsibility

towards the whole mankind (mas 'uliyat-e^_|ahani) ^9 5

94 Some of the great munkarat of contemporary^ world is identified by Ali Shari'ati "as international Imperialism, Inter­ national Zionism, old and new exploitation, despotism, racism, cultural Imperialism and westemism (gharabzede.qi) . See 'Ali Shari'eli, op, cit., vol. I, p.30,

95 Ibid., p. 71. ChAPTSR - VI

AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI: RELIGION AND POLITICS

Ay atoll ah Rohollah Mousavi Khonieini v;as born on 24 aentamber

1902, A,D. (i.3. 20 Jamad al-Thani 1320 A.H J . He belonged to a well to do clarical Eajnily. Several of his close relatives v;ere 2 renov;n riiuj tabids. Khorcieini's grand father Sayyed Ahniad Kou'savi who was a mujtdhid settled in Khomeini, a village over hundred kilometers south-west of Tehran where Khomeini was bom. his fattie. 3 Sayyed Mostafa Mou'savi was also a mujtabid. But his brot.ier

1 For a biography of Khomeini see Anonymous, ^end^ginam^a- ye I man Khomeini, 2 vols (n.p,, n.d.); Anonymous, Seyag r a'f I~ye~ Pishva, 2 voIs7"'(n,p,, n.d,); Aqiqi Bakhshayeshi Zendaginarna-ye Pishvayan; idem, Ten_d£C_ade£_of Ulana's Struggle, Eng. trans. by Alaedin Pa2"ar2adT, pp. l94-?2lp Anonymous, B'arrasi va Tahlili Nehzat-;e Imam Khomeini; Shaul Bakhash, The Reign of the~Ayatol^lah, pp^ 19-5r," Hamid Algar, "Inteoduction by the Translator'C in Khomeini, Islan and Revolutions VJritings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini, trans, and edited by Hamid Algar, pp. 13-2j^; Anonymous, A Biogr'aphY of Imam Khomeini, compiled by the Ministry of Islamic Guidence Teh'ran""!Tehran, n.d.); A few biographies mention 1379 A.H,(Solar) as the year in v;hich Khomeini was bom, which correspond to 1900 A.D. For example An any A Biography of ^_Im_aiTi_ Khomeini, p,3.

2 Shaul Bakhash, The Reign of the Ayatollahs, p.20.

3 Several biographies, e.g. Shaul Bakhash, o£jCit., Aqiqi Bakhshayeshi, oOj^cit., p.. 195; Anony A_EiograpHv"of Imajr, Khomeini, p.3,, say he w'as a local mujtabid w'hiTe"HarriTd"Alg'ar mentioned him as an Ayatollah. see Hamid Algar, "Introduction by the Translator" in Khomeini, Islam ^nd Revo_lution, p. 13. 194

Sayyed Allo.5na Itortoza Mousavi Pasadida - another nujtabid and 4 his mother who herselt belonged to a clerical family were mainly responsible tor his upbringing as his father was killed for 6 6 unknown reasons when Khomeini was only five months old.

Khomeini acquired religious education at Khomeini. In early 1921 he came to Arak for higher studies and joined the madrasa run

4 Anon,, A .Biograghy of _Imam ^Khomeini, p.3, She was the daughter of a theologian Ayatollah Mirza Ahmad, 5 The biographers of Khomeini are not unanimous as to v;hy and by whom he was killed. Some e,g. Anon., Zend agin am a-ye ,Imam Khomeini, p, 36, and Sahaul Bakhash, loc. cit77 believe that he wai killed by someone over a land dispute. Others e.g. Hamid Al g ar, loc^_cit., an d An on,, Buyugraii-ye Pishva^ P.29, belie ve that he was killed by some bandits7However,"some later biographers say that he was killed by the agents of the regime. See •'sen dag an i-ye Imam Khomeini" , Rah-e Islam, Ko,47, (Jamadi al-Thani, 14 08 A.H.), p. 16. 6 Anon., Buyugrafi-ye Pishw^, vol. 1, p.19, 19,

7 by Shaykh Abdol Karim Ha'ari-Yezdi. The following year, the latter was invited to Qomm to take charge of mad^rasa-ye Fayziya . Khomeini followed him and came to Comm in 1922, He completed his education by 1927 and started teaching in the same mad.rasa.

Besides the traditional religious sciences, one 0"C tha main subjects of interest for Khomeini was the study of ethics and *^J£^^ (tasawwuf, mysticism). When he started teaching, his 9 major interest was 'i£f^. He also taught philosophy which was

7 Ayatollah Abdol Karim Ha'eri-yezdi (d, 193 7) served as the sole marja'-e ^taqlid during the late 1920s and 193 0s. During his period the madrasa at Qomm, became the most important religious centre in Iran, It became not only the Centre of learning but also a source of religious and political guidance because of uiama's concentration here. On the life and achiave- ments of Ayatollah Shaykh Abdol Karim Ha'erirYezdi, see Aqiqi Bakhshayshi, op, cit., pp, 157-58;idem, Fuci?t'^~y®_^^^*^5^~S Shi'a; Sharough Akhavi, Religion and Politics in' C on temp or ar y" Iran";' Clergy State Relations the Pahalvi Period^ SI5-3 9 Abdul Hadi Ha'iri, ^hi"ism and Constitution'alism'in l"fan, pp. 13 5-39.

8 Anon., A Biogrs^hy of Imam Khomeini_^ P.'^. 9 See Hamid Algar, op_.__ci_t., p. 14; Shaul Bakhash, op^^cit., PP. 20-21 Aqiqi BakhshayshT, "o2^""cit., p. 195. J'3G

considered as a' less orthodox subject by the orthodox clergy.

This was also the reason why he was regarded as follovjing less 10 orthodox line. A number of his disciples narrate that his lectures on ethics and 'irfan attracted a greater number of pupils. Keeping in view the political activism of Khomeini in the later part of his life it is strange, as pointed out by several bio­ graphers, that the centre of his early interest was non-political and devotional subjects. But as his students narrate his lectures on spiritual topics had undertones of social and political responsibility.

10 Michael M,J. Fischer, "Imam Khomeini Four Levels of Understanding" in John Esposito (ed,). The Voices __of^_Resurgent Islam (London, 1985), p, 152. "The Unknown AyatullaTi Khomeinir A~Portrait of the Islamic Mystic at the Centre of the Revolution", Time 16 July, 1979, p.27. 11 A desciple and a ~ leutinent of Khomeini during and after the Revolution, Mohammad Javed Bahonar, narrates these classes in the following words: 'The two issues he emphasized v;ere the necessity for Islam and Iran to be independent of both Eastern and Western colonialism and the need to get the clergy out of the mould of an academic strait jacket, He said the clergy had a responsibility for humanity not only in Iran but wherever people were hungry and oppressed. In this way Khomeini trained 1,200 religious leaders who are the^ita of the country today'. Cited in"The unknown Ayatollah Khomeini",Times, 16 July 1979, p.27. Ay atoll ah Motahheri, another close "associate of Khomeini recalls that 'they were first attracted to him by his proficiency in ethics and philosophy and that the classes were frequently attended by hundreds of people. Cited in Hamid Algar, og, cit., p.14. J 07

Khomeini's life, in so many respects, can broadly be divided into two distinct phases. The first starts with his stay at Qomm upto the early 1960s; the second dates from early 1960s upto the present tirr,e. In his first phase of his life he looks like a scholary person vhile in the second phase he emerged as an active political leader. None of the biographies of Khomeini spea]<5of any pronounced activism in him in his early phase of life, though there had been a number of occasions when the clergy had adopted violent path and opposed the regime. Nevertheless, he must have inculcated opposition to and hatred for the regime in his early life, A number of facts point to this direction. Being a member of a clerical faiiily, he must have heard and seen the great confrontation between the clergy and the regime during the Consti­ tutional movement (1906-1909) and in its aftermath when he was still a child. Then his stay at Qonw coincided with the rise of

Reza Khan to the power who was not liked by the clergy. Reza Khan was viewed by the clergy as an enemy v;ho wanted to curb the power

and prestige of the clergy. His secular and modernist politics v;ere disliked by the 'ulama'. Khomeini's family belonged to that section of the clergy who did not like the modernization of Reza 12 Khan, '' Among his patrons at Khomeini and Arak was one Shaykh

12 M.J, Fischer, op, cit,, p, 151, 198

Mohsin Iraqi who was a close associate of Shaykh Fazlollah Nuri who was hanged in 19 09. It was he who led a politically active life and demanded a constitution based on sh_ari' a (mashruta-ye mashru').1 4 Some biographers claim that Khomeini took part in anti-Reza Khan demonstrations led by Kajj Aqa Norollah Isfahani and Mirza Sadiq Aqa in Isf atian and Tabriz respectively around the mid 1920s. The anti-clergy measures of Reza Shah further aggravated the grievances of the clerical class during the 193 0s. A number of incidents took place including the famous incident of Gouharshad Mosque in 1935/ in which the clergy were hum.ilitated by the regime. Ml these happenings during this period put a deep impression upon Khomeini which is reflected in his later writings and speeches. However, Khomeini follov;ed politically a quietist life and associated himself with Shaykh ^bdol Karirn Ha'eri-Yezdi who disapproved 'ulama's active participation in political life and emphasized the need of clerical involvement in educational and religion reforms. V^hen Ha'eri-Yezdi who died in 193 7, Khomeini came close to Ayatollah Boroujerdi. who succeeded Ha'eri-Yezdi after a brief period of three maraja'-e taqlid - Ayatollah Hujjat, Ifi Sadruddin Sadx and Khwansari, It is said that Khomeini

13 Anon., A Biography_of Imam. Khomeini, p,3; mentions that Khomeini's family'had a tradition of militancy, 14 See above 15 See Shaul Bakhash, op._cit., p.22; Fisher, op. cit., P. 152. 16 See Hamid Algar, "The Oppositional Role of the Ulama in Twentieth century Iran" in Keddie (ed.) Scholars^ Saints end Sufis, p, 242; See also Aqiqi Bakhshayeshi, op~__cit7/ pp.""169-174, 199

campaigned for the candidacy of Ayatollah Boroujerdi for the 17 post of rnarja'-e tag lid. During this period Khomeini wrote a book entitled Kashf-e Asrar which first appeared in 1941. This book gives a clear picture of Khomeini's thoughts during this period. In this book he condemned clericalism and attacked both the monarch and the modernist in strong terms.

From the time of the ascension over the position of sole mar^j;j;;e__jtaglid of Ayatollah Hossein Boroujerdi during early 194 0s upto his death in 1961 Khomeini remained under his shadow 18 of leadership. Ayatollah Boroujerdi disapproved the involvement of clergy in ihe politics. He followed traditional quietist line. '' Despite th3 fact that Khomeini had spoken in very strong terms against the Shah in his book Kashf-e Asrar, he shunned any political activity. During the Nationalist Movement of 1951-53 Khomeini remained silent and it was so during the happenings of the after­ math of the Eationalist Movement and the reinstatement of Mohammad Reza Shah. Yann Richard, however, tries to prove that Khomeini had close relation with Ayatollah Kashani on the basis of personal

17 Hamid Algar, Introduction by the Translator, p.15, 18 On Khomeini's relations with Boroujerdi see Anonymous, £j'££J-£i_Z?L2^i:i.-^:LE?!}^^i.~® JP^_J^l}^lIlsini, pp. 97 ff. 19 For a discussion on Ayatollah Boroujerdi see chapter 3. :?no

investigation,, He says that there had been good relations between

Khomeini's family and Ayatollah Kashani so much so that the latter vjas responsible for Khomeini's marriage vjith the daughter of

Ayatollah Saqafi around A.D. 193 0. Cn the testimony of a few eye- v^itnesses he further says that Khomeini frequently visited the

house of Ayatollah Kashani and that he was present at the house of

the latter on 31 July 1953 when it was stormed and surrounded by

the supporters of Mossadeq. However, most interestingly, Ayatollah 20 Kashani once said that Robollah was not made for politics.

One of the earliest expressions of Khomeini's antagonism

towards the regime came in the form of a declaration issued in

196 2 in view of a proposed bill moved by the then Prime ^Jinister

'Alain according to which the elected members of Parliament were

free to take oath on any scripture, not necessarily the Our'an.

Khomeini opposed it and the bill was withdrawn. But the beginning

2 0 See Yann Richard, ''Ayatollah Kashani: Precursor of the Islamic Republic ? "Eng. trans, by N.R.Keddie in N.R, Keddie (ed.) R3l_igion__and___Politics in ,l£gl.».. .ghi/.i§IL.^£SIL9H^^1 ism to Revolution, PV 123. 21 See Anon,, Zend agin ama-ye Im am ^^ Khome in i, vol.i, pp. 6-7; Anon., A Biography"*of~Imam_KhomeTni, p.6. Eiit it must be noted that 3ven art this stage Khomeini did not attack. the government out- rightly. He criticizes only the bill. His declarations show soft tone towards the Prime Minister Alam (he did not criticize Shah directly in these declarations). Although he warned that "such things should rot happen again", nis contempt vjas directed towards the Zionists ana Baha'is, He says: (the law} was perhaps drawn up by the spies of the Jews and the Zionist .... The Qur'an and Islam are in danger ,.,, The Zionists... have appeared in the guise of Bahai's. Anon., Zendaginama-ye_ Imam Khomeini, vol.1, pp. 81-82. 201

of 1963 marked a new chapter in the political career of Khomeini.

A number of incidents took place that helped him become the leader 22 of the clergy. In 1963 the Shah pressed through with what he

called the White Revolution. He called for a nationwide referendum

on 26 January 1963. Khomeini opposed it. The following month

he issued a strong anti-government declaration from the pulpit of

raac^'arsa-ye Fayziyeh : 'Stand firm against the illegal measures of

the regime. Never fear any shovjdown. If government resorts to ! 23 force, never yield to it'. He continued to make such dec­

larations until he was for the first time arrested on 22 March 1963

following his call for not celeberating the New Year (of Solar 24 Hijrs) which coincided with the martydrom of Imam Ja'afar Sadiq, We was released after a short period of detention. The confron­

tation reached to its climax in June. On 3 June widespread

disturbances took place when a copy of Khomeini's proclamation was 25 being removed from Gouharshad Mosque of Mashhad, On the following 2fi day Khom.eini made a particularly violent speech against the Shah.

22 For an early and authentic account of what happened during the 1963, in relation to Khomeini =nd his opposition to the govern­ ment see Algar, The oppositioned Role of 'ulama' in the Twentieth century Iran, p. 245 ff. See also Anon., Zend agin am a-ye Imam Khomeini, vol. 1, p. 65 ff, 23 Anon,, A Biography of Imam Khomeini, p,7; Anon., Zaji d eg in ain a-ye Im am Khomeini, pp. 104 fl, 24 Anon., Beyu_grefi-ye__Pi_siTva, vol. 1, p.3. 25 Hamid Algar, lae Oppositional Rola of Ulama in the Twentieth Century, Iran, p. 245.

26 For this speech see Khomeini, Isleiti and Revolution, pp. 177-180. ~~ " "" 202

This was the month of huharram in which the rnartyrdon of Imam husayn is commemorated. Khomeini was arrested on b June 1963 27 (15 Khordad 1341 A.H. (solar). This led to the most violent confrontation between the regime and the people. This is regarded as the turning point and the foundationstone of the revolution 23 29 of 1978-79. ' Khomeini was released on 6 April 1964 after n.uch public pressure and requests of the leading mujtahids including

Ayatollah Sa;;^ed Kazim Shari'atmadari and Ayatollah Hadi Ililani.^

He was again arrested on 4 November 1964 and exiled in Turkey.

Khomeini spent about a year in Turkey at Ankara and Bursa.

27 A number of leading mujtahids were arrested along with Khomeini including Ayatollah Bahouddin Mahallati; Ayatollah Hasan Tabataba'i-Qommi etc.

28 See 15_Khordadmah 1342 A.H. (Solar) published by The Ministry of Islamic Propagation Tehran. Khomeini himself regards the event of 5 June 1963 as the foundation stone of the R3volution of 1978-79.

29 Shaal Bakhash, 02j,__cit., P.3i-; says that the Prime- iMnister 'AlaTi was in fav"our of executing Khomeini.

30 A signature campaign was launched by the middle ranking mujtahids in support of Khomeini's release. They incladed Ay atoll ahs ho- oin /-li Kontozeri, Kohammad Sadcuqi, Ali Akbar Hashemi-Raf sli Qoddusi, Ahmad Azeri-Qommi, Hohammad Ali Ar'debili, Abaol Kahim Rabbani Shirazi^ Mohammad Yezdi etc. see Anon., Zendaginama-ye Imam Khomeini, vol.l, pp. 71-72, 95-96 and 98-99".

31 Hamid Algar, Introduction by the Translator, p.l?. o r'}.

He came to Najaf in October 1965 from Bursa vjhere he stayed upto October 1978. Khomeini continued his violent opposition to 32 the Shah from Najaf. His followers who were now many and ware mostly middle ranking 'ulama', carried out his instructions in 33 34 Iraii. They also collected religious taxes for hira. During this period he came to be known as a leading marja'-e taqlid. He published his treatise on practical laws of Islam Tawdhih_al-

Masa'il - a necessary requirement to be a top rank marja'-e taqlid.

It was here also that he gave the lectures of highest level, knox-jn as "^^£2-^_Kharij_i" during the early 1969 and 1970. These lectures constitute his most important v;ork which were published under the tide of Hukura3t-e__Islami or "Velay_at-e_Faqih" , The book

32 For these declarationss io Khomeini; Islarn_and devolution, pp. 139-233.

3i For the leading m-ajtabids who worked for Khomeini in Iran during this period se^ Shaul 3akhash, 0£^__cit., pp. 40-44.

34 Ayatollah nossein Ali Lontazari, for exanple, was appointed to collect these taxes ^n behalf of Khomeini in Tehran. i^homeini had issued a Jatv^f to t;.is effect, oee £_:osta£a _2iz3h K aj af ab adi A;;£atoll ah_'al'^ ''li.5i[I!5l-Li?I2.'!:fi?2-Ei'As ?^ yA A%^'?^'' ''^ ^'^'^ trans, by 3. Hasan Abbas Fitrat, pp. 43-4 4. 04

received widespread circulation in Iran under various disguising 35 titles such as Kitab-al-Bay',' Nama-ye _a2 Imam Mousavi Khashif al-Ghita etc. Khomeini's popularity grew as his opposition of 37 the Shah increased. By 1975 when the situation became explosive in Iran, the Iraqi regime was pressurised by the Shah to deport

Khomeini. The Iraqi regime forced him to leave the country.

Khomeini wanted to go to some Islamic country, like Syria or 38 39 Algeria, But as none of these countries responded to his request.

3 5 See Norman Calder, "Accommodation and Revolution in Imami Shi'i Jurisprudence: Khumayvii and the Classical Tradition", Middle Eastei'ii Studies, vol, XVIIx, No,l (1982).

36 See Hamid Enayat, "Iran: Khumayni's concept of the 'Guardianship of the Jurisconsult" in James P. Piscartori (ed.i, Isla-Ti in ^the Political Process (London, 198J).

37 Almost all the biogtaphies suggest that Khomeini enhanced his position of nia£j§j^-;e t__aqlid due to his out-spokon cri tici sni of the Shah m,ore than his knowledge and spirituality.

J8 Hamid Algar, £g^_cit., p„20,

39 Shortly before leaving Najaf for Poris in a message to Pilgrims he said: 'I have not bean permitted to continue my activities in any Islamic country .... Because I must at all events fulfil my religious and ethical duty, I have been obliged to leave the IsLamic world ,.,. I shall continue to liv3 abroad until I have the opportunity to continue my work in one of the Muslim countries'- Khomeini, op, cit., p. 238, 2(;-5

he caine to Paris in October 1978 where he stayed till his triumphant return to Iran on 1 February 1979 to establish the first "government of God on Earth".

Ayatollah Khomeini? political ideas were based on rigorous political theorization of the doctrine of i^iajriat. His ideas have shown a marked difference from the thoughts of the Shi'i political theorists of the past as vjell as present. In so many respects; they have challenged many of the old-established beliefs of Ithna •Ashari Shi'ism. Most of his political argunents are found in his book Hukumat-e Islami and his speeches and declarations of post- 1963 ^haie of his life. However, his ideas regarding government and politics have undergone considerable changes and modifications since he stai'ted his career as a teacher at Qomm.

The ain"' of Ayatollah Khomeini was to overthrov; the monarchical regime of the Shah and establish what he called an "Islamic government" ruled by 'ulaii.a' and based on shari' a laws. Keeping in view the impossibility of a legitimate government during the Greater Occultation period as propounded and established

40 Cf. ^^langol Bayat, "The Iranian Revolution of 1978-79; Fundamentalist^J-iodern" Middle 5ast Journal, Vol. XXXVII, Ko.l (1983), p.34. ' Hamid 3nayat,'o£_._ clt,, p,"'l54. n (;G

by the Twelver Shi'i jurists o£ past, it was a hard and difficult taslc for hiin to prov3 the pocGioility of existence of an lylamic govemincnt. A major part ot his book Hukuin

One of the rriain characteristics of posl-ghaybat theory of im^aiTOt is that it was perceived as a spiritual office. More and more emphasis was laid on the spiritual aspects of the imam at. The implementation of whole of the Divine Command, i.e. shari '_a, was neither possible nor necessary. Thus the vjhole shari'a was divided into two parts: one concerning the government and rule, and the other concerning the religious life of the . The 2(i7

attention vjas concentrated upon the latter. The 'ulama' took up the task o£ interpreting the shari'a law that pertained to the religious as well as day to day social affairs. It was thought that the ordinances of the shari'a (ahkairi) that pertained to politics and government were not binding (taklif), for these were impossible to be iinplemented due to adverse circumstances. These ordinances were therefore considered as suspended. These vjill be invoked and implemented only when the Lord of the Age (Imam-e 2am_an), i.e. the Hidden Imam will reappear and "fill the earth with justice". This came to be known as the notion of sugut (suspension of the ordinances of shari'a pertaining to the government and rule; .

Khomeinx sets forth a number of arguments in a logical and syllogistic pattern, in order to draw a conclusion that rhe whole of the shari'^a _ and the implementation of it was as binoing upon tho believer as it was during the period of ths Piophat and his successors (i.e. imams). Ke strongly rejects the theory of

41 Norman Colder, "Accommodation and Revolution in Imarni ^ahi'i Jurisprudence: Khumayni and the Clerical Tradition", Middle Eastern Studies, vol. XVIII, No.l (1982), p.4. 2r8 suqut as incorrect and of fatal consequences for the believers and community. In a statement of much significance he says:

'From the time of the lesser occultation (gheYbat-e sughara) down to the present time a thousand and a few hundred years have already passed;It_is quite possible that this situation continues and another hundred of thousand years are passed and the hidden imam did not appear: ,., During this period do you think that the ordincinces of Islamic shari'a will, remain sus­ pended and unexecuted ? Every body is free to do v;hat- ever he likes ? Do you think that the laws of Islam for which the Prophet fought for a period of twenty three years were merely for a limited period of time. And God had restricted execution of the ordinances of the shari'a laws for only two hundred year e.g. the historical period of imaroat. Had Islam abandoned every thing after the lesser occultation. Such an idea or demonstration of such beliefs are worse than the idea of the cancellation (mansukh). of Islam'.^^

He further says that the necessity of the execution of the ordinances of shari'a necessiated the formation of a government by the Prophet. But it was not restricted to the period of the

Prophet. It continued even after the death of the Prophet, The w'ur'anic laws are not limited in time and space (matruk) ....

Their implementation or execution vjas compulsory (lazim al-ijr_a) .

'The belief that the laws cf Islam (or a fev; of them) can be suspended (ta'ttulpazir) or dependent upon particular time and 43 space is against the tenets of Islam'. Even as early as in the

4 2 Khomeini, Hukumat-e_Is_lami, pp. 30-31.

43 Cf., Ibid., p.29. 21;B

early 1940s when he wrote his book Ka5nf~o Asrar, he strongly rejected the notion of suspension or cancellation (mansukh) of some of the ordinances of shari'a. Quoting from Qur'an and

Traditions, he asserted that the lakis of Islam are not to be change^, axiended or to be abandoned; they are eternal and 44 applicable without the restriction of time and space. He, moreover, made a comparison between the God-given laws and the laws made by man in order to show sharp contrast between the two.

The latter in his opinion, is insufficient as they cover neither the material nor the spiritual aspects of human life and therefore they are vulnurable to change, alteration or suspension. The former i.e. the god given laws^ on the other hand, cover both spiritual and material lives of man in unique baJarics so they are 45 unchangeable, eternal and perfect. Khomeini even rojectea ZI.Q doctrine of nasikh wa mansukh ("canceller" and "cancelled]" of some of the verses of the Qur'an. He says that one cannot shov; a single verse in the wur'an which is cancelled by the author.

However, if there are any they are not fundamental laws. For exar.iple, ec^rjomdc judicial administrative lavjs of Islam or like are never to be changed. 'If there is some minor changes somewhere or some

44 Khomeini Kashfa-e Asrar, pp. 3 87-94,

45 Ibid., p. J95 ff. 210

modification in some of the rituals, they are partial'. And 'to say that they are changeable according'to the changes of the 46 time is absurd'.

In brief Khomeini proceeds from the implementation of whole of the sh_ari^ to the necessity of a government based upon shari '_a;

i. No part of shari_'_a are suspended; the vjhole of it is

obligatory to be observed and implemented,

2. shari'a includes laws pertaining to government; so they

should also be implemented,

2. Their implementation is impossible without an executive

authority (Quwat-e mujriyya) i.e. government.

4 Therefore the formation of a government is necessary.

The notion of necessity of an Islamic governm.ent which fTinctions as executive authority is subta^itiatea by rational arguments as well'as traditional. According to him a body of laws alone is not sufficient for reform of a society. They need an enforcement authority and an executor. Because of this reason God,

46 Ibid., p, J98. "^11

apart from sending the ordinances of shari'a, also laid down the 47 principles of governnient and administration.

The nature and structure of the Islart.ic laws are al.so 48 shown OS proof for the necessity of establishnient of a government.

Fie further argues that the practical attitude of the Prophet also proves the necessity of establislriirient of a government. Firstly, he 'established a government and executed the lavJs, appointed governers, promulgated judgements, appointed judges and executed the laws of war. Secondly, he appointed a ruler after him. 49 It evidently means that a government is but all necessity. i-soreover, he says, nobody disagreed upon the necessity of establish­ ment of government after the death of the Prophet, although they 50 disagreed as to who v^ill be the Caliph, Ke quotes a tradition from Imaiii Rida which states:

"The Imam said: »».If some one asks why God has appointed uli-^ljamr whose obedience is obligatory. It should be"replied that God appointed the uli'l-amr for a variety ox reasons. For exajTiplc, irian""h

47 Khomeini, j.i^kH.-I'A^~® i.^^.^'^< PP. 26-27. See also idem,, K Q £ h f - e - As r^ar, P_assim, esp. 279 ff; and 290. 'One or the clear ;-si dic'tate"s"of 'r'eason which no one can deny is that [a body of} law end (estaC'lishjnent of a ] govemm.ent ere essential for man. The Viurnan racL^^^necersity need a government and adruinistnative insti­ tutions ,,.' ibid., p. 229, 4 8 Khomieini, Hukumat-e^^ I s 1 ami, p. 3 2 ff. 49 Ib_id., p. i6 50 Ibid,, p. i3 2 i 2

power (qodrat) over the people v;hc supervize over them ana let them not go beyond their limits .... There is another arguirent: We do not find any group, nation or religion without a supervisor (neqehdar) or a leader ,... Because such a leader is indis- pensible .... Therefore, it is inconceiveable that God would leave His creature without o leader.^1

Khomeini believes that there are three aspects of shari'a which can not be implemented without an Islamic government. They

are : (1) the ordinances pertaining to the finance and economies

(rnalijat), (2) the ordinances pertaining to the defense of the

islamic territory (difa') and (3) statutary and discretionary laws 52 (hudud va ta*zirat^ . He argues that the financial system of

Islam based on , khums^ kharaj, and j^^ijB etc. cannot be realised v/ithout on Islamic government, because these taxations

•are not meant for just 'to be collected from the richt and

distributed iamong the poor; but they are meant to fulfill the

51 Ibid., pp. 46-48.

62 Ibid., pp. 3 2-34. 213

rec^uireiments of the governrfient. 5-3 These incomes are to fulfil the general public re ^uirements (khidrnat-e 'umuird) . The income from jaziya ana kharaj are public property, end not the property of king and rulers as they are collected from God's property 54 (mil al-Allah) . Similarly khums is also not meant to be utilized by a "handful of sayyids" as practiced today, according to him the income from khums should only partly go to the 'ulama', most 55 of them should be spent for the well being of people.""

Khoneini criticizes the whole history of Islam except the early years and says ihat true Islam lasted only few years since its inception. First the Umayyads and then the Abbaslds did great harm to Isl(2m. Later, the monarchs who ruled Iran followed the saii'e path. They completely distorted Islam and established something quite different in its place. The .process started by the Umayiiiads, 'who changed the nature of yoverninent from divine

53 It is interesting to note that in Tawdih al-Hasa* il, he did not mention that khums or any such religious taSies to be utilized for the purpose of government. Snuirieratiny the use of khums he says: 'Khums shoulo be divided into two: one is shars of the descendents of the imiams i.e. to be given to poor Sayyeds or orphaned Say:/eds .... The secona is the share of the Imam which is to be given to the mujtahid or to v;hom he (the muj t^al-id) permits . Tawdih al-Ma;3a'il, NO,J.831. For aetails on the use of khums see Kos, 1331-1849. For the use of zakat also the trodition"! views are expressed. That is, the heads as mentioned in the Qur'an, see ibid., Nos. 1922-193 8. However, by the head of the "collectors of zakat" he clearly mentions the mujtahids who would distribute it "arrongst the 'ulama'. ''j-y the general category of the "way of Allah" too he does not mean governmental expenditure. He mentions construction of m.osques or works of the welfare of relicion and comiiunity. 54 Khomeini Hukumat-e Islarii, p.33. 55 Ibid., p. 34. 21 \

and spiritual to woraly'. Their rule was based on the rt-zival of Arabism of the Jahiliyya period v^hich was 'an aiir funda­ mentally opposed to Islam' The sarrie aim is stilJ :^ursued by the leaders of certain Arab countries, who declare openly their desire to revive the Arabi&m of the Umayyads. Thus 'thrcughoat Islamic history, as a result of various kinds of distortion, Islam 56 remained unknown among men'.

Khomeini sought to realize the ideal society, the -"topia, which according to him, was established by the Prophet and for a brief period by Imam 'Ali ana which has since then thouoht to be unachievable during the period of occultation of tho !!idc'in Imam.

He expresses surprise as well as regret as to why thcra h s been

no attempt to establish an Islamic govern, ^.nt or th"^ odv" oi the prophet end Imam 'Ali. He criticizes the ula^.a of tl 2 nost vhc never strived form the establish^.ient of an islam.ic Government'

ana 'destruction of the tyrant rulers': instead, a few 01 them haa shown carelessness. Tney not only avoid discussing

ana propagating the Isia:. ic precepts and its system, on the

contrary, they prayed for the tyrant x-ulers. hence such a situation

caiie into being: the influence of Islam in society decreaseo; the

Islamic communitv wa^ exxoseato decadance; the Islamic ordinances

56 Cf., Khomeini, Isl^am. ano RevoluLicn, p-. J32-3., 215

57 reiriained unexecuted and they have been changea ana oitered.""

Khomeini proves the necessity ot establishiuent of a gcvernitient based on snari' a with a number ot arguments. They ere as follows:

1, Islam is not composea merely of moral teachings. The existence of economic, social and political laws as well as laws relating to legislation and human rights prove that Islairi is a complete 53 (j ame *) system of life (nezain-e zendagi) .

2. Even the purely religious and moral precepts of Islam such as namaz (prayeri and hajj (pilgrim) have social and political

57 Khomeini, Hukumat-e Isi ami, pp. 50-51.

58 Cf. ibid,, pp. 7-8. Ke says: 'God, the Almighty has sent, through the Me'ssenger (SA; such laws that astound the human being. There are laws and regulations for all affairs. Islam has laid Oown the laws for man from even when the en.bryo is form.ed until after he is buried into grave. In the same way as it has laid Gown the l&ws relating to the worship, it has the laws relating to the social ana governmental affairs. islaiTiic laws are progressive aric comprenensive (n ot ahraqg^ mokammel va j ame '] .. . There is not a single human subject on which Isl^m has not a law. Ibid., pp. iC-il. 218

59 relevance, Thoy are ingrGCiieni s_ of social set up of Isiaui.

3. The alien forces have always worked to clesticy the foundation of Islam as a politic

IslaiTu they seldom objected, rather allov^'ea, the existence of the religion of Islair. "beceiuse they thought the latter as useful f o. . . ^. - • 60. their exploxtative aesxgns. 4. In the beginning, it were the Jews who inflicted harm upon the

I'luslirns, They are now replaced by the imperialists who are worse than the Jews. Although thtsy are Christians by religion but they do not want to propagate Christianity; they want to establish oolxtical and cultural sovereignty over the Muslim ^^'orld i n rr order to fulfil their material gairg,

5, The intellectuals, the missionaries, orientalists or even the spritual leaders (ruhaniyyun) have distorted the Isl3;nic oeliefs

59 bee especially his i..assages to tno hrij^. /-> C'^ilectxor of speeches is : l-.es^^xjes of Imam. Khomeini to hdj; iPilvuinis (UiOrom,, n.d.). See"also Hukumat-e Islarii, px\ 179-30, 'i^ number of Islair.ic ordincnces pertaining to worshm anc oreyer (ankc-i"',--^ '^ibadi) have social ai'-d political dimencion as well lublainL-: r-™al. and fundanentally lel'itea wi-.h politics (s vast.' ci,.' cccl aty^ For example, praysr (namaz) and the asbem'^ly o' h_ajj -jid r'rloay prayer have doctrine.! as well as political iniiuencis an I impli­ cations, in addition ro their ethical ~j^d spiritual dJ-inensions. Islah has providea th2se occasions for religious benefit (so rhati brotherhood and fraternity might strengthen, intellectual devil- opirient might increase, solution to th'e political J^roblem might be sorted out and to achieve these goals r, collective effort mid t .":o.ne into existence'.

50 Cf. KhoMieini, hukum^at-g^Is 1 ajrx, pp. 24-25.

51 Cf, Ibid., p. 7. o217

directly or indirectly influenced by the iiiipariniist fcrces,'

3. The perception of Islam as an apolitical religion is incorrect .

»nd misleading, v,hich is deliberately propagated bv th-^ Wr^st in

order to strip Islam of its d^_^mainic and revolutionary charac'c^r- • ^- 63 istics, 7, The conception of Islam as found in the religious seminaries

(havJZd-ha-Ye'IliT)iya) is difj^erent from tl-a': of the l^ur'an pnd sunn ah. There is no compatibility betwe-in the teachings of the uur'an and sunn ah ana the teachings of the treatises of the spiritual seminaries from the point of view of the comprehensivenes;

(jame'iyyat) and effectiveness of Islamic teachings in the society".

3, The Islamic laws, particularly statutory and discretionary

Iav.'s (_hudud_va ta'_zirat) which are described as barbaric and inhuman are less bararic and inhuman as compared t^ the actions of imperialist forces and thsir military/ desigrs.

J .There are a number o^ misconceotions '^ravaler • a ^ona the r^iiclir

62 Cf. Ibid., p. 3.

63 Cf., Ibia.,

64 Ci., Ibid., pp. 16-i7.

65 Cf., Ibid., pp. 16--7. ?ia

which are the rtiain cause of their decline. For ex-Tiuple they wrongly think that we cannot progress in scionce and technoiocjy unies.'j v.e give up our xyith ana adopt West2rn culture."^

Most of these arguments are similar to that of Islamic revivalists of the 20th century. The pattern oi these arguments shov; a compound attitude of the nineteenth cent-iry aDologisra and the twentieth century revivalism.

Having establishJE.dl the necessity ot a sn.-uri'a government, Khorr,eini proceeds to the forT. of government. According to hins, tli« governiTient of God, or the ideal shari'e state is the only valid and legitimate authority over the human being:

The governrrtent of only that person is legal,

66 Cf. Ibid., P. 20. 6 7 Kno'neini, Kashf-e-Asrar, pp. 22 9-JO. '} i1n C

The objective of shari^ government can only be realized by direct rule of the fugaha' of Islam. 63 As to the question of the form of government^ Kho.^eini uses the terni Hukumat-e Isla-ni; Deliberately 69 differentiating it from all other forms of government prevale>ib today, namely, monarchy, democratic republicanism and constitutionalism. For him, the ideal Islamic state is neither democratic republicanism, constitutional monarchy nor absolute monarchy as advocated by his predecessors during ana after the Constitutional revolution. He terms each and every government other than Islamic government as tac^fiut (stanic). he especially condemns nonarchy tor there is i.o ir.onarchy in Islam; monarchy and Islam ave tvJO concr-^aictory propos: t.i ons. The monarchy was one of those institutions which Islam destroyed during the early phase of its development'. It was the monarchical system of government 'against vjhich Imcim Husayn fought at Karbala'. It is the 'greatest disaster befell Islam', even 'worsethan the tra^edi of Karbala'. 70

according to him the Iclamic government is neither authoritarian (istebdadii nor absolute (motlaqa},it is rather

68 For this discussion saa the followin':: chapter. 69 5.A.Arjomand, "The State and khceini's Islca: Ic Crder"» Jranien Studies, vol. XIII Ncs. 1-4 (1980'^ , p.150. 70 Cf., Khc:'cini, op, cit., pp. 12-18. ?'0

constitutional (mashrutal .But it is not constitutional in the prevalent sense of the viorlo eccording to vhicl: the laws are dependent upon the opinion of r.aj&rity of the oeople. it is constitutional in the sense that the holders o'" poxver are res­ tricted within the set of laws, laid down by the Qur'an and the

Prophet. In this v^ay, IslaiDic government is the governrpent of divine laws (qanun-e ilahi) . In constitutional governrrients the representatives of people themselves make laws while in the

I:,laraic government legislature power belings only to Oo'i, wo

ody else hai: right to lay down the laws and no laws er.cept the 71 laws if God can be iniplemented,

KhoiiBini's pre-1963 iceas are similar to those adopted by the 'ulama' of the constitutional pericd. Althounh in 72 Kashf~e As^'ar he e^ipressed strong anti-Shah vievs, he vjas not agains:: the monarchy as such. He denounci-d the govorm ,cnt on accounr of (a) its absolutist, tyran'iical and despotic mjthods,

(b) its anti-clerical policies (ci its policy of VJe£torni'.,t-t ion and increasing influence of t;. . imperialist powers in tr.R

^overnirental affairs and (d) Un-Islamic legislations.''' Khomeini

'^- i^i^»' PP- 52-53, 72 Khomeini expressed his contempt and hr,tred .or Reza Shah in undisguised term.s. He condejnneQ him. by nair.e. See ii^j!2ir2_M£2£' P^^sim, esp, pp. 3 07-03 'We cannot expect anything 7rom Reza Kh"an (It is to be noted that Khomeini never used "u;hah"" Lor the monarch) , He has got perfection in tyram-iy. His blood anc ':.one have been grown in these dirty atrocities. He can not understand what is righteousness, honesty ..,' 73 Khomeini, Kashf-e- Asrar, passim ?/l

asserts again and agc^in that only God's Icws are v?l id -irio o.ily He a]cne reserves the right cf legislation. 74 Yet he arrc^-ts

th3 traditi-onal diviji . batv "n th: iaccl "cvern,.'jnt oi th: Irr =1111 (or Goa) and the existing government, he arguec tn-.t since the forrocr does not er-i: t, tiie letter shoulc bo as nearest as possible to the forner in the sense that it shoulc er.eoj'.e shari'a and shoulu trame the constitution ac cori. ing to the law of shari'a. He said:

'Altnough the governi ent based on the laws oi Goa and divine justice is the best torn of govern:.ent^ but if thert; is a governrr.ent wnich acts in accordance vJich the wo] 1-being of the country( masaleh--e Ka^hwar), sv ry wise one would endorse and appreciate it. '-^

Aithouch he opposed that the govemror.t should directly tae in the hands of the fug aha, yet he necessirateo the fome-'s approval by the 'ularna' for the ae facto le_^i tim icy of tre gov:irnn-:;nt, 76 Fol]c'. rng his p; eaecessors he prooc^e' --.. -.^cerbly o*" 'ulcu. a' drx a supervisory cor. ut tee of ' lair ' • ^ ' i- •-'- cr T

'^'^ Ibio./ p. 2 3_ . f.yC/l/' ^//-L J^' a~^

75 Ibic., p. 236. 7b For this ciscussion so > the fcl'c\,ino rrc^iter 'i' 'J

uni'jv; I 1 J . c r •- cv- tr .- i r/ a_'i. c ro-j! j'.Lt aiij o:/ oi th3 -...e-^ or tf. /cr.rrc; rc>:, ^ ie. '' :.e i; .r ri at *i 'ulo;^^' nevd op; '".^o ^ tn.^ MCV •'i.- ra^-rri; a;' oucr.; tr^j^ rott.er C' ^rr ^e ar.o coll uDor .t-^ . ..ich - i. > Qcverrn .er .;., tnouiji. trir^;^ thcu(j:.t thoi, iil-^oal (j_a'ei..-i. .d^ ' o-

'rrj rru^tr.nioG nciV r op'_ osec tr.3 yoverri .ntL. or T-t.o ini--Hjration oi I^l?d-.i; ccuntrie-'c, I^ they icin'-. LLot ti.o laws ci. a gcverr.rr.'ir c were ric-.ir.ct the irjuncticn o' thj shai j._'_ i they --..c^.rGQ it as ilJeoal (ja' a-'] Lut at the scm,e tine cney aic not opipose it, t-jcause in their view the existence of -hese qovernn.enls was better than their non-exif-tence. Thereforf^, they lestiicted their juriruiction o± rulerchip and guardianship (hukur.at va velayat) to a le'vJ matters such as the issuing of roligicus aecrees (fatwa), executing the judgement (qazavat) ar.d interference for the protection of properties~o-L \ dnors ana dis­ ables. They never interfered in the governi lent al r .'tters. Because they considered all tl-e governnents, except the govemnent of God, unjust .... Except th-; laws oi GoG all the vjordly laws are absurc and mvclid (bihuda va batil^ . But they ^;nao-sea these invclid ana obsurd laws and did not oppose the govemirent till a better govemnent was e:Ttablisheo,

Ke mace i't clear that \;rierjever nu^t^hids or r scr tne estaalislui.ont they ^p^ osed it rerause of its anti-people policies and nor. th-i govemnent as such. 79 he se^nied to be precarea to

77 Ibia., PP. 252-33; pp. 239-40. 73 Ibia., p. 255. 79 Ibio., p. 256. /.

-^ ^ , , , / 22'^

give some recognition to the 'invalid governioent'a.s>ie'-.ays that till the- absolute just governnent (davjlat-e hac.

He pointed out to the well-kncv.'n fact that some of the iniens and their family had close relationship with the UroaYyad or Abbasid rulers. He especially rnentiorec the precedence of In an Ali b. al-Husayn (the Fourth Imam) dXiLi ',uoteG a tradition from th3

Sahif a al--Saj j adiy_y_a which supports it.

Khomeini also believed that jihad (holy war), along with the armies of the illegal government was permissible. According to him the j,i;h.ad can be of two kinds: the one for conquering countries (Keshvergiri) amd the other for the freedom of the country and its defense from the foreigners (i£;teql_sl.-e •coshvar

^^ defa'-e aj_anibi . The former if conditioned rr > permissiDie only under tte comipandership of the Hioucn Imam. This kinc of v^r is not permdssible without an Iriiam. The letter ..mc oi J^jhaa is perrrdssible ana is not conciticned witn the pri_t.ei.ce oi Imair," he mentioned that if the government ful-f ilc its ajties (va2.ilo_ she nag) ana vjorks according to well-being of the comu" unity, it is not unjust (zalim) ,^ Even uptc 1961, Khom.eini tried to give

80 See ibid., pp, 235-59.

81 See ibic,, pp, 285-36,

82 Il^iu., pp. 239-91. 83 Ibid,, pp. 3:2-U3. 2'^A

some recognition to the existing government. He says that 'even the term 'unjust' (zalim, j a'er) is arribiguous and nust be clari­ fied before g'udgement can be passed on those described as such. Four groups of people, he says, can be regarded as unjust: (a) ordinary criminals, such as thieves and bandits; (b) kings and rulers violating the norms of justice (c) those claiming to be the successors to the Prophet, and (d) usurpers of the rule of the righteous Imam, As far as the categories (a), (b) and (d) are concerned he has no doubt that vjorking with them is prohibited. However, regarding the category (c) he maintained that one should take account of the possibility that the rulers are ^hi'is.

By 1970 he repudiated many of these ideas and declared that each and every government is illegal and unjust (ja'er, zalim) except the Islamic government, ruled by a faqin-'adil. He, moreover, called upon the 'ulama' to declare a total jihad against the Pahlavi state and establish a government of God. He also set forth a programme of estaiilishing such a government. He takes pride to say that unlike the sunni theologians, shi'i 'ulama' never tried to justify the existing governments; on th-3 contrary they opposed them and declared them illegal. He explcins the

84 Cf,, Hamid Enayat, op_^_cit,, pp. 171-72. 2'^^)

concept of uli al-amr (holders of authority), in Twelver Shi'ism

in these words:

A certain wrote to me a few years ago to ask me, "why do you oppose the governinent? Do you not know that 'God gives rule to whenever He wishes ? I didn't even answer him; he wasn't worth answering. But his question involved a clear denial of the Qur'm. In a certain sense, God gave kingship to the Pharaoh, but did not Moses oppose him ? .... Mu'awi^a also represented the "holoers of authority", so why did, first, the commander of the Faithful and later. Imam Hasan (peace be upon them) oppose him;'' And then Imam Husayn ... rose up in revolt against another "holder of authority, Yazid. Those "holders of authority" who are mentioned right after God and the Messenger in the Qur'anic verse" obey God and obey the Messenger and the holders of authority from among you" (4:59) must also be close to God and the Messenger in their practice. They must be shadow of God and the Messenger. Yes, the Islamic ruler is the shadow of God, but i^jhat is meant by shadow is something that has no motion of itself ,.,, Islam recognizes a person as the " shadov^ of God" who abandons all individual volition in the sense that he acts only in accordance with the or -i- narices of Islam, so that his motion is dependent, not independent. The Messenger of God (peace and blessings be upon him) was indeed a true shadow of God; but is this vile Sh?h a shadov; of God: Yes a fev; thoughtless people among us say so, but that would mean that Yazid was also a "holder of authority" .85

There v as a time during his stay in Paris when Khom.eini seemed to accept the idea of constitutional monarchy. In an interview with Raaio Paris on 21 September 1978 he said 'Our intention is not that the religious leaaers should themselves

85 Khomeini, Islan and Revolution, pp, 225-26; 5ee also pp, 327 ff. 2ciy

administer the state but that they shoulc guide the people 86 deterinining what the demands oi Islam are'. In an interview

with :>aid Miir Arjomand on 2 January 1979 regarding the Funaa-

mental Law and the Supplementary Fundamental Law he said:

'The Fundamental Lav; will have to be studiea; whenever it is in the interest of thr nation, it will be accept-^d by us, Incidently, the Suplementery Fundamental Lav; does state that (constitutional arrangements) should not be contrary to the principle of Islam. It is oossible that some of the items of Fundamental Law which will be found contrary to (national) interest will be abrogated?'''

The statem.ents and declarations of Khomeini during this 88 period have shovm considerable ambiguity regarding thin.

a rather unusual thing for Khomeini. Some scholars point out

that his constitutional during this period was a

tactical move to win over anc. engage in an alliance with the

leaders of the liberal opposition parties and intellectual groups 39 who were m.ainly based in Europe in exile^ It should be noted

that a num}Der of leaders of the liberal opposition re;.resenting

the various political as wall as intellectual nroups nad developed

close relationship with Khomeini during the latti^r's stay at Paris.

86 Cited in James A, Bill, "Power and Raligion in Revolutionary Iran" Middle East Journal, vol„ XX.

37 Arjomand, "The Stata and Khomeini's Islamic Order", Iranian Studies, special issue Iranian Revolution in ^Perspective, vol, XXII,"No. 1-4, pp. 155-5S." ~ •""" ^

38 Sahul Bakhash, The .

89 S.g M.J, Fischer, "Imam Khomeini: Four Levels of Understanding", in John Esposito (ed.). The Voices of Resurgent Is_larn, p. 163; James A, Bill, 0£^_cit., p730 ff^ Arjomand"^ op7 cit., p, 154 if. o < >

M.J. Fischer observes that such a manipulation was poscible on the part of Khomeini as several other acts of him shov; similar attitude. But this puzzle on his part did not laot long. He clarified his position in his speech on the occasion of the formation of the council of the Islamic Revolution:

'... The demands of the oppressed people of Iran are not restricted to the departure of the Shah and the abolition of the monarchy. Their struggla will continue until the establishment of an Islamic Republic .... It is only through the departure of the Shah and the transfer of power to the people that tranquility^ will return to our beloved country, and it is on^y through the establishment of a government of Islamic justice^ confirmed and supported by the people and functioning with their full and active participation, that the vast cultural/ economic and agricultural damage inflicteo by the corrupt regime of the Shah can be repaired and the reconstruction of the country for the benefit of the working and oppressed classes can begin. ^^^

90 In the opinion of Fischer one cannot say how much of this 'shedding was calculated deceit on his part' and how much was 'self-delusion on the part of his allies'. He mentions an anecdote of the same period when Khomeini first led prayers in Paris, The prayers were held in a tent, and several women complains about having to remain outside while the men disap'^earad inside. Khomeini s

Islarrd, a persistent rnetoric found in his works of late 1^70s,

Therefore, he says, that 'there is every r-=>asor. to belijvo ti.at

_hoiTeini consiaerea tr..2 "Islaraic Republic" to be th-j ap-^i-^priata form ot government only for tne period of transition tc. cne 92 truely Islamic government', in the late 1979 v^hen the draft of the new constitution was being prep area he refused to mc] uae the 93 term "democratic" in the title of the state.

According to Khomeini, in his Islamic government the parliament will function as a consultative council in accordance with the -.ur'anic injunction of amr shura baynahun, Follovjing Kuri he asserts that the parliament will not have legitjlative, 94 power; It will be an agenda making body. It seems therefore, that Khomeini thinks of the sh-jri'a as a comol-^t-i jy.^t > , riady foi iinipediate implementation. For him th3 sh^fi^-, in a '"'ue print fo^^ action, however, this is not a unique interpretation ot sliari'a but,, as it his been pointed out it aoes littl-;? justice

92 Arjomana, 02^,_ cit,, p, l5o. 9J On this see Chapter 4 94 Sea Arjomand, op, cit., p. 156. 22B

either to the genGr^^l ela'oorarion of that noticn in juri-^tir literature or to the political function of the shari ' a In r

Khomeini tries x.o prove the preference of uivine lav; over the mcin made-laws or a aivine government over tne nian-iTic3ae government;

"There is a great ai-£erence betv, ien all thj variou:^ manmade forms of governn.ent in the v^orld, on the one hand - whatever their precise nature - ar.-. a divine government, on the othei hand, which roliows aivine law. Governments that dc not base themselves on i^ J vine law conceive of justice only in the natural realisra; you will fina them concerned only with the preven­ tion of disorder and not with the locral refinem-jirt of the people, 'whatever a person does in his o^-n noj''? is of no importance, so long as he cause:j no aigoraer in the street. In other vjords, pecple are free to do as they please at home. Divine governments, however, set themselves the task of making man into \'hat he shoxild be.^^

Knomeini has not produce! any systematic treatise o'Z the loain feaituYe;> of Divine and mar.-raade laws, his argument contains more a revolutionary impulse than a theoretical Ciscussion. We can dravj the follovjing distinctions in Khor.eini's wiitings regaraing divxne laws

95 Khomeini, Islam and K -volution, p. 3 3 0,

96 See Arjoraarid, op^ cit., p, 156. ?ao

Shari' a Lav; Secular Law

Divine law HujTian 1 aw Natural Artificial Based on re^ason Based on opinion Rused on revelation Based on limited human mental capacity Inr?,utable Changeable creates justice Creates inju. t:ice Creates stat^ilitv and order Creates instability md disorder According to the natural Opposed to the requirements requirements of the people of the Muslims and Iranian specially Muslims and Iranians people.

Ensures sense of Creates alienation among identity among believers the believers.97

Khomeini presents the political order established by the Prophet and the government established by the First Iman 'Ali as the model for his proposed Islamic government. He looks almost naive when he says that his government will be aP simple as that cts there will be no formal official procedure which 'consum3s a lot of public time and money'. The government,

97 Cf,, Norman Cclder, op, _cit., P.IJ. 93 See Khomeini, Hukumat-e Islami, p, 6 7-53, ?:u

hov;aver, is not a goal in itself, rather a means to achieve 99 certain higher objectives. There are specifically two main objectives of the Islamic government : (1) delievarance of the oppressed people and (2i unity of the Muslim country. The deliverence of the oppressed people is a permanent theme in Khomeini's speeches and declarations. The two terms rnqstakberin ("oppressors") and mostaz'efin ("oppressed") occur very often in his writings and speeches. He leaves no chance to express his support for the cause of downtrodden and weaker sectic of the population cand the workers. For example on the workers' day speech (1 hay 1978) he said: Blessed be labor day for the nation and for our respected workers. To glorify .,, who constitute the back-bone of the country's independence is a task simultaneously Islcsmic and national ... our noble workers ,.„ dear brother workers are devotedly striving to bring our nation to coif 100 sufficiency ,..' Khomeini alv;ays tried to talk in populist language in order to win over the people. Cnce he said : "What I do is guide the population ... by writing and talking to the people ... the sy.nbol of struggle is the one who talks with the people ... that is why the Iranian people consider me a symbol

99 Ibi^.' P» ^^• i'jQ Imam Khomeini's Message Marking International Labour say 1981 Echo of Islam, sp, vol. The Daw of the Islamic Revolution7~p. 32. "" :\2

(oi their struggle c^ainst tne regi-ne) . 1 talk their language, I listen to their needs. I cry for them'. Hovjever, as pointea our, s^ch populist slogans were meant to "oebilxt ate"cind "discreait" the raaicaJ. left as he 'sought to co-opt their ideas 102 ana progra'-'Jiae' . As far as the question of unity of Uiomat i^ Cvinc^rne'- certainly Khomeini dojs not mean unity an ord '' =^iong tn-'i ^3opl^. :.is interpretation of unity whic he . ton e < )2 a_ns 1.5 "unity of view" (yek kalam]) is quite interesting. The -"hi'ise vek kalam has been particularly used by Khocneini m his so-^iiches curing post-revolution period mainly to keep the op-"^osition in control* keeping in viev: the existence of aiverse ooinions and Dolitical as well as ideological groups during ana af>.er fhe revolution, a few of whom haa already begun to show dissatisfaction over tne manner in which Khoneini had be2: working. Although ne hcia been reluctant to define explicitly vjhat he means by yek kalam but he suggests that 'it connotes a rigia ideological unit orr-ii ty, characterizea by belief and action ma at r-;producinn trio prophecic-iman: inic archetype of revolution::.ry stnigole.

10- interview in Newsweek Nov,6, 1973, p. 14, xO?J,ames A, Eill, "Power and Religion in Revolutionarv Iran", .Mddle East Journal, Vol. XXXIII, No.l (19 32), p,43 IOJ Gregory Rose. "Velayat-e Faqih and the Recovery of IslaFiic Identity in the Tnougr-t of Ayatollah Khomeini" in 1:,R, Keddie (ed,) Raligion anu Politics in Iran; Shi^ism^from w'uietism to Revolu^Ton, p, i37, ' - - ^.-:K^

According to Rouhollah Ramza'ni it means a "Unitized co:n:nunity" .

The concept involveG not only 'achieving th-3 goal of a unified or

unitary ccirr.iTunity but also th.j shaping of the community through

ideological indoctrination'. According to him once the

divi.iely based unitized community is created, all inequalities

and injustices at the national or international levels will

disappear. This is what he calls Islamic democracy". 'Only a

divinely based unitized community can be truely democratic.

Elimination of all foreign influences from 3very aspect of life^

therefore, is regarded as essential to the development of on i05 independent Islamic Corrmunity ' .

There is no doubt that ivhomeini's assertion on compulsory

formation of a legitimate government based on shari'6 is completely 106 new thing in shi'i political tnought. Besides this, Khomeini

has shown distinct departure from many of tie well-established

Iwelvor Shi'i concepts. For exa'nple j.nte2ar or taqiyya. The

above mentioned quotation on page 208 leav^no doubt about

his disapproval of the notion of intezar. H,J. Fischer and

I-^angol Bayat have pointed out that this brings Khomeini closer

104 Rouhollah K. Ramazani, "The Isl^amic Cultural Revo­ lution" in Philip H. Sbeddword and others (eds.}, chance in the Kuslim World, p. 4i. " '

105 Ibid^, p. 42,

105 See Abbas Kelidar/'Ayatollah Khcmeinife concept of 1=^1-mic Government" in A.S. Gudsi and A.S.K. Dessouki (eds.l^I^lam and PQ^er (London, 1981) ; s.A. Ar jomand/'Revolution ir Sh~IiH^^n William R, Roff (ed.), J£J:jJ^_and the Political Economy of leaning; Comparative StuGie5~o£_ Muslim Discourse TTonoon,^937) p. Ill tf. hangol Bayat, tTie Iranian Kevoiu^^n of Iran 1973-79:' Fundajiientalist or Kodem; Hamid Enayat, Iran: Khuma^ni's concept of t'f-' Guardians'.hip of the Jurisconsult ?;M

to the Isma'ilis who also believed in the preserce of a , . . . 107 living iniam m every age, iss clso rejectee the u.:;e of taqi^^-a tor th3 justification of "( liticcil oassivisrr. ?.e rectxictecl tne perrniscibility of the UGi c"" tocivva to tro relicicus. atterc - not ir po''iticaI matrerc. '

iCV I.angol L-yat, o]^ . clt.^ p, ^3; ..J.Fisch?r, "F epeatitions in tha Irdr-an .^"volution" ^r rjaitin krrjrer (ed.), on^'itr, Kecistence and t-^volbiion (boulder, i937i iC3 He defended taqiyva in Kashf-e '•'srar in the folJ owing vvcrds: "Iron the point of vie^j of reason, '^'"•Sij".Y^ ^^ ^^'^ only permissible^'its practice is obligetory TwajibX. Tar;iyya means vjnat o man says against the fact, cr he acts cgains'r the dictates of shari' a, in order to protect his or other's blood, 9r property. For example ablution (wa^u) ,.,. In case a shi'i feels that by performing wa

i.i3 attitude towerds the shavkha^ (thj first tv;c Ccilir .•].••; of

Islani AIJU Lakr anc 'i;m:ir> has also underoone suhci.einti-^1 change. '.'jhile in Kashf-e Asrar; he remembered them as ururperc and 109 disbeliever, in H^k^''^i5J:r'.g_J.?J:-^'J: ^^' ^^' ^ ^'"^Y' P^^^-'^es them for follov.inq the footsteps of the Prophet: 'The first tv;c Caliphs adoptee the life style of the Prophet in their ^^erccn-l and external life, although thev disobeyed him in m,-ny othc.-r matters, the consec/aences of vjhich appeared during the period cl Uthman'. This cnange in Khomeini's vieviz, as pointed out hy i^-'.angol Ea;yat, was the result of his anxiousness to provide historicar legiti­ macy' to his theory of nece.'c-ity of government. He found himself forced to accept the Sunni caliphate e^s evidence of ccntinuec existence of government after the death of t.'Kj Prophet. In fact the early Sunni state provided Khomeini v^ith ' : more acceptable, or at least less objecticnabl %, historic-] frajne of reference than the Safavid or Qajar stater whi^h he dismisses as un-Islci; ac .

Khom.eini is a strong critic of medieval as veil as modern cleric?il attitude of passivity and abstinence from politics.

i09 See Khomeini, Kashf —e Asrar, p.63 ff. lie Khomeini, HuKuxriot-e Islemi, p.j-C, ilx M.angol Eayat, cp. cit., p, J6. 23G

h >- -or-.is-ti. tho:je 'u^'.,c.' of t; ,- nist vho I'^u a politer. Py jrt:ve io^"!., iJjy •^•oC.'.eci tr ti. Icr.p'ilis ani_ Ir^or jcireo th ^ r.o-iocT court ru p' V'3u tnj way ior ir.. victciy o^ LJ.J ..0':'JO1G /•••'• tie rtV aslcr.. hj praise; ..chcjTiirao Taqi Shi-^asi x>;hc 1 t) + h--^ '"Irj.ia' i ' 2 .. -HLu t'i.^ Liitisi: lorces ir. xraq. Ana ho is r.ll pic. re for vjooykl. tazlclli^h .,v ri Wi o wa^ r-angau for h: s oeri?.i.u oi r.^^ hrut a-ye niashru ' . /^ucorair.^ to AyatolJ r.r. ;.oh.j.,iec B.., ?3nt^, one o± the close associe-tes oi Khomeini^ he regarLGO IJu^i as 'ona ol the two or thieo le?aers of the (constitutional) revolu- ticn who truly understood wnat is meant to be a Kuslim' . Cbvioucly/ contrary to the fact, he says that all inairr.s '.J-'irc killed fighting the . he furtner describes the iniairs as "v?ariiers' 114 and "soldiers" in a bid to give a militant look to hjs ideology v)hile it is a well-knovn fact :hat only a fe-w imams hac shown any political n.otivation and activism. It is worth noting that he makes frequent references to the Prophet, 'Ali arc Hussayn than

xi2 Khomeini, I'ukur.gt-e Is 1 ami, p. 1^^ ^xJGeography Kose, op^ cit,, p. i3J , J.14 See Khorcini, cp, clt^, p. 134 ff. ?;^7

115 other quietist and apolitical -rrains In Kukurnat-e I:.j.cmi itself this trend i^ clearly visible; while reference to the Prophet Muheinirad have been made eighty times, All's 42 duK,^ and Kusayn's twelve times, the total number of references made to otner Iraeras together are only 25 times out of which x± reference^ are mace of Imam Ja'afar al-Saciq, It must be kept, howover, in -ind that eleven references to Imam al.Sadiq are due tc a few Traditions to prove the velayat of the'ulanu' narrated through , . 116 hiiT.

115 Afobas Kelidar, op, cit,, p,7S ana p.SO, The oreach with the Tfjelvers* conventions becomes total as he seeks to restore the original activist divines of Islam by cverlookinq t'-e posit- tions of the later Im.ams and citing the exarplo of the Prophet and th.-^ first three imams as his examples. There are references to the other ir^.amsin the text (of Hukurrat-e Islamic but only when they indicatea their legitimate cTaim.s ag'alrist the incumbent rulers oi the Abbafiid ^-'T-'^ty', 116 The break-up ot references made to the Prophet and the imams in Hukumat-e Islami in its four sections is as follows: Section II III IV Total The Prophet Muhammad 8 8 57 7 30 Imam. 'Ali 2 7 25 3 42 Im.am has an 1 - ~ - i Imam husayn o - 9 1 12 z Im.am Iiuhamraad al-Eaqir 1 — — _ 1 Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq - - 3 1 11 Imari. Musa al-Kazim - - 4 1 5 Imiam '^li allL-Rida - 1 - 2 J Iniam I-.uhamm,ad al-^Xahdi — — 3 1 4 source : Geogery Rose, op. cit., p.iBl f.n. (note: other Im.ams are not m.ontioned at all) . CHAPTER - VII

AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI: THE CONCEPT OF VELAYAT-E FAQITH

The concept of velayat-e faqih (guardianship of juris- consulti as interpreted by Khomeini constitutes an important aspect of contemporary Shi'i religio-political thought. It served as a major ideological justification for the legitimacy of the clergy to overthrow the Pahlavi regime and capture power and thus establish a theocratic state. In his theory of velayat-e facjih

Khomeini discusses the sources of the fugaha's legitimacy, their rights and duties; and their status and role in the society.

For Khomeini, just as the implementation of the Divine laws (shi'i) is all important, the question as to who will implement these laws is also very important. Therefore, after having described the necessity of the rule of shari_' a and the form of the government, he turns to elaborate as to who will be the leader of the community in his theory of yelayat-e faqih. The thesis

1 The term velayat (Arabic wilaya) has a number of connotations such as gurdianship, rulership, successors hip, deputiship of the Prophet and Imam - both in its esoteric as well as exoteric dimensions. For an elaborate descrintion of the term velayat in all its meanings and connotations and different kinds of usages see Ayatollah Mortoza Motahheri, ^lajat^va Velayatha, (Tehran, n.d.) "" " ?:U3 of Khomeini's interpretation in this regard is as follows: The fuqahV of I si an are the rightful heirs of the Hidden laiain; they are designated as the deputies and successors of the prophets and imams; they are the proofs (hujja) of Islam, therefore they are responsible for those acts and duties for which the Prophet and imams were sent. As the Prophet and imams were appointed by God to interpret God's will and to execute it on earth, the fuc^aha' are also entjrusted with the same two-fold tasks. The fug aha' inherit ever^^thing from the imams except, ot course, the super­ natural qualities. The fug aha' are custodians as well as rulers of the people, on behalf of the Hiaden Imam. Evindences to prove this can be found in both Qur'an ana Tradition, The government of a £aglh-e '.adil ("just faqih") is the only legitimate government on earth and the 'ulama' should strive to establish such a government by overthrowing all other tyrant and unjust governments,

Khomeini's theory of velayat-e faqih is based on the following presumptions:

1. The injunctions of the shari'a, including those pertaining to government and politics (hukumat va siyasat) are not suspended during the period of ghaybat.

2. Existence of a government is necessary in order to implement 2 those ordinances of shari* a.

2 See chapter 5, ?40

3, ::egligiance and avoidance is not permissible (ja'ez) regarding the iir,plenientation of those laws.

4, It remains untold as to who are the people who will implement 4 those laws in the age of Occult at ion.

5, Traditions and reason indicate that they are the imams, and during their absence fug aha' are wulat al~amr {holders of authority).

As usual, Khomeini, puts forward both rational arguments and quotations from the Qur'an and Tradition to support his theory that the government of a just faqih (fag^ih-e 'adil) is the sole legitimate g^ovemment in the absence of the Imam. As regard the rational argument he says that there are two essential character­ istics of the Islamic government; it is a government of law and justice. Because the qualifications of its leader should correspond to its nature, therefore, he must possess knowledge of law and justice. Now only a f aqih-e * adil can possess these two qualifications. Thus only he can be the head of state of an 5 Islamic government. According to him, an ordinary person who has

3 Khomeini, Hukumat-e I si ami, p, 62 4 Ib,id,,

5 Cf. ibid., pp. 58-59. 41

little knowledge of shari'^a cannot be head of the stat^, because he will be in a constant need of ghari'a experts to run the government. Therefore, 'it is better if the reign of power be formally in the hands of fug aha'^ not in the hands of those who need to follow fugaha' due to their ignorance of laws'. According to Khomeini fug ah a' are the heirs of velaYat of the Imarn. Therefore if a fajih-'adil establishes a government it will be obligatory upon every believer to obey him in tha same way as 7 obedience of the Prophet and the imaiTis is obligatory.

As regard the status of the fug aha' vis a vis i.T,ams, he says that there is no difference between fug aha' and imams as far as the governmental rights (ik.htlyrat-e hukuroati) of both of them are concerned, but of course the status of the Prophet and imams are higher than fugaha's as far as their spiritual status 3 (magaiTi-e ma'nvi) is concerned. The fug aha' neither can inherit

6 Ibid., p. 60. 7 Ibid., p. 63. 8 According to Khomeini the spiritual status (fada'l~e ma'nvi) of the imams are too high; in some cases even they are~Hrgher"than of Prophets 'It is essential', says he, 'according to our faith to believe that no one can reach to the spiritual status of the imams (m aq am at-e m a'nvi), not even angels and Prophets. In fact, according to our tradit^lons, the Prophet Muhammad and imams existed before the creation of the universe in the form of lignt (nur) under the shadow of the Divine Throne. They have got superiosTty over other human beings even in the sperm from which they grew and in their physical com]:)osition'.Hukumat-e Islami, pp. 67-68. According to his gradation, the Prophet Muhammad is on the top of the hierarchy; next comes' Ali the Comn,ander of the faithful and then come other imams; see xbid , p.64. r\i2 the existential velayat of the imams, nor they can reach their position in this regard. 3y differentiating between the two kinds of the vel ayat of imains - namely vel_ayat-e takvini (existential yalj^at) and vel ay at-e _i' tebarl (intrnsic vo' ^yati Khomeini tries to undo a .najor hinderance in determining the g status of the fug aha' vis-a-vis the imams, Velayat-e ma'nvi or vel ayat-e_t akw Irii is the exclusive rights of the Prophet and the imaris; niortal human beinqs (insar.-e ' adij cannot reach th..' ^)osition as it is God given and intransfarable. The yelayat-e i'tabari is transferred to the fugaha' of Islam. In this regard the imams and the fuc^aha" are equal. Thus ' to think that governmental jurisdiction of the Prophet was greater than 'Ali or his governmental rights were greater than faqih is absolutely wrong'. Similarly, an official appointed by an imam possesses the same authority and power as the imam. He further says that God has given the fug aha' all the powers and authority in the present age that He had given to the Prophet and the imams. The government of faqih is 'an

Q Hamid Enayat, "Iran: Khumayni's Concept of the Gurdianship of the Jurisconsult" in J.P, Piscatori (ed,>, I_slam ^in the Politic_al_Process (London, 1983), P. 133, 10 Khomeini, op. cit,, pp. 64-68 and Pj3ssj.m. He further elaborates that the velayat-e ma'nvi and vel.^yat-e i 'teberi may not be always present toge^Tief In all the •ti^.mbeff'of the house of the Prophet, There was for example Fatima, the aaughter of the Prophet and the wife of the Firsc Imam who possessed spiritual status, but she did not possess p^'litical power. See ibid., p,68. :?43

relative (i'tebari) and rational matter. It is an appointment, just like the appointment of a guardian for a minor. There is no * difference between the guardian of minor and the guardian of the nation (gjYY.^J?"^ ."^^^-^^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^ *^® functions and duties of both of them is concernedo . .12

The fuqaha's authority on behalf of the Absent Imam in certain matters, relating to juridical interpretations and tax collection had been based upon a de facto recognition. " The source of the authority was generally mass support than any juridical or doctrinal justification. 14 The position of 'ulama' although had always been crucial, particularly their position as interpreters of shari'a laws and collections of Khums. As a doctrinal proposi­ tion their position was not as clearly defined. It has not attracted the attention of the theologians as an independent doctrine either. As one author points out 'The notion of the Imam's deputyship (in either specific cases or in the context of general agency) was little more than an obscure formula based on the sporadic claims of the 'ulama'. These claims were scatterxi throughout different chaj)ters of fiqh, such as qada (judgement), jihad

^2 Iba;^.» PP. 64-65. 13 See chapter 2. 14 See Leonard Binder, "The Proof, of Islam:Religion and Politics in Iran" in G. MaXdisi (ed,), Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of H.A.R Gibb, Leiden, 1965; N.R.Ke3aie,"^So'EF~o?~t*~ ulama^ Power in Modem Iran" in N.R.Keddie (ed.i, Scholars, saints and Sufis, Berkeley, 1972. ' :'\i\

(holywar), Khuins (an Islamic tax) and ijtihad (juridical endeavour) aiid they were primarily intended to clarify the role 15 of jurists in certain particular cases.

The most important problem before anyone who seeks to define the status of 'ulama' as deputies of the Imam in his absence is the problem of legitimacy. That is, what is the source of 'ulama*s clair to be the na'ib (successor/diputy; of the Irnam-e Gha^eb ? The question can be studied from two c ,j>-,\~^. One what juridical status the Ithna' Ashari-Shi'i law confers ux:>on the 'ulama; and the other, what power and authority 'ulama' practically wielded throughout their history^;

Ttera is no ucubt that according to the Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism the Prophet designated 'Ali as his w_asi (legatee) . All the imams were conferred that position by their predecessors. Then, at le-ist, the last of the imams deputied four wuXala' who acted in the na'ne of the Imam getting legitimacy from him. But after them the tradition of the explicit designation of depu-cies and successors seemed to have come to an end. I'.odem scholais are

15 Ahmad Kazemi Moussavi, "The Establishment of ^he Position of Murj a'iyyat-i Taqlid in the Twelver. Shi'i com;^iunity Iranian Studies, Vol. XVIII, No.l (1985), p ^4^)

at disagreement on the question whether the Twelver Shi'i jurisprudence allov/s mujtahidsto act as the deputies of the Hidden 16 Iraam, A staunch critic of this conception iti Joseph Eliash. He writes:

Twelver shi'i juridical principles do not vindicate an alleged designation of the 'ulaiTia' by the Ima.ns to wield the Imam's prerogatives. In fact according to the Twelver Shi'i doctrine of the Imamate, to claim any of the Imam's prerogatives is to commit a major sin. On the other hand, compared with the Sunni ^.adis and imiftl, the mujtahid enjoy not only the privilege of ijtihad but also complete independence, in the Muslim juridical sense, from the political institution ,,., When pronouncing judgement, however, it cannot be said of the mujtahid that he is enjoying the Imam's prf^roqative of sitting in judgement, because, the Imarote judgement is infallible and irrevocable unless he declares that he has exercised dissimic ation (taqiyYa) . The case is not similar with the mujtahid. His judgements are at all time fallible and may be revoked if proved wrong.^"^

The attitude of the early Shi'i 'ulama' (mutaqaddimin) has been quite clear in this regard. Both previous and latter 'ulama' (muta* khkhirin) agree on the principle that 'ulama' have not been conferred the status of the holders of authority (hujj) in clear

16 See Joseph Eliash, "The Ithna 'Ashari shi'i Juristic Theory of Political and Legal authority" Studia I si arnica, vol, XXIX (1969), pp. 17-30 and "Misconceptions~Regarding the Juridical status of the Iranian 'ulama'. International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. X, No. 1 (1979T7pp. 9'^S, Said Amir Arjoraand Also support him. See Arjoraand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imamt Religion; Political order and_Sociail_cKaiae fTom the~BegInning tcTlBgO, Chicago, 1984, - ~ 17 Joseph Eliash, Misconceptions Regarding the Juridical Status of the Iranian 'ulama', p.21, ,".}n

and unambiguous term. In his earlier writings Khomeini himself adiaits this ir. unequivocal words s

*The guardianship of the mujtahids (velayat-e nnijtahid) has always been debated by the 'ulama' Troin the very ~ beginning. Not only that there is a disagreement on whether the niujtahids possess the rights of the guardian­ ship or not, rather tnere is a disagreement about their limits of velayat and areas of jurisdiction. This is one of the subjects of jurisprudence about which both (for and against) put their arguments. Fully aware . ot this difficulty, Khomeini strove hard to provide juridical evidence to ascertain the legitimacy of the fuqaha' as tte deputy of the Absent Imam, A major part of his book jjuj5Up^t<-e Iglami is devoted for this discussion. He goes to search the whole shi'i literature to find out every possible reference to the effect,

Khomeini atteu.pts to prove the vel ay at of the f aqih from the same verse of the Quran (4:59) by which the shi'i 'ularna' 1 9 justify the legitimacy of the velayat of the imams. He strongly argues that if the verse establishes the vela^at of the imams, it also establishes the vel ay at of the f aqih by some token, for the verse is not applicable for a certain period but for all times.

18 Khomeini, Kashf-e Asrar, pp. 233-34, 19 'Verily Allah commands you to return the trusts to their owner (tuwadd^LJilram^at) and that when you judge between men you judge wi^h justice,,,' P47

He derives the inference from sinple deduction: God appointed Prophets on the earth for the guidance of the mankind, for He cannot spare mankind without guidance to fall in errors and sin. The Prophet appointed the ImaE (Ali) for he cannot spare the community without the one who would guide it. Then imams appointed their successors one after the other for the same purpose according to the Qur'anic command of "return the trusts to their owners". Then how coroe the last Imam did not leave his successor 20 for it would be against the command of God, Khomeini no dotibt takes full advantage of well established 5hi'ia maxim that God would not leave mankind without . guidance. He points out that by "trusty (.aBanat), as appears in the verse^ the Shi'i theologians mean the "trust of imemat" , similcirly, hak^aititum bay al-nas tahkimun bi'l-'adl is addressed not to the gadi but 21 to the political authority.

Khomeini, then mentions a number of Traditions to substantiate the above claim. According to him most of these Traditions are nass. He discusses each Tradition ^t length considering its merit, demerit and authenticity. Dirferent versions of these traditions are also taken into consideration. Following

20 Khomeini, Hukumat-e Is 1 ami, pp. 107,

21 Ibid,, p. 108, ff. ?48

are those traditions:

(1> 'Ali says the Prophet told him: 0 God, Have mercy on my successors (Khulaf a'i) . He repeated it thrice. He was asked; Who are your successors. He said: They are those that come after me, transmit (yara'un) my Traditions and practice, end teach them to - - - 22 the people after me (Yu* allirnunha^_al"nass min Da'dx) .

(2) Imam Musa has said: When a believer (mu'min^-^dies. there appears crack in the fortress of Islam which nothing can repair. Because - 24 the fug ah a' are citadel of Islam (fuqaha' hisn al-Islam) ....

(3) The Prophet has said: Fuqaha* ere "trustees" of prophets 25 (amna'al-rusul) until they enter into the world,,.,

{4} Imam 'Ali said to Shurayh a : O'Shurayh the seat you occupy can be occupied by none but Prophet or his legatee (wasil or a sinfull (shaqi) .

22 This Tradition is mentioned by Khomeini as the clear pr-^of cf delegation (nass) of the said status of the fug ahj.' .It is, therefore, dealt by him at some length. He mentioin^ different versions of the tradition as appeared in various sources. In some sources the last words fa yu'allimunah al^-nas min ba'di (those who teach it to the people "alter me)~ has not occure^ Khomeini tries to emphasise the validity of those last words and tries to prove that in th6se versions in which these words have not occured happened to be by chance (see ibid., pp. 75-77), It is interesting to note that in Kashf-e Asrar he mentions the version which does not contain these words. He quotes it from Awa'id al»Ayyam of Mull a Ahmad Naraqi, see Kashf-e Asrar, p. 23 8. This tradltion'is also used by many theorist in recent past including Valid-e Behhehani, Mull a Naraqi and Shaykh al-Ansari» 23 Khomeini emphasizes a different version of the same Tradition which niar^itions al-inu'min al-faqih instead of only pl-mu*min, ipid., pp. 82-83, 24 Ibid,, p, 82. 25 Ibi.d., pp. 87-88, 26 Ibijd., p. 4 7. ?49

(5) Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq has said: Refrain from govememce (al-hukuma) for, it is [reserved) only for an imam, who knows laws and procedure of judgement (al-'alim bi'l qada') and who do justice aroong the believers (al~'adil fi *l~muslimin> and for a prophet or 27 a legatee (wjagi) of the Prophet ,,,. > 28 (6) 'Isa bin 1'a'qxib toldj I asked Muhammad bin Uthman al-'Amari to deliver a letter to the Twelfth Imam in which I had asked about certain problems (mas'ala) . A reply (al~tewqi^) written in the hand of the Master of the Age was returned 'by Muhammad b, 'Ulhman al-*Aroari) to me which said : In case of the problems occurdrig under new circumstances (al-hawadith al-waqi'a) return towards the narraters of our Traditions (rawah hadithuna); they are my proofs (hujajati^ ^pon you and l am the proof of Allah....^^

27 Ibid., p. 100. 28 The first wakil appointed by the Hidden Imam. 29 Ibid., This is another important Tradition most often quoted to prove? 'ulama's liegitimacy, 5haykh Murtaza al-Ansari and iMulla Ahmad Naqira particularly, have relied heavily on it. This tradition has been quoted by Khomeini in Kashf-e Asrar also. See Kashf-e Asrar, p. 237. ';r•5r 0

(7> 'Umar b. Kanzala said to Ja'far al-Sadiq. Two man of our coiranunity dispute about a debt or inheritance and they ask the teroporal govertiment (al-suitan) and the gadis for a judgement. Is that lawful ? The Imam replied : Whosoever asks them for a judgen«nt ,,, He is asking the taghut (satan) to give judgement, and whatever judgement is given to him, verily it is taken as unlawful ,,,,

Ibn Hanzala askedx What should they do then ? The Imam said s They should look for one among you who has related our Tradition, has examined what is lawful and what is unlawful according to us, and has known our decrees. They should accept him as a judge, for I appointed him a judge over you. (8) IsTiam Ja'far al.Sadiq Said? whenever a dispute about anything in taking or giving arose among you, do not refer the matter for judgement to any of those malf actors (rulers/qadisi , You can make

3 0 This Tradition is known as "maqbula 'Umar bin Hanzala" and the roost^ clt-r-quoted tradition with regarS to establisH 'ulama's legitimacy. It is also one of the earliest Traditions quoted by the 'ulama' of medieval period to prove the rights of •ularna as judges ((ja4i3). Khomeini has given it a special treatment. The Tradition has a number of versions? the content and size of the tradition has varied, Khomeini has given only one version from Wasa'l al-Shi'a of al-Cftmuli : 3i Cf. Khomeini, op, cit,, pp, 116-117. Tradition has been mentioned in Kashfa-e Asrar, on p, 238, 251

a person (fagih) ainong you who taiows permissible and prohibited 32 according to us, because I have made Win judge (qadi> upon you,,,, •

(9) Iraam J a'far related the Prophet has said: ,,,'Ulanta are heirs of the Prophets (al-'ulama* wuratha'al~Anbiya'), The Prophets do 33 not bequeath but knewLJage ..,.

(10) According to Fiqh Radewi : In the present age, the status of f^ih is like the status of the Prophets of Bani Israel.

(il) The Prophet has said s The 'ulaima' of my xHnroaiare like the Prophets before roe,

34 (12) 'Ulaina' are rulers (hukkam) over people.

(13) Imam Husayn said s 0* 'ulama,,, ycu are cevoted ,eoples ,.. have you not earned respect and prestige because of men's hope that you will implement God's laws ? ....The administration of the country, the issuing of judicial decree, and the approving of legislative programs should actually be entrusted to religious scholars who are the guardian of the rights of Goc and knowledge­ able auout Gods ordinances .,,. All proposed, regulation would be

3 2 Cf. ibia,, p. 123.

33 Cf, ibid., p, 129. This Tradition is known a S_^hih _al- Uadah. Khomeini has mentioned it as a clear nass for the desig­ nation of 'ulama* as the deputies of the Imam. '"*

34 Cf. ibid., pp. 142, 143-44 and 144 respectively. These Tradition are mentioned by Khomeini as supportive evidences. Ke did not argue by them. ?52

brought to you for your approval and for you to issvianre. Authoruty woulo lie in your hands. But you allowed the oppressor to take away functions and permitted government, which is supposed to be regulated by the provisions ot the shari'a, to fall into their • ^ 35 nands ,,.,

What Khomeini intended to infer from the above set of Traditions can be summarised thus:

1, The Fugaha' are like the prophets meaning thereby that they are the successors of the Prophet (Muhammad), at least in regard to their duties and functions, if not in status.

2, The Fug aha' inherit the power of safeguarCing :he religion and guiding the commanity on behalf of the A sent ImaiP.

3, Their duties include not only interpretation of the revelation but also establishment of government for the welfare of the commfunity, •

4, The establishment of a just government is as incumbent upon the fug aha' as the interpretation of the shari'a.

Khomeini emphasises the point that the meaningfulness and effectiveness of the term Khulafa'i (ray successors") is not in anyway less important than the term 'Ali Khalifjti'"' ('Ali is i.y successor)". By this the Shi'i theologians establish the explicit designation of 'Ali as Prophet's successor. In both the olaces the term 'KhaLlfa' occures with the same meaning and connotation. For him, it is very important that the Prophet used Khalifa,

35 Cf, ibid,, pp. 145-148. 3G Ibj.d., p. 81 25'd the personal noun rather than 'Khilafat*^ so that the successor could be more definitely specified. He wonders why people consi­ dered 'Ali Khalifat! (All is ruy successor) as an explicit nass meaning to designate the successor of the Prophet but did notdorj^a tha saaise meaning from the above tradition (i.e. al-a'_imnia khulafa'i, 'uliama* are my successors) which is in no way different in context^ emphasis and words, from other. 37 More important, according to him, is the phrase yu'allimun al-nass " (they teach the people)". He argues that here the Prophet clearly meant fugaha* and not Traditionalists who just narrate the tradition ana do not possess the ability of deducing ordinances (ahkam) from them.

^y al-fug aha' his an al-Islam' (fuq aha' being the citedal — ^ ______of Islain), he tries to establish power and authority of the fug aha' in matters of religion, especially in matters of safecjuarding the 39 creed and . aaritrtTLng Islamic order. This according to Khomeini is the most essential auty of the fugaha'. This is an absolute obli.jation (wagib-e motlatg) not conditional (wrjib-e mashrut) , Because the fortress of Islan cannot be safeguarded by protecting only one part of it* therefore the 'ulama' should ta>ce up the

37 Ibid,, 2 "5 iM^.» PP« 76-78. 39 Ibid., p. Si. 40 Ibid., p, B5.

responsibility of protecting the whole of Islain including its political aspect, i.e. the rule and the governance of the community, The whole of Islam could only be protected when the whole of it is implemented.

By the "trusteeship of 'ulama'" aLl-fuqaha' amanna'al-rusul, he tries to prove that fugah'a' inherit the duties and functions of the oroohets in totality. Because the Prophets were not sent for ^Rly tte purpose of interpreting the .shari'a (mas' ala go'i) The most importcint duty of the Proohets was to establish a just social order through the implementation of laws ana ordincuices of

Islara,„ So the f-gqaha' are also responsible for establishing a 42 government and implementing the shari'a.

The next two Traditions according to Khomeini define faqih as wasi of the Prophet. In typical polemic style Khomeini argues tnat according to these Traditions the only deserving persons for the government are the Prophet or his wasi i.e. according to this Tradition the wasi of the Prophet are only those (a) who know the laws and deliver judgement ('alim) (b) they are just ('.^ii) apiong the believers and (c) control the leadership

^-^ i^2" PP« 34-85. 42 Ibid., pp. 89-90. ^ryC)

(imaxn, leader). Thus fug aha' are the only persons who come true 4 J upon these three criteria. Instead of traditional interpretation

°^ ^a^jc.-^'th al-waqi' a vj-iich i^ean.? new juridical problems concerning

udy to day life, Khomeini ex^slains it as "new probl sms of ^ocio-

•-o]iticdl life". He argv es t..cii: during the age of living inara?

every ooay knew that '. :.ey are supposed to go to th > rug ah a' to

consult about their juriaical prcDlems. 3o it ij ^iite cl';ar

that tr.e Imam wad asKea -bo^t the new sr-cio-political proiOlems,

as to what was to be done in his absence. '"When certain problems

rel ating to the collective life emerge about v;hich there was not 44 a precedent in his life'.

Hadith~e Haiizala, known as hadith macjbula is the Tradition

most frequently quoted by those who sought legitimacy for th?

tuc:aha' most probably on account of its explicit and authoritative

nature. Khomeini ass^^rts that the suggestions of the Imam 'a'afar

Sadiq were not for an^, particular case or for limited time. They

are rather general comi..andments (ahkam~e ^v^lj-i) . Together with the next quoted tradtiion he emphasizes that the Imaii's

43 i^d., pp. 99- 101.

44 Ibid., pp. 103-104.

45 Ibid., p. IJ.8. 25G

decree to return to the fugaha', and not to the rulers does not apply only to the legal problems (qadawat), it rather incor- porates the problems concerning government and implementation (hukumati va ijra'i). 46 According to him through this tradition Imam Ja'far specified the status of 'ulama* and fug aha'.. Khomeini further asserts that the fug aha' once appointed ty imams could not be suspended or terminated. Therefore, the seat of government and judgement blessed by the imams are secured for the fug aha'. It is possible to terminate one individual for the office, but it is impossible to ' "banish the office itself.

Refuting the view that by^'heir of the Prophets" (a],'_yiMa' vuritha'al-ambiya') as occurs in sahih-e__2ad^h imams are meant not 'ulama', Khomeini puts for^wards precisely. the toilowing arguments:

1, Imams do not inherit knowledge from the prophets; they get it from God, The tradition of the prophets are inherited by •ulama', not imams, so by 'ulama' who inherit the traditions of the Prophet a:3 indicated by the tradition scholarb cf Islam are •...eant . now imams.

46 Ibid., pp. 124-25, 47 IbJ.a,, pp, 122-125. OT5 7

2. The characteristics described in the Tradition conform to the characteristics of the 'ulama' not iinains, 48 3. Several other Traditions conform to the same statenient. Other Traditions are quoted only to support the above mentioned arguments and strengthen the conception of yelayat-e faqih »

What generally the Shi'i theologians of the past had inferred from some of the above mentioned Traditions was to .provide legitimacy for the fug aha* in certain matters: intarpretation of shari* a. collection and distribution of religious taxes, pox'ar of juugeraent in disputes and power of irnpl emat at ion of a few of criminal lavjs. Khorr.eini himself has mentioned some of these Traditions in Kashf-e Asrar. But they are mentioned to prove othor things. For instar.ce, by the Tradition of 2}„*''3^i*''^_^rH5d-L^ ^'® established the following (tg^lid) of the live wujtahid, the Tradition that says ^dis to be the desputies of imam is quoted to prove 'ulama's r:ght as judges.

As already men':ioned speculations that 'ulama' are the ae;>uties of the Imam developed during the Buyid period and strength erec

48 Cf. ibid., pp, 131-140. 49 Khomeini, Kashf-e_Asrar, pp. 246-'7. 50 Ibid., pp. 376-77. .?58

during the Safavid period. But the idea of 'ulania' being political leaders has not been conceived earlier. Even during the Safavid m period 'ulaina' eniphasised their role as judges and collectors of religious ta:

Gorro resoect was Sl-.aykh 'Ali b. Husayn al-Amili ai-Karaki (d,1534j known ^s al-Muhaqqi-^ al-Thani. His emphasis upon a political role ot 'ulama' was au^. to his strong conviction regarding the notion of "enjoining the right and forbidding the evil" (_arir bi '1- rna'ruf wa n

B11 Muslims," Since then some Shi'i mujtahids asserted a mors active role in public life. He generally discussed this subject under the notion of amr bi'l ma'ruf wa nahy ani'l munkar. But they

51 On different attitudes of Safavid 'ulama' towards the rulers and evolution of ideology in this regard see AKS Lambton, state and Government in Medieval Islam^ p, 268 ff. "wuis Custod3'.el Custodes^/ Stvdia I si arnica, VI (1956),pp,130 ff,

52 Hcimid Enayat, op, cit,,p, l6l. .?59

dxQ not make any political claim as such. Al-Karaki also thought that rnujtahids position is above the rular and the latter should 53 - be subordinate to the former. " Shahid al-Thani*s theory of neyabat-e 'airana also had little political implications as he thought revolt against th3 ruler was strictly aguinst the doctrines 54 of the Twelver Shi'isii,. The political influence of 'ulama' during the Safavid period was considerable given to the socio-political situation, personal influences of certain 'ulama* and the fact the state professed Ittrna 'Ashari faith as its official religion. Yet the role of 'ulama' vis-a-vis political authority was by and large 55 advisory^ still subservient. They served rulers as subordinates on different official posts and despite their mass following, 5fi politically they derived authority from the rulers. They did not enjoy share in the matters of government in real terra. The triumph of the akhbaris also disallowed progress in juridical speculation to raise 'ularea's status during this period.

The eighteenth century saw sorrva structural changes in the position and status of the 'ulama' particularly curing the second

5J Lambton, op. cit., p. 282.

54 Norroan Calder^ Accommodation and Revolution in Imami Shi'i Jurisprudence; Khumayni and the Classical Tradition' Middle gastern studies, vol, to XVIII, No.i (1982), p.11.

55 Keddie, "The Roots of Ularoa's Power in KiOdem Iran", in Keddie (ed.), Scholar5*3aint_s_ arid_Sufis. p. 220. 56 Larabton, cp. cit.^ p. 284 f£. 260

half of it when mujtahids position was raised with the triumph of usulis over the akhbaris. Then in the nineteenth century took place the evolution of the conception of marja'-e taqlld, according to which a single raujtahid was supposed to be the final authority in religious matters,

Khomeini's concept of the govem*nent of f aqih-e ' idil can also be studied in comparison with the institution of marja-e taqlld. During the Qajar period 'ulama's position was raised as the rulers started getting formal authorization (izn-e-sultanat) from them to rule over the country. The establishipent of the coincided with the emergence of usuli school of flq[h. Aqa Valid-e Behbehani (d, 1793) led the triumph of usulis over akhbaris in Najaf; he is therefore known as roo' ass is (founder), Usuli resurgence revived the practice of juridical speculation end widened its scope consequently enhancing mujtabid's {uncticns. The triumph of the usulis gave a new life not only to the theo~ logical and juridical speculations, it also resulted in an increased emphasis upon the political claims of the 'uiama'. 58 Aqa Vahid-e

57 The nineteenth century also witnessed a significant development in Shi'a theology i.e. the concept of the alamiyyat (the most learned). The idea, though in a very rudementary form, was present in the shi'i traditions, it was emphasized for the first time by al'Amuli. By the nineteenth century the concept had got perfect roots and was well established in the consciousness of the people. Shaykh Kajafi-Isfahani (d.l849) and his successor Shaykh al-Ansari (d,1864) were well accepted marjaA taqlids. 58 See Keddie, The Roots of Ulama's Power in Modem Iran, pp. 223-225. 2G1

Behbehani tried to introduce the idea of faqih as the caliph - - 59 of the Prophet (Khalifa al_-ra_sul) / but he did not elaborate on it.. Eehbehaini claimed the rights of the velayat of the mujtahid on the basis of his knowledge. He says :

It is proverbial among 'ulama' that the gate of acquiring knowledge concerning religious ordinances (ahkaip) is closed (upon the absence of the Imam) . How? We'see a large number of ahkSm which become known after effort. This is true'despite the fact that effort leads to speculative reason (zann) which is neither proof (Ipujjat) nor beneficial; despite the fact the Akhbaris claim that the gate of acquiring knowledge is not closed and it is a matter of controversy* and despite the fact that in many cases we know things without searching, because they are obvious. We say that no speculations are proofs, nor any * (which is reversible by contradictionary ijma') nor even self- evidence (bidaha) amount to absolute proof. It is only the mujtahids' speculation acquired after endeavour (ijtiheg) that weigh as proof.^'-'

However, the institution of marja'-e taqlid could provide the 'ulama' only a religious role, politically it was successful to the extent that 'the monarch was theoretically bounded, no less than his subjects, to submit to the authoritative guidance of 61 mujtahids',

59 Ahmad Kazem Moussavi, "The Establishment of the Position of Marja'iyyat-e Taqlid in the Twelver Shi'i Community", Iranian Studies, vol. XVIII, No.l (1984), p.38. 60 Cited in Moussavi, op. cit., p. 38,

61 Hamid Algar, The Oppositional Role of the Uldma in Twentieth - century Iran in Keddie (ed.). Scholars Saints and Sufis, p. 235, ~ "" 2G2

Mull a Ahmad Naraqi (d. 1830) was the first who used the term velayat-e faqlh and dealt it as a separate doctrine in his well known book 'Awa'd al^AyYarn. He writes:

Our purpose here is to expose the jurists' vilayat who are the Imam's deputies and rulers during the absence of the Imam, and to determine whether their vilayat is general ^' amma)i in the same way as it was principally presumed for the Imams, In short, what is their vilayat about. As for the jurists duty over people's affairs and over what they have full and all- embracing vil^at we ,,, .by divine grace ... say that a just jurists' vilayat lies in two matters. First, every vilayat possessed by the Prophet and the Imams (who were tTie sovereigns and pillars of Islam) is bestowed upon the jurists as well, except what is excluded by juridical proof such as ijma'(consensus) or nass (established text),,.. Secondly, every action concerning the people's faith and wordly affairs is necessity and inescapable according to reason ar.d habit or according to shari'a (law).^^

Khomeini did not hesitate to accept the influence of fi3 Naraqi regarding the theory of velayat-e faqih„ It can be said that Khomeini'3 iaeas are a modified and improved form of Naraqi's theory. Naraqi h-is dealt with the theory of velayat-e f^ih as an independent topic. He compiled all traditions and juristic reasonings known to him to confirm the 'ulama's rights and duties in respect to velayat. Khomeini proceeds in a similar way in his argumentation, especially in the case of the legitimacy of the fuqaha' as the deputies of the Imarri which is the most crucial point in this regard.

62 Cited in Ahmad Kazem Mousavi, o^j^cit,, pp. 41-4 2. 63 See Khomeini; Kashf-e Asrar, pp. 23 7, 238; idem, Hukumat -e Islami, pp. I72l^ and passim ,?Ga

Shaykh Murtada al Ansari, a disciple of Naraqi further developed the thesis of his teacher. Nevertheless he disagreed with Naraqi on various poi'^'^^s. According to Murtada al-Ansari, there is no doubt that 'ulama' are deicnate^"' with the status of 64 deputiship of the Hidden Imam. In his book Kitab al-, he broadly divides the function of 'ulama' into three parts: (1) ifta (2) hukuma, and (3) walaya al-tasiarruf fi'l-awwal v;a*l anfus. He believed that absolute authority over the people in both temporal and spiritual matters falls within the juris­ diction of the imams. But statutory and discretionary penalities (hudud v?a ta'airat) and solution to unforseen events (al-hawadith al waqi'a) are specifically delegated to the faqih in absence of the Imam, He believed that 'ulama' do not inherit each and every rights and function of the imams. Moreover, he said that it is absurd to claim that the 'ulama' are entitled to obedience in all spiritual and temporal matters.

Thus although the political p-tivism among the 'ulana* and a'more political role for them was 'visualized during the . .

64 See J,P.. Cole, "Imami Jurisprudence and the Role of the Ulama: Mortaza An'^ari on Emulating the supreme Exempler", KeddieCed.) Religion and Politics in IranjShi'ism from Quietism to Revolution, P. 37. 65 By hukumat he means the pre-rogative of ulama as the executors of hudud. and ta'zirat. He does not mean by it government of ulama. See Hamid Enayat, op.cit., p,161. 66 Cf,, Hamid Enayat, op. cit., p, 162. 67 See Arjomand, Revolution in Shi'ism in W.R.Roff(ed.), Islam and the Political Economy of Meaning, P,, 116,* * 2G4

eighteenth-nineteenth century nohe has thought of a direct government of 'ulama*. What previously they wanted was th^t Kings were needed - to carry out certain tasks, but should follow the cause of the •ulama',

The role played by 'ulama' in Tobacco movement (1891-92) 69 and subsequently in mashruta is considered as revolutionary. But in the Constitutional movement what the 'ulama' at tne ; most wanted was nothing more than a constitutional monarchy in which they would play a consulatory and advisory role to the king and government. Although they demanded a supervisDry committee to be fomred which could regulate' the new promulgation of laws in accordance with the laws of shari'a they did not demand direct participation in government and administration. Nuri dis­ tinguished veljc;^ of the faqih from -^gkalat .While by velayat he meant the 'ulama's jurisdiction of interpretation of religious laws, by vekalat h« ijneant representation in government. According to him only vel ay at is the jurisdiction of 'ulama vekal at does 70 not fall within their jurisdiction.

It is interesting to note that Khomeini himself had no idea of the faqih being head of state in his previous writings even

68 Norman Calder, op. cit., p. 16.

69 Haroid Alqar, Religion and state in Iran 1785-1905; Keddie, Roots of Ulama's Power in Modem Iran,'"p,"T^7, " 70 V.A. Maritine, "The Anti-Constitutional Arguments of Shaykh Fazallah Nuri", Middle Eastern Studies, vol, XXII, No,2, (1986), pp. 181-187. Abdul H"adi Ha'iri, "shaykh Fazl Allah Nuri' Refutation of the Idea of Constitutionalism" Middle Eastern Studies, vol. XIII, No,3 (1987),pp. 327-39. 2b\T though he strongly believed in the guardianship and governance of fug aha'. He wrote: 'When we say that in this age guardianship (velayat) and governance (hukumat) belong to Ji^^J^ha' we do not 7i mean that fug aha'are kings, ministers, officers'. He did not go, obviously, beyond the position adopted by shaykh Murtada al-Ansari and the Constitutionalist 'ulawa' in this regard. He consistently used the word hukumal: (governance) for the 'ulama' along with

f velayat (emphasis added), but by hukuroat he certainly did not mean a government of t^e fug aha' with a faqih as the head of the govemrnent as he asserts in his later writings. By hukuroat he just meant the role of 'ulama' as and executors of penalities (hudud and ta* zirat) , Answering a self-posed question: Is it necessary that the government should be in the hands of _fuqaha,'rhere may be a government of anyone but the ruler »*hould obtain permission - 72 (ijaza) from the fug aha'. However, the fu ^ aha' could not give ij^aza to any ruler they liked. Such a power was not even held by the Prophet and imam. They could give ijaza to only that ruler 73 who did not violate the laws of God, He nevertheless, thought of

71 Khomeini, Kashf-;e Asrar^ p, 234.

72 Ibid., p. 239; also p. 28^ and pp. 294-295. 73 Ibid., p, 239. .?GG

a consultative assembly of 'ulama' which would help the king in

iroplementation of shari * a laws. According to him velayat and

hukurnat is ^fulfilled if such an assembly is constituted:

Jin assembly should be constituted of the mujtabids who knew the ordinances of God, are just; who are not captive of the material self, and who wanted nothing except the welfare of people and implementation of Gods commandments (iira'-e hukm-e_ K?loda.) .They should elect a just ruler"(sultan~e "^dil)' wRo does not contradict the laws of God, ""who keeps himself away from tyranny and injustice, and who^^oes not usurp the life and property of people'.

In Kashf~e Asrar, Khomeini asserted that the clergy

should not assume any other preoccupation than the religious i.e.

explanation of tawhid and taqwa (Oneness of God and purity),

education and propagation of scriptural laws, purification of 75 people's morality. Regarding the role of 'ulama' vis-a-vis

political authority he said; 'I have made it clear that when they,

the mujtahids say that the government should be in the hands of

fagih they do not mean that the fuqaha should be kings, ministers.

They, rather, mean that the fagih should have legislative

(quvvat-e taqniniyya) and executive (quvvat-e mujriyya) powers."^^

He strongly refuted the view that the ruler should be a f aqih.'^''

74 Ibid., p. 234.

75 Cf., ibid,, pp. 263-6': 76 Ibid., p. 294.

77 Ibid., p. 295. .?67

Thus while in Kashf-e Asrar he explicitly mentioned that it is not obligatory that the fugaha' should have the reign of power in their hands, in HuKumat-'e Islami he emphatically assents that the only legitimate government possible in the 2ii§X^5i ^^ that of f^ih-e 'adil and that the 'ulama' should keep each and every department of government and administration in their hands. Moreover, according to him the government of faqih-e 'adil is - 78 God-given (rabbani), That is, the faqih-e ' adil derives its legitimacy from God and not from public as in the case of modem democracy; nor from his previlage of interpreting shari'a as the traditional 'ulama' claimed. He thus goes far beyond the tradi­ tional point of view that the'ulama's claim for guardianship of people was due to their knowledge of shari'a. According to him obedience of the faqih'-e 'adil upon the believer is obligatory 79 because it is a matter of faith, Khomeini does not believe in hierarchy of mujtahids. He made it quite -lear that the fug aha' are not "absolute guardians" (vali-ye rootlac}) in the sense that 78 Khomeini, Hukumat-e Islam^ p, 171. ''^ Si^«' P« ^^» ^^^ ^^ faqih-e 'adil does not acquire e super natural status. The vel ay at does not create extra-ordinary status for anyone. The fagih-e 'adjl^ inspite of his rule over the people still remains a mukallaf "and fallible. His authority and power is functional and relative ^i^tebari). According to him, it is not necessary for all officials oT't'Re government to be the faqih, nor it is necessary that they should possess a very high religious status in juristic and legal deduction, Cf,, ibid., pp. 64-65. '-^ca they possess velayat over the other fug aha' of their age and can appoint or discharge thero. 30 According to him this is the only difference between the goveminental powers (umur-e hukumati) of the Prophet and the imams and that of the faqih-e* adil. While the former can cppoint or discharge a guardian, the latter cannot do so.

Thus we see that Khomeini's theory of velayat-e faqi'n is a marked departure from traditional point of view. He envisages a far more greater role and status of the 'ulama' compared to the role and status conceived by the Shi'i theologians of the past as well as present. It is also worthy to note that Khomeini's ideas in this regaird have considerably changed from his Kashf-e Asrar to Hukumat-e Islami.

80 Ibid., p, 65, CONCLUSIONS

The power of mujtahid in Iran increased gradually right from the Safavid period. During the Qajar period particularly towards the end of the nineteenth century it reached to the extent that they issued fatwas against the governmental policies. Then the constitutional movement saw a vigorous campaign for the general constitutional reforms on the one hand and the assertion of the constitutional rights of 'ulama' as the sole interpreters of shari'a, on the other hand. Their demand of forming a body of 'ulama' to supervise all legislation in the majlis showed their strong conviction of'ulama' being the guardians of public matters. Although they'were successful in their campaign^ the laws pertaining to this effect were not put into practice by the heirs of the Qajars - the Pahiavis. The founder of the followed secular policies and headed the nation towards modernization. In this process he antagonised the powerful religious establishment in Iran. The Mujtabids or the ruhaniyyun were especially disturbed by the Pahlc-.vi policies regarding religious education and endow­ ments. Moreover, Reza Shah dealt with the religious leaders with strong hands.

Like his father, Mohanmiad Reza Shah also followed the same policy of westernization and modernization. He tried to woe a section of the clergy which was in favour of non-interference 270 of clergy in politics. With this end in view^he established contacts with Ayatollah Bourogerdi and other orthodox 'ulania* . But another section of the clergy led by Ayatollh Kashani strongly opposed him mainly on religious gro\ind. The orthodox clergy also demanded strict observation and effective implementation of the role and power of 'ulama' as envisaged in the Constitution. This traditional opposition of a strong section of the clergy can be seen during the nationalist movement of early 1950s. Meanwhile the relatively quietist section of clergy was also dissatisfied towards the end of 1950s with the government's proposal of land and other social reforms. They considered the land reforms as the indication of government's intention of curtailing the power and influence of the religious class. However, some of the 'ulama did not oppose land redistribution as such. However, on social themes such as women' enfrenchize they unitedly opposed the government.

During the 1960s the 'ulama* realized the necessity to bring about reforms in the religious education and institution itself, Ayatollah Motahheri and Ayatollah Taleqani proposed a number of reforms including decentralization of the institution of roarja'-e taqlid. Importantly, these reformers seldom talked of social reforms. The crucial issue of women enfrancizement was left undiscussed, A few 'ulama' including Motahheri asserted the tra­ ditional role of women. These reformers kept a safe distance 271 from the politica in order to continue their work.

The task of a radical and progressive interpretation of Islam was left for 'Ali Shari'ati^ a non-clergy but member of a religious f caraily and well acquainted with religious history. The problem with shari'ati was how to evolve a radical shi'i ideology in order to overthrow the tyrmnt and despotic regime of the Shah. He took up religios symbols in his lectures and gave them radical interpretations in order to mobilise the people.

•Ali Shari'ati felt that Shi'ism was a 'protestent religion' which always stood against status quo. He also preached that Shi'ism was anti-establishment which had a tradition of fight and martyrdom against injustice and tyranny. He> therefore, criti­ cized the attitude of quietism among the shi'i clergy. He describee this attitude as against the teachings of true Shi'ism and a legacy of the . He, therefore, termed quietist Shi'ism as Siafavid shi'ism. He emphasised the role of ijtihad in order to bring about changes in the understanding and inter­ pretation of religious teachings. However, instead of taking up dogmas and legal teachings of Shi'ism he discussed social and sociological themes. However, he also avoided to speak on concrete social issues such as land refoman or women's enfrschize. He, inst'ead, advocated a progressive role for women in the society. 272

Meanwhile the emergence of Ayatollah Khomeini after the death of Ayatollah Borougerdi increased activism among the clergy on the political front. During the late 1960s and early 1970s Khomeini developed the concept of velayat-e faqih in order to bring about a revolution in traditional shi'i thought.

The attitude of the shi'i 'ulama' towards the state and political power had always been a pragmatic one. In principle the shi'i theologians denied the legitimacy of any political authority except the tmams'who are the only ones who hold authority - political or religiottg. Consequently, all the temporal powers other than Imams'were considered as illegitimate and tyrannical. This theme was developed during the Buyid and the Ilkhanid neiriods. however, practical necessities led these theologians to evolve certain notions to ciccoramodate the existing power. Therefore, despite the fact that they considered Buyid and Safavid rulers as illegitimate they cooperated with them on the ground of saving the community from disorder and anarchy. The denial of legitimacy also eliminated the possibility of a just government on earth till the last Imam reemerges. The 'ulama', therefore, took the responsibility of guiding the ummat in their own hands. They assumed the role of interpreters of the shari'a. They acted as judges in public disputes end collectors and distributions of religious taxes on behalf of the last Imam, Thus during the medieval period there was a vague 273

division of responsibilities between the 'ulama' and the rulers. The above mentioned responsibilities were fulfilled by the 'ulama' ^ while the political responsibilities were taken up by the rulers. When during the 18th century - 19th century 'ulama's power increased, the Qajar rulers began to take sanction from them. The usuli movement also strengthened role of 'ulama' in public matters. Meanwhile, there emerged the concept of a'lamiy'at ('the most learned '^.im) which gave rise to the concept of centralized leadership of the 'ulama'.

The denial of legitimacy to the temporal authorities on the one hand restricted the 'ulama' to take the reigns of government directly in their hands, but on the other hand, it provided them with the legitimacy to oppose tyrant rulers as and when they acted against the shari' a and went against religious interests. It was due to this realization on their part that they opposed the Pahlavi moncirchy during the 20th century.

After the Constitutional movement the Iranian clergy took up the position that the constitutional monarchy is the best form of governriHsnt to safeguard the interest of the community. It was this consideration that although the 'ulama' opposed a particular ruler, but they never declared monarchy as such to be incompatible with Islam, Ayatollah Kashani and even Ayatollah Shari'atmadari till as late as o 74

the end of year 1973 stuck to that position. While Ayatollah Khomeini and Taleqani opposed the monarchy and thought it incompatible with Islam.

It v?as Ayatollah Khomeini who developed the concept of faqih-e adil, that is, the rule of a 'just 'alim* over the nation. This concept of Khomeini went against established norms of shi'i thought. He made it possible for a government to exist in the world in the absence of the last Imam. Similarly, he advocated direct participation of 'ulaina' in the politics for according to him politics and religion are inseparable and integrated parts of shari' a. In this way Khomeini emerged as a staunch critic of traditional quietism as practized by the Shi'i theologians in the past, and advocated the establishment of Islamic government ruled by 'ulama'. Thus the concept of velayat-e faqih as expounded by Khomeini is unprecendented in the history of Shi'i thought. BIBLICXSRAPHY

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