World Congress, IEA 2020

Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor Migrants Post Loss of Rural Agricultural Production Land in South Andi Faisal Anwar1 Mustofa Umar2 Hasbiullah3 Puspita Hardianti Anwar4

Economics Department1, 2, 3, Accounting Department4 Faculty of Islamic Economics and Business, Alauddin State Islamic University Yasin Limpo St, 36 Samata, Gowa, Email :[email protected], [email protected], 3 4 [email protected] , [email protected]

Abstract: Rural farmers lost production land; poor people's livelihood is really caused for concern. They eventually migrate to urban areas and become poor urban migrants. They must live below the standard poverty line. At the same time, they must find food, support their families, send their children to medical treatment at the hospital. Then, the next big question mark is how these urban poor migrants survive, in the midst of such complicated urban life. The objectives of this study include; why Makassar is the target of migration of the poor from the countryside, how these urban poor migrants survive and efforts to escape poverty, and how the wishes and hopes of the urban poor migrants to the government. This study uses a qualitative approach with ethnographic design, to understand the socio- economic conditions of urban poor migrants. This research found that the reason Makassar City was the target of migration of the poor from the countryside; lack of land, is considered more promising, Makassar City is considered closer to the area of origin, the presence of relatives and families who previously lived in Makassar. In addition, the survival strategies of urban poor migrants and efforts to escape poverty, in the midst of such complex urban life; choose to work with low wages, owe each month, live in a family home. Limit consumption needs (food and drink), accept donations from people who empathise. Desires and expectations of urban poor migrants to the government: educational assistance such as scholarship facilities, additional skills so that they can obtain a better income than before, subsidized housing assistance, rice subsidy assistance. Suggestions for stakeholders, to overcome these various problems of poor migrants include; land redistribution by the government for landless rural farmers, help in increasing agricultural production, scholarship assistance for poor migrant children, free health assistance, direct assistance in the form of rice, subsidized housing assistance for urban poor, redistributing fiscal expenditure based on poverty alleviation.

Keywords: Migrant, Poverty, Income.

INTRODUCTION

The urban phenomenon has become a universal urban problem in various places. Naturally, city growth and development is influenced by urbanisation, which can be seen based on demographic, economic, and social aspects. Urban areas that are increasingly

1 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

growing and developing also cause the development of heterogeneity which shows the social differences of the population (Mc Gee, 1995). Urbanisation results in changes, both constructive and destructive that depend on various factors, including the carrying capacity of cities, primarily physical and economic carrying capacity, the quality of urbanites, especially in terms of education and entrepreneurial skills, as well as local government policies and national policies on urban planning and order rural areas (Bintarto, 1984). Formal economic activities in urban areas are no longer able to absorb workers with low education and ability, so workers with low productivity work in the informal sector (Lacabana and Cariola, 2003). Even many give birth to new unemployment, and their livelihoods are also heterogeneous enough to survive in urban areas. Also, the existence of slums with limited facilities and supporting infrastructure shows the presence of pockets of poverty and unemployment (slum area) in urban areas. The stigmatisation of unemployment affects many things (Ludwig-Mayerhofer, 1990; Schmillen and Miller, 2012, Backmann, 2005; Castles, 2008; Gallie and Paugman, 2000; Howell, 2009). On a national scale, Indonesia has shown a substantial increase in economic and social indicators over the past decade, accompanied by a gradual reduction in poverty in urban and rural areas. Although this achievement is impressive, 13 percent of the population still lives in poverty, and another 40 percent of households live slightly above the poverty line and are vulnerable to falling into poverty. In cities, around 18 percent of the population lives poor or near-poor, which represents around 20 million people. In line with increasing urbanization, this number is likely to improve so that it will surpass rural poverty in 2020. In 2017, South Sulawesi showed a high Gini ratio in some regions, so the situation confirmed the high-income inequality between the poor and the middle class and above. This is quite alarming because it can contribute to the poor performance of the region's economy. Based on the regional rank ratio, ranks first with the highest inequality rate in South Sulawesi, followed by East Regency and and Makassar City. The high number of Gini ratios in some of these areas indicates that the level of welfare is only in the middle class and above. The economy tends to move less inclusive and less accommodating the interests of the poor. The number of poor people is creeping up from time to time. One of the causes of the high level of inequality and poverty is the loss of productive land of rural farmers. Until finally, causing the poor farmers to migrate out to find a new livelihood. The destination of the poor farmers in the urban area in South Sulawesi, one of which is Makassar City. In 2017, it seems that Makassar City ranks the fourth highest with a fairly high- income inequality, among the 24 city districts in South Sulawesi. This was confirmed by the

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area's Gini ratio that touched levels 0, 396. At the same time, the economy of Makassar City grew most impressively in South Sulawesi. The city's economic growth was able to reach 7.99 percent in 2017, beating South Sulawesi which only reached 7, 78 percent, even exceeding the national average which only perched at 5.19 percent. Makassar City's contribution to South Sulawesi's economic growth was the highest among the 24 other city districts in South Sulawesi, reaching 34.17 percent. Not only stopped there, but Makassar City's share of the economic growth of the island of Sulawesi was also able to touch the level of 16, 94 percent. Even at the KTI level, Makassar City is able to contribute 10, 26 percent. That is, the dominance of Makassar as an economic giant at the level of South Sulawesi, Sulawesi island and Eastern Indonesia, is increasingly undeniable. But, unfortunately, behind the impressive economic performance, this big city is threatened by inequality and poverty which is so worrisome. The contradiction above also confirms that so far the economy of Makassar City has not grown at a lower level so that the income of the poor is getting worse, while the income level of the middle class and above is even higher. In other words, the economy of Makassar City is experiencing artificial growth (BPS South Sulawesi, 2018). The city is quite alarming with the high level of income inequality in South Sulawesi, Makassar City. As the provincial capital, Makassar seems to be a magnet for residents in rural areas, from various districts to migrate into Makassar City. Incoming migration, an inevitable phenomenon for Makassar City, the impact of the population of this city is increasingly swelling from year to year. However, unfortunately, along with the influx of residents from rural areas into Makassar City, it is not accompanied by an influx of people or skilled labour, with limited levels of education and skills, they have to deal with Makassar City residents who are classified as skilled labourers. The impact is that those who, on average, have low ability, are unable to compete with the urban population so that income inequality becomes sharper. This is evidenced by the achievement of the Gini ratio in this city which is quite high at 0, 396. In other words, the contributing figures for income inequality in this city are the rural poor who turn to urban areas. One of the essential factors, which makes them leave the village because of the lack of land assets owned for farming. Agricultural land tends to be controlled by the landlords in the villages, so the final choice made is to leave the village in the hope of earning a slightly better livelihood in urban areas. However, the opposite happened. Therefore, the root of the problem of income inequality in Makassar City is the problem of poverty and the absence of assets in rural areas. From the data set above, it can be concluded that economic growth that occurred in several regions seems uneven, behind high economic growth it is not

3 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

accompanied by an increase in income of the lower class population or poor population, so that economic growth is only enjoyed by the middle class and above, and has an impact on income inequality and high Gini ratio. Makassar City's poor population in the last three years, precisely from 2015 to 2017. Where the poverty rate is, most of it contributed from migrants who come from rural areas. In 2015 the poverty rate of Makassar City reached 63 thousand people (4, 38%) and increased to 66 thousand people (4, 56%) in the following year and reached 68,000 people (4, 59%) in 2017. The poor population of Makassar City lives with an average per capita income that is so low, as the poverty line per capita income released by BPS Sulselyakni only reaches 366 thousand rupiahs per month. When someone's income is 366 thousand rupiahs per month or below this number, then it is categorized as a poor population. With an income of 366 thousand rupiahs per month or around 12 thousand rupiahs per day, the livelihood of the poor is really caused for concern. They must find food, support their families, send their children to medical treatment at the hospital. Then, the next big question mark is how these urban poor migrants survive, in the midst of such complex urban life. LITERATURE REVIEW Soetomo (2009) urbanization is a process of forming urban life that is different from rural life, in the economic, social and mentality contexts of its people. This process of urbanization is interesting to note because this theory is in a paradigm. Urbanization as a process of modernization. And this modernization process is a process of changing society that is not the same speed from time to time. Urbanization is characterized by the movement of population migration from a small rural location to a large urban location, and is also related to the level of urban population from a community to its total population. Meeting the needs of life must be met. Until now migrants make economic motives as a reason for someone to make a move. Gilbert & Gugler (1996) said the majority of the population moved because of economic reasons. Dustmann (2007) adds not only economic reasons but also those caused by natural disasters. Economic factors in question can be in the form of employment status, wage levels, total income, homeownership, and ownership of agricultural land. People tend to move to areas that promise a better life. Paul Knox (2011) and Ravallion (2007) formulate that urbanization as a process driven by economic change that drives and is driven by human factors, natural resources and technology (artificial resources) and produces outputs of economic, social and physical conditions and problems that become material that must be overcome in determining urban development policy.

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n Islam, urbanization as a natural reality in order to get a better life, as the event of Hijrah experienced by the Prophet and his followers. This is legitimized in the Koran, in fact, those who believe and emigrate and strive with their wealth and soul in the way of Allah and those who provide a place of residence and help (to the pilgrims), they are one another protect-protect. and (to) those who believe, but have not yet emigrated, then there is not the slightest obligation on you to protect them before they emigrate. (However) if they ask you for help in religious matters, then you are obliged to give help except for those who have an Agreement between you and them. and Allah sees what you do. Qs. al-Anfal: 72 is reaffirmed by Allah in verse 74 that those who emigrate, do jihad, or people accommodate and help them, all are true believers (al-mu'minuna haqqan) who are entitled to forgiveness from Allah. Poverty is not only understood as an economic inability, but also a failure to fulfil basic rights and differences in treatment for a person or group of people in living their life with dignity. Basic rights that are generally recognized include meeting the needs for food, health, employment, housing, clean water, land, natural resources, and the environment, and a sense of security from the treatment or threat of violence. Poverty is one of the urban problems that occur due to urbanization and is further compounded by urban fragmentation. This is related to the increasing needs that arise as a consequence of the urbanization process that occurs, such as the need to create jobs, the need to fulfil urban facilities in the form of housing facilities, economic facilities, and supporting facilities (supporting facilities and infrastructure).

Amartya Sen (1998) underlines that poverty occurs due to deprivation of capability/capability deprivation (freedom to achieve something in one's life). In this case, substantive community freedom is directly related to economic poverty. Poverty has made people unable to avoid hunger, get enough nutrition, get medicine for the sick, and can not enjoy clean water and sanitation facilities. This shows that the failure of empowering the poor is caused by the behaviour of leaders or governments who do not carry out democratic life in a substantive way.

Amartya Sen illustrates that the poverty that ensnares some Asian and African countries is the result of negligence in countries that deny democracy in turning the wheels of its economy. If you see the reality in Asian-African countries, there are still many who practise democracy only to the extent of formal democracy reflected in general elections. Substantial democracy that requires people's power and sovereignty in various lives is not

5 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

yet running optimally. In this case, if humans are able to optimize their potential, then their contribution to welfare will be maximized as well. Thus, the prosperity of a nation is achieved based on the strength of the people who are empowered and live it.

The cause of lasting poverty, powerlessness and underdevelopment is a matter of accessibility. In this case, poverty is caused by limited access. If humans have limited choices to develop their lives, as a result, humans only carry out what is forced to be done, not what should be done. Thus, the human potential to develop life is hampered and its contribution to shared prosperity becomes smaller. The accessibility referred to by Sen is the facilitation of political freedom, economic opportunities, social opportunities (education, health, etc.), transparency, and the existence of social safety nets.

Indonesia's urban poor have similar characteristics to other countries - they tend to have low levels of education, work in the informal sector with low wages, live in low-quality settlements, have less job security, and have lower access to basic services compared to those who are not poor. Subgroups of the urban poor who are particularly vulnerable include urban newcomers, child labour, street children, and those living in informal settlements. Naranjo (2012) Poverty is a major cause of hunger, neglect, marginalization and other social ills, therefore poverty is still a top priority in development in Indonesia. The low level of income results in a person being very entangled in the trap of poverty. However, the research is quite different from what was found by Shepherd in Oluwatayo and Ojo (2016) that poverty is not only seen from the aspect of low income, as the main cause of poverty itself. In addition, macroeconomic policies and social norms tend to disadvantage the poor. However, poverty arises as a result of the weak role of the poor in the political, economic, and cultural decision making processes concerning their lives. The lack of accessibility possessed by vulnerable populations, resulting in them being poor. Thus, the lack of accessibility is the base of poverty itself. Bryan, Chowdhury and Mobarak, (2014) found that poor households migrate as an effort to equalize income, after an uncertain income shock. Low income of the poor, encouraging poor households along with other family members to migrate to the city, to find a better livelihood. In principle, poor households try to minimize the risk of poverty, to find additional income better in urban areas, by carrying out-migration.

In Li's view (2009) states that the cause of poverty in rural areas is that after a worker leaves his property, he is even getting poorer and worse off. Labour lost its production base,

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and soon it was bounced into a predatory market. The loss of a peasant's production base in the countryside forced the farmworkers to go to urban areas and become urban migrants. Unfortunately, when they are in urban areas, many workers become unemployed and increasingly booming when they are connected to the free market. With mediocre skills, they are dealing with a complex urban situation. In the end, they mortgaged their bodies and energy for the sake of wages. The land acquisition process supported by the World Bank was considered capable of breaking the tangled threads of poverty and creating a new labour market. WDR (World Development Report 2008: Agriculture for Development) recommends that small farmers who are unable to produce high-value production should leave the agricultural area, and enter the labour market to get a wage. The WDR report recognizes new challenges after farmers give up agriculture. These challenges are in the form of low wages of unskilled workers and dependence on the flexibility of labour market demand. To anticipate these two things, the WDR recommends an increase in education and skills, as well as the availability of information on employment. METHODS This study uses a qualitative approach with ethnographic design to understand the socio-economic conditions of urban poor migrants. The qualitative approach is used to obtain accurate data and information in connection with this writing, this departs from the meaning of the qualitative research approach itself. According to Bogdan and Taylor (Moleong; 2014) Qualitative approach is a research procedure that produces descriptive data in the form of written or spoken words from people and observed behaviour. A qualitative research approach is an attempt to present the social world and its perspectives in the world, in terms of concepts, behaviors, perceptions, and the issue of humanity under investigation. The purpose of this research through a qualitative approach is to understand what is experienced by the research subject, for example, behaviour, motivation, actions and others. Holistically and in a descriptive way in the form of words and language in a natural context and by utilizing various natural methods. To obtain an explanation of a phenomenon as a whole (holistically), not as stand-alone parts, the research design is used ethnography. Malinowski in James P. Spradley (2007) reveals that ethnography is capturing the native perspective, relation to life, realizing its vision and world. The aim of ethnographic research is to describe and build the socio-cultural structure of a society. The main concern of ethnographic models is the present life, which is about the way of life of a community. Its purpose is to describe and build the social and cultural structure of a society. For that

7 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

researchers are not enough to just do interviews, but they should be with informants while observing. In this study, the economic ethnographic design used aims to obtain and analyze data in depth and comprehensively, with the hope that it can be known how urban poor migrants live below the poverty line and urban complexity, and how they try to escape poverty and desire. their hopes for the government so they can live much better. An informant is a person who can provide information about the situation and conditions of the research background. The informants chosen were urban poor migrants in Makassar City. This informant had a lot of experience about research to be studied and could provide insights from the values, attitudes, processes and culture that formed the local research background. The determination of informants is done by using non-random sampling techniques. DISCUSSION Compared to South Sulawesi and National, Makassar City's economic growth is still relatively higher. This shows that at the provincial and national levels, Makassar is one of the regions with high economic growth rates. Makassar's slow down in growth certainly affects the growth of South Sulawesi because it is more than 1 / 3 The economy of the province is contributed by Makassar. When Makassar City experienced a slow down in growth from 9.64 percent in 2012 to 8.55 percent in 2013 and 7.39 in 2014, South Sulawesi's economic growth also slowed from 8.87 percent in 2012 to 7.62 percent and 7.64 percent in the year 2013 and 2014. The acceleration of Makassar's economic growth in the next three years also affected the growth of South Sulawesi, except in 2017. Makassar's growth from 7.46 percent to 7.99 percent in 2016 and reached 8.23 percent in 2017 followed by the growth of South Sulawesi from 7.19 percent, 7.42 percent respectively in 2015 and 2016. The growth of South Sulawesi declined in 2017 to 7.23 percent. Although not the only region with a high value-added economy in Indonesia, but Makassar's cumulative growth can affect national growth. Makassar's consistent decline in growth from 2012-2014 was also followed by a slowdown in national growth from 6.16 percent in 2012, 5.56 percent in 2013, to 5.01 percent in 2014. The slowdown in the national economy still occurred in 2015, only reaching 4, 88 percent. National growth has increased again, in line with Makassar's growth in 2016 and 2017, from 5.03 percent to 5.07 percent. Behind the prestigious economic growth rate of Makassar City, leaving many problems. One of them is unemployment. Makassar is an area that has the highest open unemployment rate (TPT) in South Sulawesi. In the 2012-2017 period, the open unemployment rate of Makassar City increased, as did the number of unemployed people. In

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2013, Makassar City only had unemployment of 55,619 people, a decrease compared to 2012 which reached 56,951 people. Figure 1 Comparative Economic Growth in Makassar, South Sulawesi and National, 2012-2017 (percent)

9,64 8,55 7,39 7.55 8.03 8,23 8,87 7,62 7,54 7,19 7,42 7,23

6,16 5,56 5,01 4,88 5,03 5,07

2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017*

Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Nasional Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Sul-Sel Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Makassar

Source: Macro Socio Economic Indicator of South Sulawesi Quarter 1 2018

Decreasing unemployment, the open unemployment rate also decreased from 9.97 percent in 2012 to 9.53 percent in 2013. But, for two consecutive years, the unemployment rate in Makassar City increased to 65,623 people and 71,306 people in 2014 and 2015, so that it pushed TPT up to 10.90 percent and 12.02 percent. Although in 2017 the unemployment rate fell to 64,954 people in TPT by only 10.59 percent, the number is still relatively high compared to the previous five years. The high number of unemployed people in Makassar City in recent years has caused the number of labour force absorbed in employment to decrease. Recorded in the last six years there were two-time points the highest number of labour force employed in 2012 and 2017, namely 541,050 workers and 548,368 workers. The number of working ages who could work had decreased sharply in 2013 to 514,555 workers. Even though it increased by 527,765 workers in 2014 and 534,428 in 2015, this increase is still low compared to 2012, especially when the number decreased in 2016 to 521,854 workers. Makassar is still one of the regions in South Sulawesi that has the highest TPT after City in 2017, because both cities have TPT above 10 percent. The high TPT Makassar compared to other regions, is due to the relatively large workforce. Enrekang, Selayar, Soppeng, and Lutim districts are the regions with the lowest TPT in South Sulawesi, the rate is five times lower than Makassar. Enrekang TPT in 2017 was only 1.87 percent, followed by Selayar 2.34 percent, Soppeng 2.71 percent, and Lutim 2.58 percent. These four regions

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only have a workforce of 96,301 each, 57,203 people, 105,086 people, and 138,367 people, while Makassar has a workforce reaching 613,322, the highest in South Sulawesi. That figure is quite alarming from time to time, with the worsening of the decline in unemployment. Figure 2 Unemployment and Open Unemployment Rate in Makassar City, 2012-2017 (people/percent)

80.000 71.306 14,00 65.623 70.000 12,02 64.954 12,00 56.951 60.000 55.619 10,90 10,59 10,00 9,97 9,53

50.000

8,00

40.000 %

Orang 6,00 30.000 4,00 20.000 10.000 2,00 0 0,00 2012 2013 2014 2015 Agustus 2017

Pengangguran TPT Makassar (%)

Source: BPS, various publications. In addition to the problem of unemployment, Makassar City is also confronted with the problem of income inequality. The figure of this inequality can be seen from the existing Gini ratio. The high Gini ratio of Makassar City places it in the top five regions with the highest level of inequality in South Sulawesi in 2017. Five of these areas are Bantaeng, East Luwu, North Toraja, Makassar, and . Although the Makassar Gini index is lower than South Sulawesi and slightly higher than the national level, the pattern of Makassar's income distribution compared to other regions is relatively lame. In 2017 the Gini index of South Sulawesi and national reached 0.407 and 0.393, while Bantaeng, East Luwu, North Toraja, Makassar, and Luwu Regency each had Gini coefficients of 0.422, 0.411, 0.411, 0.396 and 0.395. Based on 2013 agricultural census data, the districts of Pinrang, Tana Toraja, Bulukumba, Selayar and Sidrap are areas with a high number of small farmers (landowners under 0.5 hectares). Small-scale farmers find it difficult to improve their welfare because the scale of their farming business is not economical or illustrates a pattern of decreasing return to scale (adding one input actually decreases income more than one). Small farmers tend to spend more on managing the agricultural business than the returns obtained from sales commodity, moreover, the commodity is rice/rice or corn (the price is very cheap).

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Figure 3 Comparison of Makassar City TPT with Regency / City in South Sulawesi, 2017 (dalam %)

10,96 10,59

6,857,05 6,14 6,47 5,60 5,60 5,23 4,93 4,78 4,53 4,55 4,41 4,24 3,73 3,31 3,063,17 3,31 2,71 2,34 2,58 1,87

Source: Macro Socio-Economic Indicator of South Sulawesi Quarter 1 2018 Figure 4 Makassar City Gini Ratio, 2015-2017

0,397

0,396

0,395

2015 2016 2017

Source: BPS South Sulawesi, 2018. Of the five regions that have the lowest inequality, Pinrang, Tana Toraja, Bulukumba are the three regions that have the most number of small farmers. The size of small farmers in these three regions is the comparison data for the low Gini index. The 2013 census showed that the three regions each had 11,587 smallholder households, 27,280 households, and 19,916 households. In addition to a large number of smallholder households, the existence of farm labourers in rural areas is also a variable in analyzing the level of income inequality. In March 2018, the real wage of farm labourers was only Rp. 37,602 per HOK. If a month is employed for 20 days, the total wage they receive per month is only Rp.

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752,040. Most of the informants are migrants in Makassar City because the population of Makassar City is generally dominated by migrants, thus positioning the city as a transit city. The informants interviewed also seemed to be quite diverse in terms of origin. Both originating from Sulawesi and outside Sulawesi. However, the informants moved to Makassar City because livelihoods in the area of origin were really inadequate, so they chose to move to Makassar City. From the work side, it seems that the work of the migrants is quite varied. However, most of the work is still classified as a freelance worker, for example, pedicab driver, garbage collector, port transport worker and siomay handyman. The informants generally work odd jobs, because their skills and education are also limited. As a result, there are not many job choices that they can do. The choice of work they can do, relies more on physical alone, with low-income consequences. Makassar as the Target of Rural Poor Migration.

The choice of Makassar City as a migration destination for the rural poor seems to have different backgrounds and characteristics. This is evident from the searches carried out on existing key informants. The reason given for choosing the city as a place to find new livelihoods, after they lost and left their land in the village, is quite varied. For example, an interview with Dg. Sampara in one of the main landfills in the area around Tamalate Sub- District, Makassar City. At that time the informant tried to explain the history of where he started living and working. When he was born in Lanjo Boko Village, Parangloe District, . He lives with his parents and works as a farmer. However, as he grew up, the land was gone so he was no longer able to help his parents. He sold the land because of the economic pressure of his family which was getting more difficult day by day. In fact, the livelihood of his family, all rested as farmers in the village. Farmers truly become the socio- economic livelihood of their families. Farming is not only seen as a way to survive. More than that, farming is social life which is the cultural identity of the surrounding community. Until finally, when he reached adulthood, he tried his luck in Makassar. Another reason for choosing Makassar as a destination is because they want to be close to their parents and family in the village. Makassar is considered the most hopeful place for him, to seek new livelihoods after the loss of his agricultural land. Working in a metropolitan city is not easy for him because he has no skill that is so capable other than farming. Until finally he had to choose to work as a construction worker. He worked for it from 1990 to 2013. About thirteen years, the work he did and was able to feed his family life. Although not much, at least it is able to make a living for him. Entering 2014, he tried

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his luck at working as a janitor, who carries a garbage cart every day. From morning to evening, he picked up the trash in the hallways and overhanging the road. “Saya meninggalkan kampung halaman sejak tahun 1990. Kerja bangunan ja, pas sampai di Makassar. Kerja kuli bangunan, bantu-bantu tukang.Tidak ada mi lagi tanah yang bisa dikerja di kampong. Ku pilih merantau ke Makassar karena dekat sama orang tua, dekat ji juga pulang ke kampong. Tapi, pekerjaan begini tidak boleh jauh-jauh karena tidak ada yang ambil sampahnya warga. Bisa-bisa membusuk, kalo endak diambil” (Interview with Dg. Sampara) But unlike Hendrik who chose to migrate into Makassar City, who tried to find new experiences working in this city. Initially, he farmed in the village. One hectare of land inherited from his father, he tried to plant it with corn. But, the results were very inadequate for him. Finally, he handed over the land temporarily to his sister to work on. On the other hand, after he married his wife wanted to study in the city of Makassar. Finally, they departed together to this city for a temporary stay, with a different mission. Day-to-day, Hendrik works like a port transporter in a warehouse. The work he chooses is very physical because there isn't much work he can do besides farming. He did not have time off, because the mobility of the goods in his place was quite high. The wages he receives every day are collected for day-to-day needs and to finance his wife's college. Hendrik is willing to sacrifice his time, for the sake of delivering his wife to become a scholar. “Saya merantau ke Makassar karena mau cari pengalaman.Di kampung ada tanah warisan 1 hektar, ditanami jagung.Tapi, hasilnya kurang.Terus istri, mau kuliah.Makanya, saya ke Makassar.Pendidikan di Kupang kurang bagus, sedangkan Makassar lebih bagus.Intinya, suami kerja untuk istri kuliah.Kalo istri selesai kuliah, dia mau pulang kampung.Saya berhenti jadi buruh, sisa pulang kampung”. (Interview with Hendrik) Not much different from Peter, who also worked as a freight labourer. They both have the same background, why he chose Makassar as a berth. They both left Kupang to work in Makassar, hoping to send their wives to school. But Peter's condition was far more alarming than Hendrik's, because Peter really did not have land to work on in the village. Thanks to information from his uncle, he left for Makassar as a labourer, he considered the work of labourers to be far more promising than having to stay in the village. He was determined to work hard to help finish his wife's college, with the aspiration that one day his wife could work. “Tidak ada lagi tanah di kampung, terus saya ini yatim piatu.Lalu ada juga om disini. Jadi, makanya saya merantau ke Makassar.Istri juga mau kuliah.Jadi, sambil tunggu istri selesai kuliah, saya kerja jadi buruh angkut”. (Interview with Petrus)

13 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

In line with the experience of Mr. Hendrik and Mr. Petrus. Pak Suparjo came from Sragen Regency to Makassar, who worked as a dumplings seller. He had settled for 34 years in this city. Initially, he farmed in Sragen Regency, his total land area was only 25 acres. He moved to this city because farming work could not provide a better livelihood. When he arrived in Makassar, he worked selling food. From selling meatballs, dumplings to selling dumplings. The job selling dumplings was chosen because it requires far less energy.

“Saya pindah ke Makassar sejak tahun 1985.Sudah 34 tahun di Makassar.Dulu disana, saya bertani.Tanam ubi dan padi. Tanahku juga tidak luas, cuman 25 Are. Sekarang tanah itu, digarap sama adek. Tapi, hasilnya kurang. Hidup di Sragen, susah. Makanya saya merantau kesini.Pertama kali sampai disini, saya jual bakso.Setelah itu pindah pekerjaan jadi penjual mie pangsit.Kalo jual pangsit, butuh banyak tenaga.Sedangkan saya sudah tua.Makanya, sekarang saya jual siomay saja”. (Interview with Pak Suparjo) This was then synthesized by information delivered by Edi who worked as a motorized pedicab driver, affirming that he had moved to Makassar because their farming lands were gone. Until finally he had to be faced with two very difficult choices. Living without working in the village or go to Makassar to work as a pedicab driver, living a mediocre life. Finally, he and his family chose to go to Makassar and try to work as a pedicab driver. Choosing to go to Makassar is based on his family who had already been in Makassar City. At least, with all the limitations he can be helped by his family when he arrives in Makassar. Armed with an education that only reached the second grade of elementary school, he tried his luck in this big city. His skills are also very limited. There are no special skills possessed other than, rely solely on physical and working odd jobs. He really wanted to be a migrant worker in Malaysia, even though it was illegal. Working in a palm oil company is considered to provide a much better livelihood, with the expectation that the salary received is far greater. With that belief, he once went to Kalimantan, brokered by a TKI broker he was exploited in a palm oil company. Employed at low wages, with a promise to depart to Malaysia. His hope never faded, he waited for almost ten years. As a result, he was actually fooled by the broker. Until finally he had to go back to Makassar to pull a motorcycle rickshaw.

“Saya pindah ke Makassar sejak kecil, ketika kelas dua SD dan berhenti bekerja mengembala sapi dan membantu orang tua di kebun karena tanah kami telah dijual untuk keperluan orang tua.Saudara-saudara ku yang juga dari Jeneponto semuanya akhirnya merantau ke Makassar.Saya memilih datang ke Makassar karena semua keluargaku hampir semua pindah ke Makassar, untuk mencari pekerjaan.Waktu ku kecil, awalnya saya bawa becak di Makassar. Nanti bekangan pi baru ka bawa

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bentor. Sebenarnya mau sekali ka jadi TKI di perusahaan Malaysia, tapi tidak KTP sama paspor ku. Jadi dulu, sebelum ka bawa bentor, pi ka dulu Kalimantan kerja hampir 10 tahun disana. Tapi, pulang ka dari sana karena toke na selalu ja na janji dibawa ke Malaysia, tapi tidak pernah kejadian bela. Makanya, kembali ma ke Makassar”. (Interview with Dg. Edi) Likewise with Mrs. Dg. Sugi, a woman who works as a plastic scavenger every day. Historically, she came from Tamaona Village, Kindang Subdistrict, . She was a big neighbourhood in the village. However, from time to time the land he occupies in farming is no longer available. She finally chose to go to Makassar City, following her husband who was assigned to this city as a soldier. He tried his luck in this city and hung his hopes on her husband, even though he was willing to become the fourth Siri's wife. Initially, she was just a housewife and did not have a job other than caring for children at home. Until one day, her husband died. She really had to work alone. Want to go back to the village, but there is land that can be cultivated. Consequently, we must fight to find a better livelihood in this city. “Lahan sudah habis mi di kampung. Jadi saya memilih ikut sama suami di Makassar. Tapi, sya istri ke empat ja, ka suamiku banyak istrinya. Suamiku tentara dulu di Makassar, makanya ikut ka.Sampai-sampai anakku lahir disini semua.Tapi setelah meninggal suamiku, disini terus ma menetap.Mau pulang ke kampung, tidak bisa mi juga karena tanah dikampung, endak ada mi”. (Interview with Dg. Sugi) Similar to Dg. Bolla, who made his choice in Makassar City, seemed to be motivated by his desire to improve his livelihood. The availability of land for him required him to go to the city to work. And that's just to help his family. Not just stop there, 10 years Dg. Bolla spent her time in rural Toli-Toli, to work as a coconut planting labourer in a company. Even with a mediocre income, he tried to stay working at the company. When friends can no longer stand working in that place, he chose to stay. However, gradually it did not make him feel at home with low wages. While working as a labourer in that place, he also did not think of buying land assets because his income as a labourer was also insufficient. Finally, he chose to leave his workplace. And finally settled in Makassar until now. The work of the becak driver was chosen, to fulfil his daily needs. His farming skills cannot be used in this city. Forced, he had to pedal from the hallway to the hallway. “Saya ke Makassar karena ikut ja sama nenek ku dulu. Saya kampung ku di Maros.Dulu waktu tinggal di kampung, selalu ka bantu-bantu keluarga di sawah.Saya endak ada tanah ku. Jadi kubantu-bantu ji saja om ku dulu. Pas di Makassar ma, diajak ka lagi keluarga kerja di Toli-Toli.Hampirka 10 tahun disana kerja, jadi buruh tanam kelapa.Dipecat semua ki temanku.Saya mami bertahan.Endak lama setelah itu kutinggalkan mi juga Toli-Toli.Waktu itu, belum paki terpikir mau beli tanah

15 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

juga.Akhirnya, kembali ma ke Makassar lagi dan kerja jadi tukang becak, sampai sekarang”. (Interview with Dg. Bolla) The assumption of moving to Makassar as a solution to get a better job and income than in the area of origin. This phenomenon confirms Becker (1999) which says that the reason people migrate to cities is because of better-expected income than in rural areas. The phenomenon of migration is a form of response from the community because of the expectation of increasing their welfare. In other words, rural-urban migration will continue as long as the rural-urban development gap occurs. Urbanization is a process that influences the development of cities in developing countries. Urbanization that occurs is caused by the increasing number of urban population which is not only caused by natural population growth but also migration, namely the migration of villagers to cities in the hope of getting a better life. Urbanization causes the city to experience growth and growth because it has to meet the needs of its growing population. In addition, the process of development that occurs also affects economic and social changes. Economic changes that occur include shifting employment from the agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector, such as trade and industry. The shift in the employment sector causes an increase in the economic productivity of a city which will ultimately increase the development and activities of the city. While social changes that occur in the process of urbanization are shown by a change in mindset and lifestyle of its population (Mc Gee, 1995) The Urban Poor Migrant Urban Survival Strategy and Efforts to Escape From Poverty, in the Middle of a Very Complex Urban Life. Highlighting the survival strategies of urban poor migrants, as well as efforts to escape poverty, in the midst of such a complex urban life. Various ways are used by these poor migrants to survive. For example, Dg. Sampara. To survive in the city of Makassar, it is indeed not easy for him because of the complex needs of family life. His income is considered to be very lacking, so he must go into debt every month. The term dig hole closes the hole, has become a daily life of this father. The methods that he uses to survive in the city of Makassar. Although on certain days he sometimes receives donations from motorists and residents he occupies to pick up trash. “Kerja sebagai petugas kebersihan, gajiku cuma dua juta ji saja.Biasanya dibayar setiap tanggal 25.Sebenarnya, itu tidak cukup ki karena banyak sekali kebutuhan sehari-hari.Biasanya, saya pinjam ji juga di warung kalo mau beli kebutuhan dapur karena ada ji di tunggu tiap bulannya. Kadang juga ada yang kasihan sama saya dan dia singgah kasi uang ke saya di pinggir jalan” (Interview with Dg. Sampara)

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Not much different from Pak Edi. Pak Edi's survival strategy is really struggling. Its income is not worth the expenses. Even then, he had to live with his uncle in Bolangi, Gowa Regency. Average income is only 50 thousand rupiahs per day, while spending exceeds the amount of income. Even in a day can be minus as much as 20 thousand rupiahs per day. Distance from home to where he works is quite far, around 26 kilometres. Every day, he needs approximately 1 litre of gasoline to pull his motorcycle rickshaw. When he wants to go to work in the morning, he has to buy yellow rice for 10 thousand. When entering lunchtime, often he can not afford to buy food. As a booster stomach, he only bought one meatball skewer for 3 thousand rupiahs. Every afternoon, around half-past five he rushes home and hopes his dinner, can be overcome at his uncle's house. That said, he still depends on his uncle who is far away there. With a mediocre income and having to live in a family home, it becomes a survival strategy for Pak Edi. Not to mention, his income continues to be eroded due to prey by stretching online transportation in Makassar City. In the past, he was able to attract many passengers from hallway to hallway. However, at present, the income has drastically decreased after the presence of online transportation. Passengers are only busy when the fasting month arrives, considering that many mothers love to shop at the market. During the day, when there were quite passengers, he just sat on his pedicab while smoking while waiting for a call. Occasionally he fell asleep. The routine becomes a daily portrait of Pak Edi. Table 1 Informant's Income and Expenditures With. Edi Income (Ruphias) Spending (Ruphias) Nasi kuning : Rp.10.000 Fuel : Rp.15.000 Total : Rp.50.000 Noodle : Rp. 3.000 Cigarettes : Rp.17.000 Mandatory Deposit :Rp.25.000 Total :Rp.70.000,- Source: Primary data processed, 2019.

“Susah hidup di Makassar. Dulu pemasukan na bentor bagus ji, tapi sekarang kurang sekali mi karena ada mi gojek sama grab. Nanti bulan puasa pi baru banyak penumpang. Kalo begini, kurang sekali.Berapa ji dapa’ satu hari. Paling ta 50 ribu ji atau paling baek 100 ribu. Tarolah 50 ribu di dapa’.Mana lagi pajak bentor 25 ribu, lalu beli bensin 15 ribu.Makan pagi beli nasi kuning 10 ribu.Kalo siang, kadang tidak makan, bakso tusuk ji dibeli 3 ribu. Malam pi nanti makan dirumah. Itu pun tinggal di rumah na ji om. Jauh sekali di Boolangi, Gowa.Tiap hari bolak-balik naik bentor kesana kodong. Jadi sebenar na mines jaki ini. Tapi, mau mi diapa, dari pada tidak kerjaki”. (Interview with Dg. Edi)

17 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

Survival strategies Dg. Sugi, it also seems to be far more concerning. She did not get any inheritance from her husband and had to move around. At present, he is trying to build a hut on government land, which is used daily as a landfill in the vicinity of Tamalate District. The tin roof that was dumped by the residents in the trash can. He tried to collect it, until finally it was built into a hut. In the village, he did not land. Likewise in the city. Have nothing. Sadly, he had to support his grandchildren. While he has no qualified skills to find work. As a result, the work of plastic scavengers became his final choice. Even though he is considered a slum, he is helpless at all looking for alternative work. His yard, filled with rubbish. When plastic waste is considered a source of problems, plastic waste is a blessing for him. “Itu ji sampah plastik ku kumpul setiap hari. Kalo datang mi sampah, kucari mi plastik na lalu kukumpul. Nanti 1 bulan pi baru ku jual. Kadang dapa’ 700-800 ribu ji ta satu bulan ka harga nya ta 2.000 satu kilo”.Itu mi ku pake kasi making, cucuku. Mamakna pi Malaysia jadi TKI. Na sekarang ini, sakit I kodong ini yang paling kecil.Ka ada 3 cucu ku sini. Yang kelas 2 SD sama yang kelas 5 SD sering ji, na bantu ka cari plastik. Kadang juga warga yang lewat, kasi ki uang.Itu mi juga kodong biasa ku bagikang I ke cucuku kasian”. (Interview with Dg. Sugi) Dg Sugi lives on plastic rubbish that she collects every day. When garbage carts and garbage cars arrive, then Dg.Sugi quickly approaches him. Scavenging one by one the plastic waste is available. From day to day, the garbage is collected until finally, the garbage accumulates in a month. Usually, the average garbage collected reaches 400 kilograms per month. Meanwhile, the selling price of rubbish is only 2 thousand rupiahs per kilogram. One child has become an illegal migrant worker in Malaysia and entrusts her child to her mother until finally, her mother takes care of her children. Sugi tries to be a good grandmother. She treats 3 grandchildren alone. The smallest grandson, sickly. Considering he lives on a roll of urban trash. Of course, his grandchild is prone to various kinds of illnesses. While his grandchildren who are in grade 2 and grade 5 in elementary school are supporting him to help collect plastic waste. Because, after returning from school they both had to help his grandmother, to find side dishes buyers tomorrow. In addition, the grandmother often hopes for the kindness of road users who approach her, to give alms to her. Not infrequently Dg.Sugi, visited by people who are kind enough to give him a little alms. He was very grateful, with alms. At least, the money he gets can be distributed to his grandchildren who go to school. The way to survive that is taken by Dg. Bolla, so sad. The survival strategy of the urban poor, such as Dg.Bolla, is truly tearing apart amidst the difficulties of urban livelihoods. He lives below a decent standard of living. Every day, he eats potluck. In fact,

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when it is empty, the passenger does not eat and only jams his stomach, with hot tea in the morning, then rushes out pedalling his pedicab. From morning until noon, sometimes he only gets one passenger and is paid 10,000 rupiah. When there are no passengers, we can be sure there is no breakfast and lunch for Dg.Bolla. With limited money, sometimes he must fast until evening. Or he only buys instant noodles for 3 thousand rupiahs, to fight his hunger. So, sometimes a day Dg. Bolla only eats one meal. The rest depends on the windfall. Regarding his place of residence, he has no home at all. From the beginning until now, he continued his life from rented house to another contracted house. Within a month, boarding fees that must be incurred are 250 thousand rupiahs. Actually, he has 2 children who are married. However, unfortunately, his daughter who never gave him anything. A little better, with his son who worked as a migrant worker in a palm oil company in Malaysia. He was once sent money of 500 thousand rupiahs, for the help of his boarding father who urged his son to send his father's money, because his father lives alone with conditions that are quite alarming. However, after that, the next money transfer never came again. It's a pity. With a situation like that, he finally left by his wife, with economic reasons that are so difficult. “Dari pagi keluar memang ma, sampai jam 9 malam.Baru tiap hari itu. Tapi, susah sekali ini. Kadang ta 1 ji penumpang di dapa’ sampe siang. Dia bayar ta 10 ribu ji. Itu kalo pagi minum kopi ji saja, harganya 3 ribu .Siang juga begitu, minum kopi ji.Kalo dapa’ki penumpang, singgah ma makan, 13 ribu harganya.Kalo endak cukup uang, beli indomie ji saja 3 ribu harganya. Jadi dalam 1 hari, ta 1 kali ja makan. Kalo pulang ke kost, paling minum teh ji. Endak ada juga rumah ku, baik di Maros sama di Makassar. Jadi ma kost ja saja. Ta 250 ribu kubayar 1 bulan.Ada 2 anakku, yang perempuan sudah mi menikah. Tapi endak pernah ka na kasi uang. Terus anakku yang laki-laki kerja di Malaysia jadi TKI, selama kerja disana baru ka 1 kali na kasi uang, 500 ribu. Itupun yang punya kost ji telpon ki, supaya na kasi ka uang. Terus istri ku, sudah ma cerai karena alasan ekonomi. Na tinggal ka, baru sudah mi juga dia menikah”. (Interview with Dg. Bolla) “Di Makassar, hidup pas-pasan. Endak punya rumah.Sampe sekarang cuman, ngontrak rumah saja.Itu pun biaya kontraknya, saya pinjam di bank, dengan jaminan BPKB motor.Belum lagi, harus biayai anak sekolah. 1 kelas 4 SD, ada juga kelas 1 SMP sama 1 orang kelas 1 SMA. Sementara, pendapatan juga tidak menentu.Kadang kalo mujur bisa dapat 100-200 ribu satu hari.Tapi, rata-rata cuma dapat 100 ribu saja.Ini tidak cukup.Makanya, ibu kerja jualan jamu untuk bantu-bantu”. (Interview with Pak Suparjo) Pak Suparjo's livelihood in Makassar City is apparently not much better. After settling 34 years, until now he does not have a house to live. However, it can only live in a rented house. That was the rented fee of Mr. Suparjo, obtained from a loan from the bank. He collected his daily income to pay rent for the house. Including to finance the schooling of

19 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

children who are in school at the 4th-grade level, first grade at junior high school and one more person at grade 1 high school. With an average income of 100,000 rupiahs per day, it seems that he is unable to make ends meet. The condition is forcing his wife, also must work to help to support their children. Limited conditions are also experienced by Hendrik who works as a transport worker. The life of the transport worker is essentially insufficient to meet the needs of the family, even though it is still quite mediocre. Within a month, he was able to get 3.5 million rupiahs. Within a day he earns 150-250 thousand rupiahs from morning tonight. Depending on the number of items loaded. The wage of a transport worker varies, the greater the truck coming in to load his goods, the greater the salary he receives. Wage transport for small truck cars wages reaches 300 thousand. For medium category trucks, the wages are 500 thousand rupiahs, then the biggest is 600 thousand rupiahs. However, the wages must be divided into three. Because in 1 transport truck requires a minimum of 3 workers. Strategy to minimize expenses, then Hendrik and his wife cook at their rented place, so as not to buy more food outside. Eat breakfast and dinner, everything must be at home. Except for lunch, he had to buy it to be more efficient. Occasionally he also bought cigarettes for 15 thousand rupiah. “Setiap pagi sampai malam, ke gudang jadi buruh angkut. Bersihnya 1 bulan dapat 3,5 juta. Gajinya per hari 150-250 ribu.Tidak menentu juga.Biasanya 1 mobil diborong 3 orang buruh.Kalo dapat mobil truk kecil upahnya 300 ribu dibagi tiga.Kalo mobil truk sedang upahnya 500 ribu, lalu yang paling besar 600 ribu. Pengeluarannya, kalo pagi dan malam masak sendiri, sisa beli lauk 5 ribu, kalo makan siang bayar 15.000, terus beli rokok 15 ribu”. (Interview with Hendrik) Similar to Hendrik. Peter's earnings, really mediocre. He even said that nothing could be saved. The income he earned was used for the day-to-day needs and the tuition fees of his wife and children. SPP costs incurred per semester reached 900 thousand rupiahs, not including living costs which incidentally costs are much larger. In principle, life is work for food. If it does not work, then it does not eat. It is different from the situation, it is accommodated. Even though it does not work, there are occasional families who can help. However, overseas the situation is much more difficult. He has to work from morning to night, from Monday to Sunday. In other words, he did not have time to vacation like other people in general. “Saya harus bayarkan SPP istri setiap semester 900 ribu rupiah.Istri tidak kerja, jadi dia kuliah sabtu minggu dan hanya jaga anak.Kalo untuk saat ini, pendapatan masih pas-pasan.Belum ada yang bisa ditabung.Satu-satunya jalan, yaa kita harus

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kerja.Kalo lama mobilnya baru memuat, yaa lama juga selesai.Kadang sampai malam”. (Interview with Petrus) The above phenomenon shows that, despite the trend of poverty analysis, it shows that vulnerability to unusual changes or shocks continues for many people, even during periods of economic growth, with substantial movements in and out of poverty. This was underlined by the responses in the interview, which referred to the problem of losing sources of income or having an unstable job, as well as a general lack of employment. More generally, qualitative data clearly shows that there is a temporary income shortage to meet basic needs for many urban poor people. Desire and Hope of Urban Poor Migrants to the Government. There are many hopes and desires of these poor migrants to the Makassar City government. Regarding Dg.Sampara's expectations, he wants one day for his child to receive a scholarship so that he can at least reduce the burden of his life on his child who is attending high school. “Harapanku saya kedepannya, bagaimana caranya supaya anakku dapat beasiswa supaya bisa kin a kurangi bebanku dan lebih bagus kin anti kehidupannya dari saya” (Interview with Dg. Sampara)

Meanwhile, Pak Edi hoped to the government that the assistance provided would no longer be rice. But, he wants the help of a mechanic's training, so he can get a better job so his livelihood can be much better. So far, the only aid available is rice, which is quickly used up. For him, soft skill assistance in the form of a mechanic's skill is considered to be more long-term so that he can get a job with better income. “Nanti mudah-mudahan pemerintah na bantu jaki.Tapi, jarang sekali kubawa pulang ke rumah.Besok-besok kalo ada bantuang, lebih baik na kasi kursus ma bengkel ka, daripada na kasi ka beras ka klo itu langsung habis ji”. (Interview with Dg. Edi) Another case with Dg. Sugi. In the future Dg. Sugi has hopes that her grandchildren will receive school scholarship assistance so that at least the burden will decrease. In addition, he hopes the government can provide assistance so that its income is much better so that its erratic income can be handled by fulfilling primary needs, to buy daily food. “Itu ji mudah-mudahan ada bantuan ini untuk cucuku yang sekolah sama naik ini pemasukan, ka 800 ribu ji kodong 1 bulan diatur baek-baek supaya cukup ki, untuk makan sehari-hari sama anak sekolah”. (Interview with Dg. Sugi)

21 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

Referring to the expectations of Dg. Bolla told the government, it didn't seem so much. He only hoped that he could eat. I was very grateful for him. He did not expect any help from the house. As long as he can eat it. In fact, he never thought to own a house. His mind just poured out how to eat. This condition is certainly very bad for his health. When he is sick or dies, only one hope can help him, namely, the assistance of his boarding father, because only he knows his son's cellphone number, to preach his son who is in Malaysia, to help him seek treatment or bury him. Only mercy he expected from his son. Nothing else. That's all he explained. “Kalo saya, yang penting ada ji ku makan.Endak kupikir ji itu ada rumah. Besok- besok kalo saki’ka atau meninggalka, itu mami yang punya kost kuharap hubungi anakku, ka dia ada hp na baru dia ji yang tau nomor na” (Interview with Dg.Bolla) Hopes of transport workers like Hendrik. Only one hope from Hendrik, hopefully someday he can open his own business and his wife gets a job if he returns home. That he thought because he thought that one day his strength would diminish. He needs a much better job. In addition, to increase income from the land it has, there needs to be assistance in the form of soft skills to manage these resources, so they can produce well. “Kedepannya, mau pulang ke kampung.Siapa tau pemerintah bisa bantu bikin usaha dan garap tanah disana supaya ada pemasukan”. (Interview with Hendrik)

In line with Hendrik, he also aspires to someday be able to get a job by opening his own business in the village so that no more work is needed far from where he lives. He strongly believes that work by relying on physical has limitations. In fact, he dreamed that if his wife got a better job in Makassar or in Kupang, then that would be far better, to start a livelihood in the future. He raised capital first and could someday open his own business, because he did not want to go home without bringing any results, the feeling of shame also helped to be a much better life for Peter. “Kalo masih muda begini masih kuat, kita juga ada pikiran untuk buka usaha kedepan.Kalo istri sudah selesai kuliah, dia melamar disini.Yaaa, kita tinggal disini.Tapi, kalo tidak.Kita kemabli ke kampung buka usaha.Kumpul modal dulu.Kan malu toh dikampung, kalo pulang tidak berhasil”. (Interview with Petrus)

Socio-Economic Policy Resolution and Urbanization

Economic Policy

1. Increase the economic benefits of urbanization :. nationally, compared to other Asian countries, Indonesia has not utilized urbanization to achieve increased economic

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productivity as well as other countries. For the city of Makassar, a more comprehensive strategy, which focuses on increasing consistency between spatial planning and investment priorities to increase productivity, and undertaking institutional reforms to improve the business climate will encourage growth and reduce poverty. 2. Ensuring Basic Urban Infrastructure for the Poorest Groups and Preparing for Urbanization :. Along with the occurrence of ubanization in Makassar, new requests will arise related to infrastructure and basic services, especially for low-income residents. Proactive urban growth and expansion planning can prevent the growth of informal settlements in the future and minimize the potential adverse effects of natural disaster exposure due to the concentration of residents and assets in urban areas. Proactive policies such as land-use planning, housing programs and transportation planning are also consistent with efforts to encourage growth. Local government planning will be important in ensuring consistency for sustainable growth. 3. Increasing Access to Credit. Very few households in cities, where most of them only manage their own activities, receive business credit from existing programs. Credit for starting or expanding a business is a program requirement that is most considered important by focus groups for the urban poor - both men and women. Revolving funds are prepared to help the urban poor in developing their businesses, making them more eligible to receive loans from banks. Social Policy 1. Expanding Access to Education and Health for the Urban Poor. Education is an important factor in helping families escape poverty transfer between generations. It was clear through focus groups and interviews that the poor consider the value of education to their children, but then realize the very burdensome school fees, possibly related to the payment time and the nature of school fees and other related costs that are not open. Health costs may not always arise, but when attacked by disease, the poor must pay huge health costs. This requires significant changes in program design and targeting to improve efficiency. 2. Guarantees Households against the Risk of Income Deficiency, even though there is a Direct Cash Assistance (BLT) program. Nonetheless, the trend of poverty analysis shows that vulnerability to unusual changes or shocks continues for many people, even during periods of economic growth, with a substantial movement of households in and out of poverty. This is underlined by the responses in focus groups and interviews, which refer to the problem of losing a source of income or having an unstable job, and lack of

23 Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3 Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …

employment in general. Furthermore, qualitative data clearly shows that there is a temporary shortage of income to meet basic needs for many urban poor people. CONCLUSION Poor farmers in rural areas move from villages to cities, against the background of the lack of land they have, and must move to Makassar. The city of Makassar was chosen as a destination for migration because the city is considered more promising to provide new livelihoods, with a much better income. Makassar City holds great hope, for those who live in the countryside. Primarily, for those who have never been to Makassar at all. In addition, there is a desire to be close to families in the village, Makassar City is considered closer to the area of origin, especially those from South Sulawesi. However, unlike those who came from outside South Sulawesi, they came to Makassar City because of relatives and family who previously lived in this city. Hopefully, with the help of their families, they will get information about work in Makassar City. Relatives who are successful first, they hope to help them temporarily, to get a sure job and live independently in the city of Makassar. How to survive carried out by poor migrants in the city of Makassar, is very alarming. These poor migrants are faced with two quite difficult situations. The income earned from the odd jobs they do is very low. Even below the standard of a decent wage. However, at the same time they still have to work, to meet the needs of daily life. In the end, these poor migrants choose to work for low wages. Income obtained is no longer the main thing they consider. However, more to how to survive. Various kinds of ways that are done. Among the debts every month, because the amount of expenditure of these poor migrants, is far greater than the income earned. The phenomenon, debt becomes a part of their daily lives. The term dig hole closes the hole, quite familiar to them. In general, they do not have savings, so the creativity to borrow in various places becomes a demand, to survive. In addition, the tactical method used is to live in a family home as part of a survival strategy. From the expenditure side, they are even willing to limit their consumption needs, such as food and beverage needs. Including, the need for treatment if you are sick. Though it is a mandatory requirement. If they are lucky, they sometimes receive money from people who empathize with their conditions. However, even though they are poor they also still feel ashamed to always ask, so they do not expect much from the kindness of the family, let alone relying continuously to their immediate family. There is a lot of hope from these urban poor migrants to the government so that their livelihoods are better. They want assistance that leads to the development of human capital and physical capital. Human capital assistance, namely educational assistance such

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World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020

as scholarship facilities so that at least it can reduce the burden on his life for his children who are in school. In addition, soft skill assistance in the form of skill development, which is more long-term in nature. They complained about the limited skills, so they need additional skills to be able to obtain a better income than before. The hope is that they can get a job or open a business independently. While physical capital assistance is assistance that can directly touch the infrastructure needs of these poor migrants, such as subsidized housing assistance and rice subsidy assistance. REFERENCES Amartya, Sen .1998.The Concept of Development.In Handbook of Development Economics. Amsterdam: North Holland.

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