Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from Research with Tl’azt’en Nation, British Columbia
KAREN HEIKKILÄ and GAIL FONDAHL
Heikkilä, Karen & Gail Fondahl (2010). Indigenous toponyms as pedagogical tools: reflections from research with Tl’azt’en Nation, British Columbia. Fennia 188: 1, pp. 105–122. Helsinki. ISSN 0015-0010.
Apart from conventional understandings of its utilitarian function as spatial la- bels (often eponymous in character), toponymy is seldom appreciated as pal- impsest or for the layers of meaning it assumes, conveyed in place-name ety- mologies and local knowledge associated with the named places. Over the years, a growing body of literature has emerged on the use of toponymy in sev- eral research fields: the range spans from linguistic investigations into place- names and naming practices to the use of place-names in tracking environmen- tal change, locating places of archaeological interest, and understanding the knowledge possessed by local communities about the natural environment. The latter focus describes place-names research with Tl’azt’en Nation, the Dakelh- speaking people whose territory lies in the Stuart-Trembleur watershed of central British Columbia, Canada. From the perspective that indigenous place-names communicate knowledge about the natural world, indigenous language and (oral) history, this paper will draw upon examples of Dakelh place-names to demonstrate the value of indigenous toponymy in education.
Key words: British Columbia, toponymy, First Nations, indigenous, participatory research, culturally sensitive education.
Karen Heikkilä, University Of Eastern Finland Gail Fondahl, University Of Northern British Columbia
Introduction peoples, their knowledges and ways of life have no place in the present (Urion 1993). Ethnographic studies of how children acquire To remedy the alienating and homogenizing in- knowledge have indicated multiple literacy and fluences of formal education, there is a pressing numeracy practices (Baker et al. 1996), and with need for schools to accommodate other, non- indigenous peoples in particular, knowledge dominant (and often non-“western”) ways of seems to be based on the socio-cultural as well as knowing. The need for indigenous ways of know- the ecological, internalized, practiced and trans- ing in the curriculum is underscored by a dearth of mitted in a “habitus”1 governed by the subsistence ancestral knowledge among younger aboriginals, way of life (Sarangapani 2003: 203). Schooling, at the root of which is insufficient exposure to their however, does not necessarily represent the multi- community’s oral tradition and to life on the land plicity of epistemologies, and is thus perceived as (Rosenberg & Nabhan 1997). One means of intro- problematic by indigenous peoples who view ducing such knowledge into formal education is state-sponsored, introduced western-modeled ed- through the use of indigenous toponymy to dem- ucation as antithetical to the values and knowl- onstrate the “knowledge-practice-belief” (Berkes edges that define their communities’ worldviews. 1999) basis of Traditional Ecological Knowledge “Western” standardized education, after all, has (TEK).2 As an articulation of TEK, toponyms “repre- often played a part in the marginalization of these sent a complex body of knowledge… accumulat- peoples, perpetuating the idea that indigenous ed over long periods of being part of specific natu-
URN:NBN:fi:tsv-oa2531 106 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) ral environments and ecosystems” (Müller-Wille prized for fur and meat. The territory is densely 2000: 146), and “…constitute a detailed encyclo- blanketed with spruce, fir, pine, aspen and birch, pedic knowledge of the environment, [telling] and along alluvial systems, with black cottonwood much about how native people perceive, commu- and willow. In addition to serving as habitat for nicate about, and make use of their surroundings” game such as moose, mule deer and black bear, (Afable & Beeler 1996: 185). and fur-bearing animals such as marten, fisher and As well, the role of indigenous toponymy in cur- lynx, the forest exists as a source of edible plants, riculum is recognized to be liberative, serving as a and materials for shelter, medicines, and imple- medium to reflect on the indigenous ancestral past ments such as nets, baskets and canoes (Hudson for guidance on living “right” in the present (Basso 1983; Hall 1992). 1996:59). Beyond their capacity for relaying envi- Traditionally hunter-gatherers and foragers, the ronmental information, place-names possess the Tl’azt’enne led a generally mobile way of life and potential to be employed in a post-colonial explo- adhered to a social organization consisting of pat- ration and reclamation of identity (Nash 1999). rilocal hunting bands (Morice 1895; Jenness 1943; Places that are referred to by their indigenous Donahue 1977; Hudson 1983; Fiske 1987). Thor- names anchor indigenous identity to those places, ough understandings of their surroundings were replacing histories of dispossession and erasure of crucial for survival, and similar to other Atha- cultural knowledge with accounts grounded in paskan peoples, the Tl’azt’enne employed a sub- precise locations (Cruikshank & Argounova 2000). sistence technology that “depended on artifice In other words, the symbolically rich resources of rather than artifact” (Ridington 1990: 12). Knowl- place-names and place-based narratives serve to edge of the land and its resources was valued over re-establish meanings locally and affirm a sense of material accumulation: crucial to semi-nomadic continued indigeneity. This is seen most clearly in survival was the know-how to hunt, fish, and trap efforts concerned with the construction of cultur- and to construct dwellings, weaponry and tools in ally appropriate curriculum, where the transmis- unpredictable and severe conditions. Yun and sion of culture is active and the use of cultural dune, the two main knowledge systems in the knowledge is emphasized over the need to amass Tl’azt’en worldview, pertain respectively to the and protect it for reasons of posterity (see Cruik- mastery of utilitarian skills and ritual (ceremonial shank 1981; Cruikshank & Argounova 2000). and customary) conduct (Deborah Page, Tl’azt’en From research with Tl’azt’en Nation (see Heikkila Youth Meeting, 27/02/04). These systems of 2007), we propose that indigenous toponyms can knowledge represented the necessary guides to serve as valuable tools to sensitize education and life in a hunter-gatherer society: understanding the to increase its accessibility and appeal to indige- habits of game animals, adhering to proper har- nous students. vesting methods, observing rituals and taboos, and following etiquette befitting social relations (Jen- ness 1943). Stories, vision quests and dreams took Tl’azt’en Nation on a kind of meta-level importance, where their motifs and morals provided a means to connect The Tl’azt’enne are Dakelh (Carrier)-speaking present reality to myth time (Jenness 1943; Furniss people of the Stuart-Trembleur Lakes watershed in 1986; Ridington 1990), and in turn, to place indi- central interior British Columbia, Canada. Their viduals communally as well as within the physical territory, comprising some 6 500 square kilom- environment that sustained the community. eters north of Fort St. James, is embedded in a re- From pre-contact trading relations with the gion that experiences a continental climate and a northwest Pacific coastal indigenous nations, cul- short growing season. The region straddles the up- tural borrowing is evident among the Tla’zt’enne. per watersheds of two major rivers, the Fraser and Rather than a replacement of the basic paternal Skeena, which support numerous fish species, in- Athapaskan3 group structure of the Dakelh bands, cluding several types of salmon. Migrating water- northwest coastal enculturation was absorbed as fowl descend upon the region’s lakes to nest in the an addition to the prevailing structure (Ives 1990). spring, returning in late summer to molt in prepa- A conspicuous vestige of coastal influence that ration for migration southward (Morice 1897; Hall continues to play a role in Tl’azt’en culture is the 1992; Sam 2001). The territory’s lakes, ponds, riv- matrilineal system, which “function[s] solely in ulets and rivers are home to beavers and muskrats, the area comparable to a social welfare system, FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 107 i.e., the potlatch system” (Walker 1974: 380). This Over the years, the Tl’azt’enne have sought to coastal import remains an appendage to the basic improve the socio-economic well-being of their Athapaskan identity of the Tl’azt’enne. community through negotiated power arrange- Over time, the ancestors of present-day ments. An instance is the Tl’azt’en Nation – Uni- Tl’azt’enne became gradually less mobile. Perma- versity of Northern British Columbia co-manage- nent villages at lake outlets began to emerge, ment of the 13 000 ha John Prince Research For- where salmon harvesting was carried out from est, located on Tl’azt’en traditional territory.4 Fur- late-summer to mid-fall. As people congregated at ther, in 2003, members from Tl’azt’en Nation and village sites for the salmon harvest, they fulfilled the University of Northern British Columbia the key social obligations of participating in pot- (UNBC), as part of their on-going co-management latches and other clan ceremonies (Kobrinsky partnership, formed the non-profit Chuntoh Edu- 1977; Furniss 1986; Carlson and Mitchell 1997). cation Society, mandated to expand culturally ap- In time, family-owned hunting and gathering ter- propriate educational opportunities for Tl’azt’en ritories known as the keyoh emerged (Hudson Nation, especially through on-the-land program- 1983; Morris 1999; Brown 2002). The balhats ming involving Tl’azt’en cultural experts. This so- (potlatch) and clan systems regulated rights to re- ciety developed the Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o Dul’eh pro- sources within the keyoh, and permission had to gram (see Mitchell 2003), a land-based culture be sought of keyoh-owning families to hunt and camp program that aims to connect the learning of trap within these territories (Morris 1999). The bal- natural sciences to Tl’azt’en culture.5 Elders teach hats was carried out in order to affirm property traditional skills in a seasonally-based program of- rights and resource use in the keyoh (Morris 1999; fered to both Tl’azt’en and other local children in Brown 2002). late elementary school grades. The advent of European presence and settle- In 2004, Tl’azt’en Nation and UNBC launched ment in Tl’azt’en territory further intensified per- a five-year co-managed research project, “Partner- manent villages, especially in the vicinity of trad- ing for Sustainable Resource Development”, with ing posts, missions and homesteads (see Morris & several areas of investigation, including the docu- Fondahl 2002). As their ancestral lands progres- mentation and perpetuation of Tl’azt’en TEK, and sively fell under state control and ownership, the the investigation of culturally appropriate means Tl’azt’enne were forced to settle on government of enhancing science education to improve reserved land (i.e., parcels of “Indian land”, under Tl’azt’en student retention and achievement (see federal jurisdiction, within Tl’azt’en traditional ter- http://cura.unbc.ca).6 The toponymy research de- ritory) (Morris & Fondahl 2002). The current on- scribed below was envisioned as addressing both reserve population of Tl’azt’en Nation (approx. of these areas, and having potential for inclusion half of the total 1 500 members) is concentrated in in the Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o Dul’eh program. three villages: Tache, Binche, and Dzitl’ainli (Mid- dle River). Despite the hegemonic legacy of the “Indigenizing” science education: a case for reservation system, Tl’azt’en access to and use of indigenous toponymy and on-the-land camp land was assiduously negotiated between Tl’azt’en programs leaders and the state (see Morris & Fondahl 2002). Even today, the Tl’azt’enne still depend on subsist- The literature on aboriginal education in Canada ence hunting for their livelihood on their tradition- cites science as a curricular area requiring consid- al territory, supplemented by wage employment erable reform to help indigenous students suc- and government subsidies. ceed. Low rates of enrollment in senior secondary- A challenge that is implicitly linked to the injus- level science courses amongst indigenous students tices of the reservation as well as a residential appear to correlate with insufficient exposure to school system, and one that is frequently expressed these subject areas during elementary school, by Tl’azt’en elders, is the limited amount of time where many students are placed in remedial pro- youth spend on the land and their limited knowl- grams with limited science instruction (MacIvor edge of their ancestral language and culture. At 1995). A weak foundation in science is also due to present, the Dakelh language is introduced in a a lack of proper facilities and equipment (particu- pre-school program at the on-reserve school but is larly in rural schools), few indigenous role models spoken fluently in few households, which poses an in the field of science, and the mistrust many par- obstacle to the younger generation relearning it. ents have towards institutionalized education that 108 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) limits family support for science learning (MacIvor science camp program lies in its goal of creating 1995: 84). A significant factor contributing to low an opportunity for youth to become immersed in attainment in science is insufficient representation the land and the Tl’azt’en culture. To teach about of indigenous lifeways in the curriculum (Mackay the land in the context of the Tl’azt’en culture, it is & Miles 1995; Battiste 2000; Cajete 2000). crucial to introduce learners to Tl’azt’en concep- The sense of cultural discontinuity experienced tions of the landscape and their sui generis rela- by indigenous students in learning science is root- tionship to the land. These elements are intricately ed in interpretations of the world based on “a tra- bound with that which indigenous peoples recog- ditional frame of reference (...that may include the nize to be at the core of their epistemologies: the physiography and natural history of their home- investment of self in knowing and protecting one’s lands), [within which] cognitive and even moral surroundings. conflicts may limit or preclude any effective en- Hence, there is a need to include TEK in science gagement with western science” (Semken 2005: education to bring about a more critical and de- 150). Undoubtedly “the scientific” has negative colonizing approach to the teaching and learning connotations for many indigenous nations, whose of science. This has been stressed in the literature territories and ways of life have been disrupted by as a means to problematizing science to uncover resource extraction and the wastage and contami- its inherent Eurocentric biases and to balancing nation that often result from land development ac- the western scientific literacy that is taught in tivities; opposed to place-specific knowledge sys- schools with other knowledge traditions (see for tems such as TEK that assume the interrelatedness example Aikenhead 1997; Snively & Corsiglia of beings and a spiritual commitment to local 2000; Smith 2000). In comparing and contrasting ecologies, western science seems a totalizing force TEK and western science, Battiste and Henderson toward the construction of universal understand- instruct on the functioning as well as the possible ings of phenomena based on paradigms (see Smith complementarity of both systems of knowledge: 1999; Battiste & Henderson 2000; Howitt 2001; The traditional ecological knowledge of Indige- Semken 2005). The objectivity and analytical de- nous peoples is scientific, in the sense that it is tachment of the paradigmatic authority is indeed empirical, experimental, and systematic. It differs incongruous with the personal authority that pro- in two important respects from Western science, pels the initiation of several indigenous led on-the- however: traditional ecological knowledge is land programs across Canada.7 These programs highly localized and it is social. Its focus is the seem to provide a much-needed space for experi- web of relationships between humans, animals, plants, natural forces, spirits, and land forms in a mentation into ways in which to introduce TEK to particular locality, as opposed to the discovery of children and youth, and can be understood as a universal “laws”. It is the original knowledge of transition step to revamping the formal curriculum Indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples have ac- followed in community or band schools. The pro- cumulated extraordinarily complex models of grams could be also called laboratories of learn- species interactions over the centuries within very ing, as the successes and failures experienced small geographical areas, and they are reluctant to generalize beyond their direct fields of experi- through the running of such programs can prove to ence. Western scientists, by contrast, concentrate be important lessons for informing how a cultur- on speculating about and then testing global gen- ally appropriate education should be modeled. eralizations, with the result that they know rela- Additionally, on-the-land programs provide a nat- tively little about the complexities of specific, lo- ural venue for increased community and parental cal ecosystems (Battiste & Henderson 2000: 44) involvement, more representative of traditional ways of imparting knowledge (Yamamura et al. While allowances are increasingly made in the 2003). In fact, the idea of on-the-land programs curriculum for the teaching and learning of indig- can be best encapsulated by remarking that when enous languages and culture (see for example BC indigenous communities play a part in the devel- Ministry of Education 2006), indigenous perspec- opment of their own curriculum projects and tives remain largely absent from the core subject teach in a manner they determine, they increase area of science. It is a reality that the inclusion of their chances for cultural advancement and conti- TEK in science education is problematic, with ab- nuity (Dean 2004; Enkiwe-Abayao 2004). original culture and knowledge content treated as A significant part of the Tl’azt’en-initiated tangential to standard curricular mandates. The Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o Dul’eh culture-based outdoor concept of TEK as a “tried and tested” system of FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 109 acquiring and validating information about the map, of keeping the land from being lost to world is simply not acknowledged. Where part of Tl’azt’enne (Pauline Joseph, CPNIS, 19/05/04). the curriculum, TEK is mostly relegated to indige- nous language classes, to the learning of tradition- al stories as part of Language Arts activities or to Methods segregated hunting, fishing, trapping and gather- ing trips that entail a break from school (McCaskill In view of the ongoing negotiations in Canada be- 1987; Aikenhead 1997; Aikenhead & Huntley tween the state and indigenous communities over 1999). aboriginal and treaty rights8, as well as the prece- Alternatively, an effective indigenous school dential aboriginal land claims settlements in north- curriculum has been defined as one that is place- ern Canada, the onus of proving aboriginal pres- based, engages learners in “studies associated ence on and utilization of ancestral lands rests with the surrounding physical and cultural envi- with indigenous communities: evidence of use ronment” and involves increased contact time and occupancy of these lands must be proved by with “elders, parents and local experts” (Barnhardt the communities in order to secure future rights to & Kawagley 2004: 63). From this perspective, in- them. To this end, many communities have chosen digenous cultural content is regarded as being to conduct land use and cultural heritage surveys complementary, rather than subsidiary, to science, known as Traditional Use Studies (TUS) (see for ex- entailing a shift of focus from “teaching about cul- ample Freeman 1976; Castonguay 1979; Wonders ture to teaching through culture” (Barnhardt & Ka- 1987, Müller-Wille 2000; Tobias 2000; Collignon wagley 2004: 62, emphasis added). Such a phi- 2006). At the time of our research with Tl’azt’en losophy has evoked inspiration for teaching TEK Nation, the community had already completed a outside the drawn-out and prohibitive process of TUS, which included the documentation of 640 educational reform. On-the-land learning pro- Dakelh place-names. Given Tl’azt’en Nation’s in- grams, effected on a small-scale level and commu- terest in toponyms beyond land claims, our col- nity-led, offer an opportunity for local empower- laborative work shifted focus from the recording ment where culture-based education can be en- and mapping of place-names to the analysis and couraged without the bureaucracy and red-tape verification of names. One aim of our research associated with either adjusting to or reforming the was to establish a rigorous and reproducible meth- formal school curriculum. odology to collect additional cultural information From a broader standpoint, such programs sym- about place-names that Tl’azt’en researchers bolize the reclamation of education – an institu- could use over time to enrich their place-name tion historically linked to paternalism, racism and data banks. A second objective was to consider cultural dispossession – as a means to transmit cul- the place-names’ pedagogical potential. Thus a tural knowledge and values. This sentiment may limited number of toponyms (nine) were chosen well be the driving force behind the initiation of for our study, by Tl’azt’en member Beverly Bird9 on-the-land programs, which seek to integrate “the (Table 1). indispensable role of the land as the classroom in A key criterion used by Ms. Bird in selecting the which the heritage of each Indigenous people has toponyms was location: as it was likely that topo- traditionally been taught” (Battiste & Henderson nyms would initially inform the Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o 2000:53). In this light, place-names have a signifi- Dul’eh program’s curriculum, rather than formal cant role to perform as aids in making the land educational curricula (given bureaucratic obsta- accessible in human terms, as signs, pathfinders, cles), Ms. Bird chose places on or near the John containers of knowledge (e.g. environmental, his- Prince Research Forest land base (Fig. 1) where the torical, geographical), and meditations of events Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o Dul’eh program is held, so that and people of long ago. In teaching Tl’azt’en youth children who participate in the program can visit to re-connect with the land, place-names have an or at least see these places. Another criterion used inestimable importance because they are tangible by Ms. Bird was the physiographic or cultural-use markers of places on the land that give substance descriptiveness of place-names. Several types of to the culture of their people. Therefore, incorpo- watercourses, for example, were chosen because rating Dakelh toponymy in educational programs, segments of their names contain information on such as the Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o Dul’eh program, has the direction of the flow of water. Place-names the effect of re-instating Dakelh names on the based on the types of resources found on or near 110 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) dli. z Flows out of Hatdudatehl Lake Lake Hatdudatehl of out Flows Lake Tezzeron of middle the into shore. northern its at Flows out of Tezzeron Lake, in the the in Lake, Tezzeron of out Flows John the of part north-western Forest. Research Prince Far eastern end of Pinchi Lake. Pinchi of end eastern Far Location (see Fig. 1) Fig. (see Location far the at creek Meandering Lake. Tezzeron of end eastern Lake. Yatzutzin above Flows Tezzeron and Stuart between Lies lakes. Northern-most bounds of the the of bounds Northern-most Forest. Research Prince John and Pinchi of north and to Parallel lakes. Stuart Lake. Pinchi of portion Southwest and Pinchi between Located lakes. Tezzeron Far western end of Tezzeron Lake. Lake. Tezzeron of end western Far of out flows River Kuzkwa ti Chuz via Lake Tezzeron - River/creek River/creek Geographi outlet Lake Island cal feature cal River/creek Lake Lake outlet Lake Mountain - ulh ulh s Dz Dz dli z ghun bun ghun z gha gha s Ningwus koh Ningwus creek) “soapberry (lit. _ Alternate name Alternate _ Bintatoh shoal”) that waters lake (“among tl’at Bintat Yuts’uzuk Yat’suzak landing of activity the to refer names (both canoe) or boat a koh Chuz koh Bin bun Binche bun Tesgha [Juzghun] Qez-ren Chu ti Bun yu K’uz Binche Te Natadilht’o* multitudi the to referring rising”, (“water streams and swamps lakes, ponds, nous mountain) the surrounding Hatdudatehl Hatdudatehl Creek Kuzkwa Kuzkwa River Pinchi Pinchi Mountain Official Official name _ _ _ Tezzeron Tezzeron Lake Tezzeron Creek Lake Pinchi ghun discharge. ghun z gha discharge. gha s akelh form). akelh ) = lake, lake area. lake lake, = ) D ) = creek, river, stream. river, creek, = ) bunghun gha’s farthest end (farthest upstream end of the lake). the of end upstream (farthest end farthest gha’s ‘ukoh s dli z s dli (from (from = that flows out; starting to flow; flowing creek; water running out of a lake; lake; a of out running water creek; flowing flow; to starting out; flows that = z ghun koh ghun (from ‘u’k’uz) = half; parts that make a whole; half a side of fish. of side a half whole; a make that parts half; = ‘u’k’uz) (from = hairy, furry or mossy. or furry hairy, = = snowflake; soft or hollow wood. hollow or soft snowflake; = (from (from = posterior; backside (indicating backwater areas, upstream from settlements). from upstream areas, backwater (indicating backside posterior; = z z = ridge (archaic (archaic ridge = = bed; bedding. bed; = gha dli dli s escribes the soft quality of the bed of the lake it takes its name. its takes it lake the of bed the of quality soft the escribes z Hadoodatelh koh Hadoodatelh D K’uz koh K’uz K’uz -koh Dakelh name name Dakelh gloss & Chu treed the to refers Also moult). geese and ducks place”(where feathers down “A lake. the of shoreline chuz -ghun ti Chuz Chu of waters the which at point The ti water; running water; of body a of out running river river; running a of beginning water. of body a from away flowing out; runs water where Chu Te Also habitat. whitefish prime is which lakebed, the of quality mossy the to Refers waterfowl. migrating for area” “resting or refuge a as area lake the describes Tes -gha ti Bin noo Bintl’at Te at Island -tl’at K’azyu -yus The point at which the waters of Te of waters the which at point The akelh toponyms included in the study 1. D akelh toponyms Table *Spelling to be verified by the Carrier Linguistic Committee. *Spelling to be verified FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 111
Fig. 1. Dakelh toponyms researched and their locations in the vicinity of the John Prince Research Forest, British Columbia, Canada.
named features provided a third criterion. The Extant sources of Dakelh toponymic study place-names included two lakes (Chuzghun information and Tesgha) one mountain (K’azyus), one island (Bintl’at noo), two creeks (Hadoodatelh koh and As a first step in this study, existing sources of Chuz koh), two lake outlets (Chuz tizdli, Bin tizdli) Dakelh toponymic information were reviewed. and one river (K’uz koh). Through Tl’azt’en Nation’s history, the band has The research methods and procedures, devel- authorized and conducted numerous studies con- oped in adherence to Tl’azt’en Nation Guidelines cerning place-names, resulting in a “Tl’azt’en Na- for Research in Tl’azt’en Territory (Tl’azt’en Nation tion Place-Names Database”. A “Tl’azt’en Place- 1997), were approved by both the UNBC Research Names Study” (1996) and “Tl’azt’en Place-Names Ethics Board and Tl’azt’en Nation Chief and Coun- Project” (2003) specifically documented Dakelh cil (Band Council Resolution no. 0520). To ensure toponymy. Two broader studies conducted by the community participation in the planning, execu- Tl’azt’en Treaty office, the “Elders’ Interviews” tion and evaluation stages of the research, a steer- (1984-1995)10 and the “Tl’azt’en Traditional Use ing committee made up of community elders and Study” (TUS) (1998–1999), also included the doc- researchers was struck. umentation of some Dakelh place-names. A 112 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) project carried out under the auspices of the Yinka dertaken, interviews were carried out with the Dene Language Institute (YDLI) in 1994 to com- community researchers who directed these stud- pile a Dakelh language lexicon (see Poser 1998) ies, about the purpose of the Tl’azt’en place-names involved verifying some place-names culled from research projects, methodology employed, and ar- the early twentieth century works of the Oblate eas of interest within the Tl’azt’en traditional terri- missionary, Adrien Gabriel Morice, and the re- tory.14 The Tl’azt’en researchers were also asked for cording of additional place-names in interviews suggestions as to which elders to interview on the with Dakelh speakers. Transcripts of interviews toponyms; each person provided the names of a from the latter four studies were available for re- number of Tl’azt’enne who are members of fami- view, for references to the chosen place-names lies on whose keyohs the toponyms occur and/or and their surroundings and associated legends, who are regarded by the Tl’azt’en community as stories, environmental, cultural and traditional use having authoritative knowledge of the Dakelh lan- information. Maps created by the Carrier Sekani guage and the Tl’azt’en culture. Participants were Tribal Council11 such as the 1: 50 000 “Carrier- then recruited from this list of names. Using a Sekani Territory Southern Section” (1995) and “snowballing” technique based on a peer recom- “Tl’azt’en Nation Traditional Territory” maps mendation process (Sherry & Fondahl 2004), a to- (2004) also provided information on Dakelh place- tal of 12 individuals were identified, ten of whom names and their locations. were available for interviewing. The individuals In the past, individuals with an interest in the were mostly elderly males.15 history of their family’s subsistence areas also col- An interview guide, consisting of open-ended lected keyoh place-names from their oldest living questions (Johnson 1992; Hart 1995; Grenier family members and used them to construct maps 1998; Tobias 2000) was devised, reviewed by of their hunting and trapping territories. While the Tl’azt’en colleagues, pre-tested and revised. It was maps were not available,12 many research partici- designed to verify and expand on information pants talked of there being such a thing as keyoh from the earlier place-name projects. Formal inter- place-names, exclusive to family members who views were then conducted with Elders Pierre hold the territory. John, Walter Joseph Sr., Robert Hanson, Sophie Along with those materials collected by Tl’azt’en Monk, Frank Duncan, Louise Alexis, Elsie Alexis, Nation, published sources containing information Catherine Coldwell, Stanley Tom and Alexander on Dakelh place-names were reviewed (Morice Tom.16 Morris Joseph, a Tl’azt’en member fluent in 1897, 1978 [1904], 1907, 1932, 1933; Carrier Dakelh, assisted with the interviews. During inter- Linguistic Committee 1974; Kobrinsky 1977; Hall views, the participants were shown maps17 of the 1992; Akrigg & Akrigg 1997; Poser 1998; Sam study area, and the places of interest were either 2001). Copies of notes from Julian Steward’s re- pointed at or referred to by their English or French search of the mid twentieth century were also con- toponyms. A 1: 125 000 map of the study area was sulted (Steward 1940). These works provided specially commissioned by Tl’azt’en Nation for background information on several of the study use in the interviews; a mylar sheet placed over place-names.13 However, the information from the map served as a way to mark events, the set- these sources was minimal and fragmented. tings of stories and legends, trails and additional A review of archival and published information locations and place-names. The participants were on the study place-names exposed gaps and dis- then asked for the traditional Dakelh names of the crepancies. Several facets of the chosen place- places, any alternate names, dialectal affinity, and names had to be verified, including spelling, dia- literal translations and glosses.18 They were asked lect, location, translation, meaning and whether to expound on translations and interpretations in the places were associated with any stories or leg- light of the eco-cultural attributes of the places, to ends. Thus interviews were required with share stories about the places, and to focus espe- Tl’azt’enne knowledgeable about the Dakelh lan- cially on those places they knew most about. guage, traditions and life on the land. Once interviews were transcribed, content analysis was performed (Kitchin & Tate 2000; Sil- Interviews verman 2000; McCracken 1988; Holland 1995). The analysis was presented to the community for To gain an understanding of the Tl’azt’en-led verification and feedback. Community review of place-name studies that had been previously un- the content analysis was vital in terms of ensuring FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 113 that the information was accurate and interpreted and Tache whut’enne are examples of ethnonyms properly. A panel of elder experts, known as the that define as well as distinguish the groups of Tl’azt’en Place-Names Committee, verified the Dakelh speakers living by the outlet of Nak’al koh findings on each of the nine place-names.19 This (Stuart River) and at the mouth of Duzdli koh protected the indigenous concepts, terms and (Tachie River). As bodies of water have been a place-names from being misconstrued, misrepre- means of sustenance, mobility and social life for sented or ignored altogether. Several Tl’azt’en Na- Dakelh-speaking peoples, the significance of wa- tion members identified by Beverly Bird because ter in their worldview is appreciable from under- of their knowledge of the Tl’azt’en culture and standing the names given to places on or along their experience in the conduct of qualitative re- water bodies as well as the water bodies them- search, reviewed the written analysis: Renel selves. Mitchell, Beverly Leon, and Deborah Page, as well As the research was based on assembling as Ms. Bird herself.20 Feedback from the Tl’azt’en Tl’azt’en TEK associated with the study sample of Place-Names Committee was incorporated, and nine place-names, there was a need to examine guidelines were developed for the inclusion of the the geographical terms expressed in place-names toponymic information into the Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o and to document the topographic, biotic, and cul- Dul’eh culture-based outdoor science camp pro- tural use descriptions for each place. The result gram (see Heikkila 2007). was a discovery of patterns in the gathered infor- mation that were indicative of the logic behind Dakelh Toponyms: Repositories of Tl’azt’en Tl’azt’en place-naming. One pattern, in particular, Knowledge concerns the role of referents in lake place-names as orientating devices for water travel. Tl’azt’en traditional toponyms exist as more than place designators. If the Tl’azt’en ancestral territo- Toponyms as Tools for Teaching Navigation ry is analogized to a history book or family tree, a memoryscape (see Nutall 1992) upon which the Study toponyms were found to exhibit particles performance of place routines keep alive ancestral that act as directionals. For instance, place-names knowledge of the land, the toponyms can also be with the particles, -che and tizdli indicate direc- understood to function as symbolic resources, in- tion into or out of a lake system. Thus, the main corporating information on the specific attributes Tl’azt’en village, Tache, is where a river flows into of places and often highlighting a place’s role in Nak’al Bun (Stuart Lake); Chuz tizdli is the place navigation and its resource potential. Place-names where the Kuzkwa River flows out of Chuzghun also convey teachings and practices about the re- (Tezzeron Lake). These particles, unlike the global lationship between the Tl’azt’enne and their an- direction given by a compass, give direction from cestral territory. a local vantage point. In the Tl’azt’en culture, Father Morice, one of the first missionaries to where rivers and creeks were the primary mode of come to Tl’azt’en territory, summed up his obser- travel in the past, these particles intimate people’s vations of the terrain as “par excellence a land of reliance on waterways to leave and return to their lakes” (1933: 646). Journeying through the land, home territory. one appreciates the aptness of this statement – riv- Another example of a directional is -tl’at, a suf- ulets, creeks and rivers crisscross the land, feeding fix sometimes found in lake place-names, denot- into or draining lakes and ponds of various sizes. ing “the end of the lake”. This particle seems to Since water is such a major entity in Tl’azt’en ter- indicate to travelers on water a movement away ritory, its prominent role in survival and identity from a settlement into more remote areas. For in- for the Tl’azt’enne is unsurprising. People have stance, Nak’al Bun (Stuart Lake), Tesgha (Pinchi fished in streams and lakes, hunted and trapped Lake) and Dzinghubun (Trembleur Lake) host sites along shorelines, and depended on water for that contain tl’at as part of their names. Nak’alat, transport. Water has also played a symbolic role in Bintl’at, and Dzintl’at are located away from the people’s lives; hydronyms, usually of river mouths outlets of the lake systems to which they belong, and lake outlets and paired with the suffix – as well as from principal villages on these lakes. whut’enne (meaning “people of a certain place”), The ending tl’at signifies that traveling to the “end” function to describe the different Dakelh commu- of the lake is to move upstream, and away from nities (see Kobrinsky 1977). Nak’azdli whut’enne settlements – an orienting function in traveling the 114 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) waters of Tl’azt’en country. Together with the aid description of the trees that grow along the lake of other landforms (such as mountains, hills, is- suggests black cottonwood (Populus balsamifera lands and coves), knowledge of the -che, tizdli ssp. trichocarpa), which can be found growing on and -tl’at parts of lakes guided travelers on water to low to medium elevation, on moist to wet soil both up- and downstream places. (Mackinnon et al. 1999: 19). Containing whitish, wispy-like hairs, cottonwood seeds drift through Toponyms as Tools for Teaching Concepts of the air like “giant summer snowflakes” to germi- Ecology nate (Mackinnon et al. 1999: 19). This phenome- non may correspond to the idea behind “Snow- Biotic information that hints at the resource poten- flake Lake”, Poser’s etymology for Chuzghun tial of places was also found to reside in the study (1998: 67).23 As well, the reference to black cot- place-names. Chuzghun (Tezzeron Lake) includes tonwood is reconciled with the interpretation “soft the root chuz, which translates as “snowflake” wood” when viewed in the light of Tl’azt’en mate- (Poser 1998: 71), and refers to the idea that the rial culture: the wood of this tree species is highly lake is a “down feathers place”, commonly regard- pliable and was used to make dugout canoes and ed as a nesting place for waterfowl (Catherine paddles (Hall 1992). The various interpretations of Coldwell & Betsy Leon; CPNIS21, 31/03/04; CPN- the toponym suggest lessons in the multiplicity of VS, 27-28/04/05). Chuz, in this context, refers to resources that a location may offer, as well as the the molting process water birds undergo after the multiplicity of interpretations that language may nesting period. The appearance of bird down in engender. water resembles snowflakes (Catherine Coldwell CPNI, 25/06/04). Indeed, Elder Robert Hanson Toponyms as Tools for Exploring the Seasons (CPNIS, 03/06/04) felt that the prefix of the place- and Subsistence Round name, chuz, was amiss, and that it should rather read as ts’uz, meaning “feather”. As ts’uz is also Clues to the Tl’azt’en subsistence round appear in the prefix of the word tsuzchus, meaning “down certain toponyms. Place-names carrying the -che feather”, this observation conforms to the idea of a and tizdli particles, as well as the place-names “molting lake”, the term noted by Akrigg and Chuzghun and Tesgha contain environmental in- Akrigg (1997: 265) to describe Tezzeron Lake as a formation pertaining to faunal life cycle and criti- place “where ducks and geese molt”.22 cal habitats such as nesting and refuge sites. While An alternate interpretation for the etymology of serving as navigational aids, -che and tizdli place- Chuzghun was provided by Stanley Tom and Alex- names also suggest opportunities for hunting, snar- ander Tom (CPNI, 21/12/04), keyoh holders in the ing and fishing by the very nature that the places area of this lake, who maintain that the place- marked by these names are typically those that re- name refers to old, hollow trees that line the lake- main open or ice-free during the winter. River shore. Since these trees grow thickly on the shore- mouths and lake outlets attract birds and mam- line, they give the lake the appearance of a basin mals, and allow for fishing even when lakes are when viewed from a distance, as from on top of an mostly frozen. In some cases, as with the toponym incline. The trees were described as “getting old Chuzghun, stages of the life cycle of animals are and …soft… [they are] hollow and fall apart when evoked. Chuzghun summons up the yearly migra- [struck]”. The interviewees gave the meaning of tion of waterfowl northwards, the birds’ need for the prefix, chuz, as “soft wood” and the suffix, shelter in lakes and slow-moving rivers and creeks, -ghun, as “area”, subsequently translating the and the processes of molting and nesting that the whole name as “a body of water surrounded by birds undergo after they find refuge. This informa- trees” (CPNI, 21/12/04). tion on waterfowl is part of Tl’azt’en knowledge Also significant is the consideration of the short relating to subsistence. Through observing the sea- forms or contractions of place-names that are used sons, habits and habitats of the birds, it was possi- by Dakelh speakers as an alternative to the com- ble to predict their arrival, to locate when and plete forms of names. Stanley Tom and Alexander where they nest, and to develop efficient harvest- Tom suggest that Chuzghun derives from a special ing strategies. At the time of the molt, waterfowl term, chunzool, “hollow wood”, which is con- are at their most vulnerable, being largely ground- tracted to chuz in the place-name Chuzghun ed and awkward away from water. Accounts of the (CPNI, 21/12/04). Stanley and Alexander Tom’s traditional means of clubbing or netting waterfowl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 115 in the molting stage are given in Morice (1897) lied upon mental maps that contained detailed and Hall (1992). information about places on the land, gained from Tesgha (meaning “hairy or furry bed or bedding” knowledge inherited from elders, personal experi- (Morris Joseph, pers, comm, 10/06/04/; Alexander ence or the experiences of others (cf. Brody 1981; Tom, CPNI, 21/12/04)), the lake that lies parallel to Müller-Wille 1984; Collignon 2006). Occasional- Chuzghun, is also associated with waterfowl, in ly, place-names evoke narratives bordering on the terms of it serving as an “overnight resting” place mythic and/or involving the superhuman. These (Betsy Leon, CPNIS, 31/03/04). Geese and ducks accounts, in providing the context needed to un- flock on this lake before flying off to other lakes in derstand the significance of places-names and the the vicinity to nest because parts of Tesgha are places they mark, give toponyms depth. Explain- shallow enough for grasses and other semi-aquatic ing the origins of places and phenomena, being plants to flourish. Such an ecosystem sustains a va- prescriptive and cautionary, or allowing a momen- riety of waterfowl as well as whitefish fry, which tary view of mystical power, these stories carry a typically use the blades and stalks of the grasses to subtext that demonstrates the strong spiritual ties hide (CPNVS, 27-28/04/05). According to Tl’azt’en between people and the places on which they de- knowledge, the shallow eastern portion of Tesgha pend. The sentiment that emerges from these sto- is habitat for whitefish (Robert Hanson, CPNI, ries can be termed “environmental conscious- 10/06/04). The island, Bintl’at noo, located at the ness”, a moral awareness to honor and engage eastern end of Tesgha, once served as a fishing and with places on the land. The two examples below hunting camp: this lake system was associated provide an understanding of this ethic. with the autumnal activities of harvesting white- One instance of environmental consciousness is fish and waterfowl. glimpsed in place-name narratives that involve Historical information on subsistence is also mythic beings. The place-names Chuzghun and part of Dakelh place-names. The toponym Bilhk’a Bin tizdli, for instance, are associated with ac- (Whitefish Lake) translates literally as “snare and counts of giant animals that tell not only of medi- arrow”24 (Walter Joseph and Pierre John, CPNI, cine power but demonstrate the sacredness of the 02/06/04), indicating the kinds of traditional tech- land. The presence of animals such as giant Dolly nology used in subsistence activities. From the Varden trout and frogs in these places suggests an 1900s to 1940s, Bilhk’a played an important role offsetting of human might and a creation of bal- as a source of whitefish to people from throughout ance in the interactions between humans and ani- the Stuart-Trembleur watershed (Hudson 1983). mals. Giant animals serve as powerful reminders Bilhk’a was also associated with hunting and trap- that not all things in nature can be controlled or ping (Robert Hanson, CPNI, 10/06/04). The name known with surety. It is in this regard that places of the lake emphasizes the value of the lake and its exude a kind of importance or sacredness, which surrounding environs as a place where it is possi- creates awareness and respectfulness in people as ble to hunt, trap and fish. People traveled to this they travel through the land. lake in the fall, when whitefish were plentiful in With regard to place-name narratives involving areas of the lake where spawning occurred (So- giant animals, a cautionary message often under- phie Monk, CPNI, 03/06/04). The wooded recess- lies these stories. An episode of the story of the es of the periphery of the lake contributed to giant frog of Bin tizdli tells of a time when a man Bilhk’a’s significance as they provided access to came to seek the frog with the intention of captur- small and large game. ing and selling it (Robert Hanson, CPNI, 03/06/04). What ensued was a catastrophe, where the man Toponyms Exploring Environmental drowned during a sudden squall that blew in over Consciousness the lake. The story warns of the consequences that can befall those who trespass or exceed the bounds The place-name interviews yielded particular in- of another’s space and privileges. Place-name nar- sights into the way knowledge is recalled in a cul- ratives dealing with giant animals seem to also re- ture that has relied on the oral transmission of in- late a time in the past when animals were extraor- formation. For Tl’azt’enne, routes to keyohs and dinary and endowed with special powers that other resource important areas were memorized could either aid or thwart humans. For fear of suf- and unraveled as needed with the help of place- fering misfortune, people travelled with caution names and their attendant narratives. People re- through places associated with such animals, re- 116 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) specting their existence and space. Such stories ty over and knowledge of a specific area used for emphasize the importance of respect for all life subsistence. The unwillingness to discuss anoth- and for the land. er’s keyoh was explained cogently by Walter Giants, human and animal, are also featured in Joseph (CPNI, 02/06/04), who remarked that talk- narratives relating to the origins of places. ing about places in someone else’s keyoh is an in- Ulhts’acho, an island upriver from the village of trusion synonymous to crossing or cutting through Nak’azdli on Stuart Lake is the namesake of an the keyoh without having first informed the owner. ogre whose tragic death caused its formation While keyoh boundaries are not absolute, there is (Catherine Coldwell, CPNI, 25/06/04). The story an unspoken rule between keyoh holders and oth- not only tells of the origin of the island and a near- ers that obtaining permission to use or travel by islet, but relays a moral about respect for life through the keyoh is obligatory. This is a tacit ac- and nature. Gluttony made Ulhts’acho kill his dog knowledgement of the keyoh holder’s tenure and – his only companion – to get at the lingcod livers authority over the keyoh. Even conversing about in its stomach. After carelessly flinging its carcass the place-names in another’s keyoh is a breach of into the lake, Ulhts’acho realized the heartless respect and trust: the place-names can be specific deed he had committed. He waded out to retrieve to the keyoh in which they belong, forming not the body of his dog, but never returned. His body, only a part of the owner’s knowledge of the keyoh and his dog’s, after being tossed by the waves and but standing also as authoritative symbols of that swept along by the current, finally settled and be- knowledge. Through the keyoh system, use of land came an island. The story of Ulhts’acho exempli- is controlled, keeping harvesting and regeneration fies the interdependence between humans and of resources in balance. animals, and cautions against impulsivity, greed The place-name content presented in this sec- and mistreatment. It touches on the continuity be- tion illustrates the wealth of meanings to be ap- tween life and the earth – people and animals can preciated from studying indigenous toponymy. be transformed after death into landscape features Because Dakelh toponyms often depict physiogra- that endure through the seasons, and ever remind phy or the fecundity of places in the context of the of proper behavior. Tl’azt’en seasonal subsistence round, their appli- cation in curriculum can serve to enrich under- Toponyms as Tools for Discussing Local standings of local ecologies, including particular Governance TEK associated with specific places or ecosystems. Furthermore, because of the metaphoric power of Environmental consciousness is also intimated in place-names to transform places in the physical the workings of the keyoh system and related landscape into places that feed and instruct the toponymies. Keyoh or family territories are de- moral imagination, the important questions of en- fined according to both physical and social vironmental consciousness, connected to sense of bounds. On a material level, keyoh limits are place, cultural survival and self-determination, marked by “posts”, or “topographical partitions” arise for reflection. Such content is important in by way of hills, mountains, watersheds, meadows, the makings of culturally-appropriate curriculum and trails (Margaret Mattess, CPNIS, 19/05/04). to inculcate a strong sense of self and to build ap- Lakes and islands, which can also be claimed as preciation for ancestral teachings. part of a family’s keyoh, are also used as posts (Stanley Tom & Alexander Tom, CPNI, 21/12/04). Although keyohs are thus demarcated, there re- Conclusion mains a degree of reciprocity in sharing land and resources. This is observed in the social ties be- Dakelh toponyms continue to occupy an impor- tween keyoh holders and others. On a social level, tant place in the make-up of Tl’azt’en identity – keyoh boundaries are maintained through respect place-names aid remembrance of people and and deference towards the family members who events in the past, and are markers of a continued have disposition rights to the piece of land. Tl’azt’en presence on the land. Knowledge of top- In interviews, participants were reluctant to talk onyms demonstrates personal experience with the about places in somebody else’s keyoh. This reluc- land, and to learn place-names is to learn about tance was apparently steeped in anxiety of tres- the land. Tl’azt’enne who were interviewed during passing on and misrepresenting another’s authori- the course of the research have indicated that FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 117 place-names represent much more than the places Acknowledgements themselves: to know place-names is to be also ac- quainted with the narratives and memories linked This paper is dedicated to the memory of Robert Han- to the places marked. In this way, toponymy con- son, esteemed Tl’azt’en elder and teacher. We are tributes to the continuity of oral tradition: place- indebted to the Tl’azt’en members who facilitated name referents, meanings, attendant narratives this research through their willingness to share infor- mation. Special thanks are due to Beverly Leon, Bev- and memories are relayed when people know and erly Bird, Morris Joseph, Deborah Page, Catherine use toponyms. Coldwell, Pierre John, Walter Joseph Sr., Stanley Tom, An interesting point that interviewees brought Alexander Tom, Margaret Mattess, Pauline Joseph up time and again during the research was the no- and Dr. William Poser. We are also grateful to two tion that traveling to named places is of utmost anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on importance to appreciate the essence of place- earlier drafts. This manuscript was submitted to Tl’azt’en Nation for review prior to its initial submis- names. This point supports the idea that to truly sion to Fennia. know place-names, one must have a relationship with the land: traveling and harvesting are ways of establishing a personal connection with the land. Travel entrenches patterns or systems of place- Notes names in people’s consciousness, binding them with places on the landscape, which serve as re- 1 Borrowed from Pierre Bourdieu (1977) to mean a positories of ancestral knowledge. framework for the objects of knowledge consisting of For Tl’azt’enne, to whom the land is an inalien- a society’s social, historical and political structures, perpetuated through performance. able part of cultural identity and heritage, the link 2 Three terms used in Canada to refer to aboriginal between rights to land and rights to language and peoples’ knowledge systems are: Traditional Ecologi- culture is embodied in the idea of remembering cal Knowledge (TEK), Indigenous Knowledge (IK), places and using Dakelh place-names. Place- and Traditional Knowledge (TK). There is no absolute names provide the opportunity for Dakelh lan- definition for these terms (see Berkes 1993, Mc- guage maintenance and the learning of oral tradi- Gregor 2000) other than they indicate the knowledge held by a particular aboriginal community that has tion, both vital issues underlying Tl’azt’en cultural been transmitted through time and that assumes an continuity. Knowing the place-names and stories emotional and spiritual connection with the local of one’s homeland is part of knowing one’s lan- landscape. At times, the usage of the terms IK and TK guage and heritage. But the intensity of the con- is observed in contexts where there is a need to dis- nection between knowing the toponymy and sto- tinguish knowledge specific to indigenous communi- ries of one’s homeland and knowing one’s lan- ties from knowledge stemming from the western sci- entific tradition. TEK is used to refer more specifically guage and heritage depends on the health of the to indigenous peoples’ knowledge of their local envi- land and the intactness of places on the land. The ronments, including their values concerning sustain- well-being and completeness of places are vital able and responsible use of natural resources (see not only for place-names to be known and stories Grenier 1999). TEK is the term that Tl’az’ten Nation to be remembered but ultimately for the continuity has chosen to use to identify the knowledge of its of TEK and indigenous identity. Because of the people (see Tl’azt’en Nation n.d. a; Tl’azt’en Nation interdisciplinary nature of the subject matter of the and UNBC CURA 2005); hence, out of deference to this choice, TEK is used in this publication when dis- study place-names (i.e., navigational, environ- cussing aboriginal knowledge, including the knowl- mental, historical, ethical, political), we believe edge shared by Tl’azt’enne. (Tl’azt’enne is the plural that the information will find relevance to environ- collective noun for Tl’azt’en.) mental, science and social studies applications in 3 The term Athapaskan refers to a branch of the Na- outdoor science camp programs. As importantly, Dene speech family that subsumes languages such as utilizing indigenous toponymy in a community- Gwich’in, Dogrib, Slave, Dakelh, Western Apache and Navajo. Each of these languages belongs to one driven educational project like the Yunk’ut Whe of the three Athapaskan subfamilies – northern, Pa- Ts’o Dul’eh science camp program promotes cific and Apachean – representing the range of Atha- knowing, cherishing and protecting places through paskan speakers from interior Alaska to western Can- direct, personal involvement with the land. ada, the Pacific Northwest, northern California and the American southwest. Na-Dene expansion oc- curred across the Bering Strait into present-day Alas- ka toward the end of the final great glacial period 118 Karen Heikkilä and Gail Fondahl FENNIA 188: 1 (2010)
(c. 10 000 BC) (Vanstone 1974). In the postglacial 12 Tl’azt’en Nation has chosen to restrict access to period an east- and southward spread took place into some of its internally-generated maps and documents what is today the Yukon Territory and interior British during treaty negotiations, due to the potentially sen- Columbia, where the ancestral Na-Dene became sitive nature of these materials. adapted to a subarctic environment abounding in 13 No published information was available on four of large and small game and fish. The new environments the chosen place-names: Chuzghun koh, Hadoo- catalysed considerable cultural change as observed datelh koh, Bin tizdli, and Bintl’at noo. in the distinct cultural make-up of the various Atha- 14 Interviewees included Beverly Bird (Researcher, paskan sub-families: linguistic evidence suggests a Tl’azt’en Place-Names Study 1996), Renel Mitchell, common Athapaskan lineage (Vanstone 1974). (Researcher, Traditional Use Study 1999), and Marga- 4 For more information on this research forest see ret Mattess and Pauline Joseph (Researchers, Tl’azt’en Fondahl and Atkinson (2007) and Grainger et al. Place-Names Project 2003). (2006). 15 Several people explained that knowledge of the 5 The Yunk’ut Whe Ts’o Dul’eh (We Learn from Our keyoh and livelihood related to hunting and trapping Land) program, developed mostly by Renel Mitchell, is is passed down from father to son. The pool of pre- held on the John Prince Research Forest. For more in- test and formal interviewees involved individuals formation see Mitchell (2003) and http://www.cstc. ranging from 40 to 80 years old, with the majority of bc.ca/cstc/69/the+chuntoh+forest+education+society. individuals being male. Only one younger interview- 6 This project was funded by the Social Sciences and ee was nominated; he was considered to be “an ex- Humanities Research Council of Canada, under their ception to the rule”, as most youth do not know the Community-University Research Alliance (CURA) Dakelh language or the land as well as their fathers program. It built on several years of previous collabo- and grandfathers. rative research between Tl’azt’en Nation and UNBC. 16 Tl’azt’en researchers feel strongly about giving 7 Some examples include: the Reconnecting with the credit to Tl’azt’enne who have contributed their Land program in Manitoba, the Big Trout Lake land- knowledge or perspectives to research projects, rath- based program in Ontario, the Nutchimiu-Attuseun er than preserving anonymity, on condition that the Training Centre on-the-land program in Quebec, the participants are comfortable with having their identi- Avataq Cultural Institute Inukjuaq and Kuujjuaq sum- ties revealed. The consent form used in this study mer camps in Nunavik, the Mi’kmaq and Wuastuk- gave interviewees the option of electing to have their wiuk (Maliseet) cultural-enrichment summer camp in name either mentioned or withheld in publications; New Brunswick, and Rediscovery summer camps all interviewees chose to be identified. held in several parts of Canada (INAC 2006). These 17 An aerial photograph of the John Prince Research programs deliver traditional land-based skills and en- Forest area was also available to research participants vironmental and cultural education to children and as an extra recall aid; most participants preferred the youth of aboriginal ancestry, and include the partici- map as a way to locate and remember places over the pation of community elders as instructors. On-the- aerial depiction. land programs are in some instances initiated by 18 Beyond a literal translation of a place-name, it is schools – in the Northwest Territories, for instance, useful to obtain a gloss or meaning based on its root schools such as Sir Alexander Mackenzie School (In- words. This is important in making the place-name uvik), Chief Julius School (Fort McPherson), and Paul understandable to the non-native speaker. An exam- William Kaeser School (Fort Smith) organize outdoor ple is the Dakelh place-name Tsinteltehnoola, liter- experiential camps as part of their curricula to teach ally “burbot [lingcod]-underwater-island” (Poser students bush survival skills, environmental aware- 1998: 302). A gloss, “island where lingcod are found ness and traditional knowledge. underwater”, enables speakers of English to form a 8 Tl’azt’en Nation has been in treaty negotiations general understanding of this toponym’s meaning. with the provincial and federal governments since 19 The Committee consisted of Catherine Coldwell, 1993. A treaty, which would result in recognition of Mildred Martin, Pierre John, Sophie Monk, Helen aboriginal land ownership, governance, resource Johnnie, and Betsy Leon. Mrs. Coldwell and Mrs. Leon management and economic independence, has yet are members of the Nak’azdli Band, whose traditional to be signed. territory borders that of Tl’azt’en Nation’s to the south; 9 Beverly Bird, a respected Tl’azt’en member, had many individuals of the two communities are related long-time involvement in Tl’azt’en cultural and treaty and do possess extensive knowledge of places in both research, and was Tl’azt’en co-leader of the co-man- territories. Mrs. Coldwell is a founding member of the aged CURA project’s TEK research stream. She sug- Carrier Linguistic Committee. She collaborated with gested place-names as a topic for a thesis project in various linguists on dictionary, place-name and tradi- which Tl’azt’en Nation would be interested. tional plant use projects, and continues to be involved 10 A series of interviews conducted to produce in Dakelh language and cultural programs. Beverly Tl’azt’en and Nak’azdli elder biographies. Bird, a Tl’azt’en member, is her daughter. 11 Tl’azt’en Nation is a member of the Carrier Sekani 20 All four women have worked in various capacities Tribal Council, along with seven other Dakelh- and in Tl’azt’en-led and Tl’azt’en–UNBC joint research Sekani-speaking First Nations. projects. FENNIA 188: 1 (2010) Indigenous Toponyms as Pedagogical Tools: Reflections from … 119
21 CPNI, CPNIS and CPNVS stand for CURA Place- References Names Interview, CURA Place-Names Information Session and CURA Place-Names Verification Session, Afable PO and Beeler MS 1996. Place-names. In respectively. The interviews and sessions were taped Goddard I (ed). Handbook of North American In- and coded by date. dians 17, Language, 185–199. Smithsonian Insti- 22 “Tezzeron” was unanimously regarded by research tution, Washington, DC. participants as a corruption of the native name, Aikenhead G 1997. Toward a first nations cross-cul- Chuzghun. Many instances of the kinds of corrup- tural science and technology curriculum. Science tions produced by the early surveyors and travelers in Education 81, 217–238. Carrier territory are found in Morice (1902, 1933). Aikenhead G and Huntley B 1999. Teachers’ views Some corruptions are based in inaccurate transcrip- on aboriginal students learning western science tions of the native name, which have the effect of and aboriginal science. Canadian Journal of Na- distorting or excluding the original sounds of the tive Education 23, 159–174. name. Other corruptions are mistakes in interpreta- Akrigg GPV and Akrigg H 1997. British Columbia tion such as designating whole geographical features place names. University of British Columbia by a name reserved for a part on or within them, or Press, Vancouver. giving a native geographical term of a feature as its Baker D, Clay J & Fox C (eds). 1996. Challenging proper name. ways of knowing in English, maths and science. 23 Father Morice’s rather different interpretation of Falmer Press, London. the etymology of Chuzghun is also worthy of note. Barnhardt R and Kawagley O 2004. Culture, chaos He gives the meaning of the name as “paddle after and complexity. Cultural Survival Quarterly 27, lake” or Paddle Lake (1933: 648). Discrepancies, 59–64. however, exist between Morice’s translation and that Basso KH 1996. Wisdom sits in places: landscape espoused in more recent Dakelh language and cul- and language among the western Apache. Uni- tural research. Morice transcribed the prefix of Chuz- versity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. ghun as tces, which corresponds to chus rather than Battiste M 2000. Maintaining aboriginal language, chuz (Poser 2000). The word chus does mean “pad- culture, and identity in modern society. In dle” and may reflect Morice’s familiarity with local Battiste M (ed). Reclaiming indigenous voice and vi- knowledge of the lake as a place to obtain wood for sion, 192–208. University of British Columbia making canoes and paddles. This may have had an Press, Vancouver. influence on how he transcribed and interpreted the Battiste M and Henderson H 2000. Protecting indig- name. Another discrepancy is Morice’s recording of enous knowledge and heritage. Purich Publishing the name of the lake as Tces-ra-ñ-pen [Chus-gha-ng- Ltd., Saskatoon. bun], whereas the Carrier Linguistic Committee Berkes F 1993. Traditional ecological knowledge in (1974) and Poser (1998) give it as Chuzghun. perspective. In Inglis JT (ed). Traditional eological The suffix -ghun was a point of obscurity in the kowledge: concepts and cases, 1–9. International place-name verification process, as none of the Development Research Centre, Ottawa. Tl’azt’en Place-Names Committee members could Berkes F 1999. Sacred ecology: traditional ecological confidently explain the meaning of the term (CPNVS, knowledge and resource management. Taylor and 27-28/04/05). Speculations were made about -ghun Francis, Philadelphia. being a short-form for bunghun (lake). However, Bourdieu P 1977. Outline of a theory of practice. while -ghun, bun and bunghun all are designators in Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. lake names, bun and -ghun are both representative of British Columbia Ministry of Education 2006. Shared big lakes (e.g. Nak’al bun and Chuzghun), while bun- learnings: integrating BC aboriginal content K-10. ghun is a designator for smaller lakes found within Aboriginal Education Initiative, British Columbia keyohs (Morris Joseph, pers. comm., 26/03/04). Maps Ministry of Education.
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