OVER SEA TRADE OF GOLCONDA DURING THE 17th CENTURY
DISSERTATION SUBMITTED THE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY, ALIGARH. AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY
BY SEEMA SINGH
SUPERVISOR Professor Irfan Habib
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH 1986 ,•;:, ^M^"J.:Bif,
DS954 CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY
TELEPHONE : 5546
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALlGARtf ML'5iIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-202001 4tli 3tt>ia*8ft
This is to esrtlfy that nis» Se9«« slnah has dons her rsssarch york undsT sy ttipsrvision • This illss»rtsiiofi prspsrsd by har on '•Qvar Saa Trada 9f Golconcia During tha 17th Contury" is hor oriyinai work and is fit for autmlasion for tho award of ^•R«ii* fihmrMi* ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is my one of the most pleasant duties to thank my Supervisor Professor Irfan Habib for his guidance and supervision.
Dr.(Ms) Shireen Moosvl was generous enough to provide me material for which I am thankful to her.
My grateful thanks are due to all my research colleagues v;ho helped me especially Sumbul Haleem Khan and Jawaid Akhtar.
I am thankful to Mr Zahoor Ali Khan and Faiz Habib for their help in drawing the map.
I am indebted to the staff of the Research Library, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi and Library of the Delhi School of Economics.
I am also thankful to Mr Rlzvi (Typist) for his patience with my scripts. C 0 N T E NTS
Pages
Introduction
CHAPTERS
I - ITEMS OF EXPORT FOR OVERSEA MARKETS • • • 1
II - ITEMS OF IMPORT • • • 24
III - SHIPPING # • • 37
IV - ENVIRONMENT OF TRADE • • • 43
V - MONEY AND BILLS OF EXCHANGE • • • 62
VI - COMMERCE WITH ASIAN COUNTRIES • • • 70
VII - EUROPEAN COMPANIES • • • 76
Appendix • • • 89
Abbreviations * • • 91
Bibliography • • • 93
Map ; Facing INTRODUCTION
The kingdom of Golconda lies in the east of the Deccan plateau. The Mughal suba of Berer adjoined it to the north; and the suba of Orissa on the north-east. On the luest it had the kingdomSof Bidar, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, On the aouth, it tuas separated by Penner river from the territories of the 1 Vijaynagar empire.
Physiographically, the kingdom may be divided into tu/o zones, vizf the coastal plains and the uplands running parallel to them in the lueat. The major rivers ujatering it are the
GodavsTi, Krishna and Penner.
The coastal area of the region contained important ports, like flasulipatam, Nizaropattam, Pulicut and f^adras.
In the south east uthsre a portion of 'Carnatic' then called Karnatak-i-Haidrabadi tuas included in the kingdom^^the hills mere bare of vegetation* The soil «Hie sandy and ^^ not retain moisture, and the rivers in this region run dry during 2 the hot season. A considerable forest belt extended to the north 3 of the kingdom, across the Golconda.
1. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Delhi, vol.XlII,p.227; An Atlas of the Mughal empire, Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1982, 16A. 2. The Imperial Gazetteer, vol.XIII,p.227. 3. An Atlas of the Mughal empire, 16 B. II
About tvuo thirds of annual rainfall ia registered during the south tuest roonsoon, the first ahoiuers of luhich begin to fall in May. The precipitation in the coastal tracts such as in Masulipatam is considerably heavier than in the 1 inland regions*
The kingdom of Golconda emarged as an independent a kingdom in the I6th century and survived for more than hundred years (1512-1687).
The founder of the kingdom mas Sultan Quli, a native of Hamadan in Persia. He came to India as an adventurer and uuaa taken in the service of the Bahmani Sultan Shihabuddin Mahmud. He earned rapid promotions and became the Governor of the province of Tilangana, luith the title of [Jutbul Mulk.
By 1512, the province became almost independent and only owed theoretical allegience to the Bahmani Sultan. Qutbul Nulk 2 died as a noble and not as a king. In the 1530*8 Sultan Uuli invaded Uijaynager and after the battle of Palaukchipur a treaty u/ss signed according to luhich the u/hole of the Tilangana coast fell into the hands of 3ultan Quli, After this he luas able to rule over the Godavari-Krishna doab as far as Ellore in the centre and Rajamundri in the north. Noiu Krishna vuas fixed as
1. The Imperial Gazetteer, vol. XUI, 321. 2. Sherujani, History of the Uutbshahi dynasty, Neu) Delhi, 1974, p.12. Ill
the frontier between Golconda and Vijaynagar. He also 1 annexed the territories of Kohir, Nalgonda and Kondvidu
The kingdom passed through a series of political disturbances for seven years after the death of Sultan Quli, but conditions stablized by Ibrahim Qutbshah (1550-1580).
Ibrahim was the first real sovereign. The coins of 2 the period also bear testimony to this. The four combined forces of the Deccan, Bijapur, Golconda, Ahmadnagar and Berar defeated Ran Raj of Vijaynagar in the battle of Bannihatti (1566), initiating the decline of the Vijaynagar empire and making it possible for Golkunda and Bijapur to expand southvards at its expense. Ibrahim Qutbshah also extended the frontiers of Golconda in the north-east by 3 conquering Chandabam in 1574.
Ibrahim was succeeded by Kuhammad Quli Qutbshah (1580-1612). He maintained good relations with Shah of Persia. During his reign Haidrabad was established as a 4 new capital on the southern bank of river Musi.
Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah was succeeded by Sultan Muhammad Qutbshah (1612-1626). The Europeans established their factories in this region during this period. Muhammad Qutbshah paid annual tribute to Malik Amber ruler of the 5 Nlzamshahi kingdom.
1. Shervan!, p. r3, 2. Ibid., p. 156. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid., -y.-. 295, 333. 5. THdT, F '"33. IV
Abdullah Qutbshah (1624-72) uiith the halp of his
Sair-i Khali, Mir Muhammad Said Mir Jumla uianted to occupy
large parte of Carnatic ujhlch luas famous for Ita dlantond inines*
The Internal conditlona of the Vljaynegar empire tuare alao favour'
able for such ambitions. In 1642 Mir Junla captured Nellore 1 and Sirharkota, In the meantime the Uijaynagar emperor
Venkata III (1630-42) ujas succeeded by hia nepheuj Sri Ranga
(1642-81). Qutbshah*3 army occupied forts of Nakbat, Rapur and Kullur. But Sri Ranga compelled the Qutbshah forces to luithdrau/ from ^NS f^$gli of Vellora and by 1644 the armies of
Sri Ranga drove them beyond Aramgoan up to Udaygiri. But again 2 in 1646 the Qutbshahi forces occupied the fort of Udaygiri, Nou/ Mir Dumla aimed at conquering the entire-eastern coast of south of Nellore, Fort St, George, Tandram and, Tjdpati and
Chandragiri, Mir 3umla also occupied Pulicut, ujhere the Dutch had established themselves; he also took over the government of
Sam Thome. Later Ponner, Poonnmaler, Kanchi and Chinglepat fell one by one to him. He also seized Gendikota, Kokkanur, 3 Siddhout and Guti.
At the seme time an expansionist policy uiaa being vigorously pursued by the Mughals. Shahjahan annexed Oaulatabad in 1633 after ovarthrotuingrNizamshahi dynasty and extended pressure on Uutbahahi kingdom. As a result a treaty uuas signed
1. 3,N. Sarkar, Life of Mir 3umla. NBUJ Delhi, 1979,p ,32. 2. Sarkar, p.42. 3. Sarkar, p.47. clauses of the treaty were that : (a) Two lakhs of hune would be annually paid to the Mughals. (b) Coins would be stuck in 1 the name of the Mughal emperor.
A conflict between the Qutbshah and the Mughals arose durlnp the Deccan Viceroyalty of Aurangzeb who took advantage of the deteriorating relations between the Qutbshah and Mir Jumla. Aurangzeb sent an army under his son Muhammad Sultan. Abdullah Qutbshah was forced to submit, to cede territory and agree to enhance the tribute. Mir Jumla Joined the Mughal court with the title of Muazzam Khan and was granted a man sab 2 of 6000.
After the death of Abdullah Qutbshah, Abul Hasan (1672- 1687) ascended the throne. During this period Madanna acquired much influence being granted the office of Mir Jumla. He made an alliance with Shivajl against Bijapur. The end of the kingdom was however, near. Aurangzeb arrived in the Deccan in 1682 and put an end to the Qutbshahi dynasty upon his capture of the fort of Golconda in 1687.
After the annexation of the kingdom it was constituted as a separate ?uba of Haidrabad.
Golconda played an important role in the Indian oversea trade in the 17th century,due both to its products and to its coast-line. The region attracted foreign merchants owing to
1. Abul Hamid Lahori, Padshahnama. Calcutta 1866-72,p.130. 2. Muhammad Salih Kambo, Amal-i Salih, ed. Ghulam Yazdani, Hydrabad, 1953, p. 123. VI the varieties of cloth it produced both plain and painted, and its diamonds, saltpetre, and iron and steel. The kingdom carried on trade with an extensive areas all over the world, notably South east Asian countries, Persia, Holland and England.
The present dissertation is largely based on European sources which consist broadly of commercial records and travellers' narratives
Among the commercial records are included the records of the Dutch and English Companies. These records provide us with the details of the routes, items of imports and exports, commercial activities at different ports, companies' relations with the local authorities and their rivalries with each other and with other merchants.
Many travellers who visited the kingdom during the 17th century have left their memoirs and diaries. Some of the important 12 3 4 travellers are Methwold, Schorer, Floris, Thevenot, Tavernier, Abbe 5 6 7 8 9 Carre, Bowrey, Master, Hamilton, and Martin in 1636. Two important
!• Relations of Golconda,ed./trans. W.H. Moreland. 2* Peter Floris His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, ed., W.H. Moreland. 3. Relations de Indostan, Lovell' s trans, of 1687, reprinted with corrections and annotation in- Indian Travels of Thevenot and Catrre, ed. Surendranath Sen. 4. Tavernier' s Travels in India, trans. V. Balls, ed. William Crooke. 6. The Travels of Abbe Carr'e in India and the Near East^ trans. Lady Favrcett, ed., Charles Fawcett. 6. A Geographical account of the Countries round the Bay of Bengal,ed., R.G. Temple. 7. The Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. R.C. Temple. 8. A New Account of the East Indies. Printed in John Pinkerton, General Collection of the best and the most interesting voyages and travel in all parts of the world. 9. India in the 17th Century, trans, and annotated Lotika Vararajan. VII
I have been able to use only documents published or translated Into English. I regret that information in Dutch and French documents not yet translated into English, could not be used.
While I have not been able directly to utilize the contemporary Persian records preserved at the A.P. Archives Hyderabad. I have nevertheless utilised the printed volumes 1 of selections from these documents. I have, of course,also 2 3 used the Persian historical works, like Lahori and Sallh. As far as modern works are concerned, Raychaudhuri's pioneering work, Jan Company in Coromandel is perhaps the most significant from the point of view of the subject of this dissertation. K.N. Chaudhuri's Trading World of Asia and the English Bast India Company 1660-1760 helped me to set the English Company* s activities in the area in proper focus.
Steensgaard in his Asian Trade Revolution of the 17th Century has stressed that the pedlars provided the basic element in the sea trade of Asia before the dominance of the European companies. Unluckily, the data we have on the Indian merchants in Golkanda' s oversea trade do not enable us to either support or contest Steensgaard' s thesis.
1. Selected Waaai of the Deccan 1660-71. 2. Padshahnama. 3. Muhammad Salih Kambo, Amal-i Salih. 20-
GOLKONDA KINGDOM MAXIMUM EXTENT
KH20 a 20 kO (0 KM I I I I II
8L 8^" Chapter I
ITEMS or EIXPORT FOR OVERSEA M/^RKETS
Agricultural Products ; Agricultural products such as rice, sugar, uiheat, clove, tobacco, glng>li and cotton yarn used to be exported from Golconda during the 17th Century.
Rice being the staple fdod of that region uiaa cultivated widely. Tome Pirea speaks of the abundance of rice in that 1 2 region. It u»as therefore often exported. 3 The English, Dutch and French exported rice to Dava, 4 Malacoa, and Batavla, In 1618, 1000 lasts exported by ths Dutch 5 6 to Java; in 1624-25, 536 lests; and in 1624 700 tons to Batavia ujere exported. This was mainly due to ths fact that 3ava and 7 Batavia suffered from scarcities during that period. In ths
1630s ths Dutch started making distilled liquor ( arak ) from rice; and because of this the demand for rice increased in 8 Batavia.
1. Tome Pirea, Sums Oriental of Tome Pires. Hakluyt Society, London,1947, vol. I,p.52, 2. Anonymous Relation in Ralations of Golconda in the early seventeenth century, ad. W.H.Moreland, Hakluyt Society, London,1931, pp.80-81; The English Factories in India, ed. William Foster, 1624-29. 18; The Dlari-as of Streyusham Waster l675-8p.ed. R .C.Temple, vol. II ,p .96; Jeande Thevenot, 'Relations de Indostan 1665-67' in Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri.ed. Surendranath Sen, N euj Delhi , 1949,(3 .148 . 3. EFI 1634-36.p.196. 1624-29.P. 18; Master,vol.11,p.95;Thevenot p.148;Francoi3 Martin, India in the I7th century.translated. Lotika Vardara jan.Neuj Delhi, 1981, vol. I,part 11, p . 263; Tapan Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel 1605-169Q.Martinus Nijhoff-1962,p.167. ' 4. Raychaudhuri,p.167. 5. Ibid. 6. EFI..1624-29,p.IB. 7. Raychaudhuri,p.167. 8. Ibid. (2)
1 Cotton yarn made in Golconda was in demand at Amaterdoin, 2 and in South Last Asia (Bantam, Java, Moluccas, Tenasssrim, 3 Pegu and Achin) as ujell as * Mocha and '..., Persia. The price 4 in 1614 was 14-23 Pagodas per bale In 1618 it varied betiueen 5 14 and 16 Pagodas per bale.
Tobacco ujas next in importance as an item of export. But 6 Hamilton mentions it^'....-. , export from the region of Negapatam. 7 Methu/old refers to introduction of tobacco during tha 16303.
It uias by his oiun time cultivated to such an extent in tha kingdom
of uolconda that it mas exported to Aracan, Mokha, Pegu and 8 Tenaaairm.
Corcmandel tobacco tuaa not of a very good quality as "---
it is but Lueake, yet sure more cars in curing and making it up
mould help that fault, they only dry the leaves in the sun, and 9 use it so, uiithout further sophistication.** Perhaps because of
1. The Dutch factories in India 1617>23. ed. Qm Prakash, Neu/ Delhi, 1984, pp.30,44. 2. Ibid..pp.44.65. 3. Master, vol.II,p.112. 4. D.F.I..p.65. 5. Ibid. 6. Alexander Hamilton, A Nem Account of tha East Indies 1690-93. printed in 3ohn Pinkerton, General Collection of the best and the most interesting Voyages and Travels in all parts of the .\iorld, London, 1811 ,pp . 389, 397. 7. MethswPld in Relations. p.36, it seems to be first used in Akbar* s time. / 8. Metf^.i^Pl'd in Ralationa.pp .37-38. Schorer in Relations. ^ PP. 5^60. 9. Methoiuld in Relations.p .36 . (3) its inferior quality it ceaaed to be a significant item of export in the subsequent years.
The other minor agricultural items of export included 1 2 3 sugar (exported to Persia), gingili for making oil, and vuheat.
Indigo & Chayroot : Indigo is a blue pou/der obtained from the plants of the genus indigofera and is used as a dye. It vuas a major item of export from India during the I7th century.
Within Golconda the centres of Indigo production included 4 Nagalwancha, Sandraptla, Uane, Gelupandy, Ecour and Bimlipatan.
Nagalvancha was considered to proouce the best indigo tuithin 5 the region.
Besides Masulipatam, indigo waa also exported from 6 Nizampattam and Pulicut.
The Dutch ujere the main or sole exporters of Golconda 7 indigo. In 1£14, 300 furdlaa of indigo u/ere exported by the Dutch
1» EFI.„ 1634-36.p.42. 1642-45.p .65. 2. Abbe Carre, The Travels of ^bbe Cerra in India and Near lEast. ed. Charles Faiucett, • Hakluyt Society, London, 1947, vol,11,p.484. 3. EFI., 1661-64. p. 17 8. 4. Anonymous Relations p.79; Schorer in Relations,p.61. 5. Schorer in Relations,p.61. 6» Efl .. 1618-21 p.41; Raychaudhur i,p . 163 . 7. Peter Floris, His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe 1611-15. translated, W.H.Moreland,London,1934, p.127; Schorer in Relations.p.61; Anonymous Relation P.79; EFI.. 1618-21.p.41.49; EFI,,1622-23. p.229;EFI.. 1630-33.P.55. (4)
1 from Masulipatsm; mhila in 1615-16 200 bahers from Hulicut 2 uiers exported.
The sale price of indigo at Nagalvancha ujaa about 28-39
Pagodas 'the little' in 1614. In Holland the Pulicut variety 4 of indigo Fetched 41^ atuiv/ers par pound.
The Dutch had to face gome setbacks in the indigo trade 5 betu/een 1612-14; due to the political condition of Golconda, but these u^ere later over come and indigo exports continued unhamp ered.
The Dutch trade in indigo at Masulipatam iwas adversely affected by the opening of a neui factory at Tierepop elier, ujhich became their main centre of indigo supply; but by 1636 the
Masulipatam trade had recovered due to the company's demand for 6 increased supply.
Chayroot, the red dye, u/as produced in areas around Pulicut, 7 Nizampattam and Masulipatam. Pulicut ujas considered to supply the 8 best chayroot; uuhile that obtained from Nizampattam was next in
1. rioris,p.127. 2. RaychaudhurijP,163. 3. Schorer in Relations^,p .61 -d
4. RaychaudhurifP.164. 5. Anonymous Relation, p.79. 6. Raychaudhuri.pp.163-4 , 7. Schorer in Relations,p.54; Anonymous Relation.pp.60-81; EFI ,, 1630-33.P.55; 1642-45 p.79; Master, vol.II,p.138. 8. Schorer in Relations,p.53. (5)
1 quality. Masulipatsnn too uuas an important centre of trade and uie find the English bringing chayroot to Masulipatam from 2 Nizampattam for comparison u/ith samples obtained there. The 3 dye ujas also exported from Masulipatam to Madras.
It seems that this particular dye ujas not to be had in other regions since the English factors at Surat requested
Masulipatam factors for specimen of the dye and also enquired 4 about tha mode of using it. It is interesting to note that the plant utas in abundance in some parts of Bengal; but there it luas 5 not employed as a dye.
The earliest reference to the export of chayroot occurs in 1583-91; luhen Ralph Fitch referred to it as 'Saia' and said 6 it u/as in great demand at Pegu; the demand that continued up 7 till the second decade of tha 17th century. The English ujere also interested in exporting it; and in 1656 they made a consider- 8 able investment in it. It seems that the Dutch preferred to
1. Pinkerton, p.371; Hamilton,p.397. 2. Schorer in Relationa. p,233; Letters Received 1602-17.London, 1896, vol.I,p.153; EFI.1618-21.P .47 ; 1630-33. p.233. 5. £FI,j 1634-36. p.45. ^' EFIj 1630-33.p.55. 5. George Watt, A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India. Calcutta, 1889, vol.\/,p .481. 6. Early Travels in India 1583-1619. ed, William Foster, Oxford, 1921, p.34. 7. Methujold in Relations, p.38. 8» EFI.. 1655-60. p.94. (6)
1 dye cloth and export the textiles; rather than export chayroot itself.
Chayroot remained as an item oT export in Engliah trade
till atleaet 1679, vuhen Streynshsm Mas ter notes its export from 2 Masulipatam.
Textile Products : Textile products of the Coromandal coast,
dominated its export trade during the 17th century.
The names of various localities in the Golconda kingdom frequently occur in the sources as centres of cloth production.
Narsapur near Masulipatam, was a centre of the manufacture 3 of long cloth; and it seems that this variety of cloth was uaed 4 at Masulipatam for making chintz. Coarse moven and painted cloth vuas also manufactured as uieavars and painters tjjere easily 5 ^ available at Narsapur.
At Viirvasarum, 40 miles to the north of Maulipatam, there 6 kuas a large community of uieavers.
1. Raychaudhuri, p.145. 2. Master, vol.II,p.138. 3. Schorer in Relations.p.63 4. Pinkerton,p.37i; Hamilton,p.397. 5. Schorer in Relations.p.33" ; Letters Received 1602-17. London, 1896, vol.I,p.153; EFI 1618-21.p.47;1630-33. p.233. 6. £FI.^ 1634-36. p.45. (7)
Masullpatam u/aa considered to be the nnost important 1 centre for manufacture of chintz. It \uaa believed that the
excellence of nasulipatam chintz u/as due to the superior quality 2 of chay plantf ujhich imparted bright and durable coloura. The paintings of Masulipatam ujas called qalamdar as these luere made 3 luith the help of brush (qalam),
Nizampattairr U/8S another cotton producing centre, uihere 4 both plain and painted cloth ujere produced. Due to the avail ability of chayroot, it luaa one of the main centres of chintz 5 production. The chintz of Nizampattam apparently reflected Persianised tastes, since muslim ruling class luas its main 6 patron,
After Pulicut became the centra of the Dutch trade, many tueavers and painters settled there and started kuorking for
1. Letters Received, vol. I ,p .78; LFI.j 1630-33. p.82; 1634-36. p.45; Dean Baptiste tavernier, Jrayels in India, ed, William Crook, p.4; Pinkerton,p.398. 2. John Irtuin and Margaret Hail, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics. Ahmadabad, 1971, p.15. 3. Tavernier, vol.II,p.6. ^» Letters Received, vol. I, p. 153; EFI,.. 1630-33. P. 233. 5. Schorer in Relations, p.55; Thomas Bouirey, A Geoqraphi' caj account'of the Countries round the Bay of Bengal. 1669-79. ed. R.C.Temple, Hakluyt Society,London,1905, pp. 53-54. 6. Irujin, p.15. (8)
1 the Dutch company. From the I6th century the printed cotton 2 cloth luaa in great demand in South East Asia, Pulicut paintings 3 reriectBd the tradition of Vijaynagar rather than Persia,
Madras (San Thomfi) ujas famous for its painted cloth from 4 the I6th century and continued as a centre in the 17 th century 5 as u/ell.
Aramgon and Krishnapatam tuere tu;o other centres of 6 cotton production.
Cotton textiles which made up the bulk of export, can be divided into tu/o main categories, (i) Plain u/hite cloth. This included, calico, a stout, procured in different varieties depending tin the fineness of yarn, uihile muslin u/as a thin trans- 7 parent cloth of fine quality. Both could be dyed, (ii) Patterned cloth, the pattern being either calico or muslin, uiith coloured patterns obtained ftither by dyeing, block printing or brush 8 painting. Striped cloth u;as also made.
1. Schorer in Relations, p. 53; EJFI_ 1622-23 ,PP . 107 , 118-19; Theuenot,p. 148. 2. DFI«.t3l.121: Raychaudhuri.p .157. . 3. Iru/in, p.14. 4. Early TravelSt p.34, 5. EFI,. 1637-41. p. 183. 6. Abba Carre,p.360; Hamilton,p .397 . 7. Methujold in Relations .pp .49. 50. 53-5. 63; EFI 1618-21 .P .41; 1622-23.PP.229.336.1624-29.PP,135.180;1630-33.PP.82.86; 1655-60.p.103; 1661-64.P.159;Haster.vol.ll.p.112; ThevenotjP . 148. 8. Methu/old in Relations, pp.35,39; Schorer in Relations, PP.49-50, 53-5,63; EFI.1622-23.PP.229.336; 1630-33. PP. 82,86; Master,vol.II,p.112. (9)
Different varieties of these cloths luere distinguished.
The folloujing may be specially noted :-
(a) Bethila or bsthile. very fine muslin. The length varied from 15 to 25 yards, and the breadth luas usually ^^ yards; it uuas some times dyed red or striped or embroidered.
(b) Dronqans, cotton cloth in red and white, black and red, red and green, red and blue or mhite and green. It uias most in demand in 3ava, 1 (c) Ginghams originally meant a variety of plain cotton cloth,
(d) Muri, a fine yellovuiah tuhite cloth vuith a read stripe across tha middle; average length 4 vadema,
(e) Parcalla, closely u/oven cotton cloth, a sort of ina white cambric.
(f) Salanpuri, white cloth with red borders,
(g) Tapi, a general name of coloured piece-goods, demanded mostly in South East Asia.
(h) Turia painted rough cotton cloth,
(i) Long cloth, was a category denoting only exceptional length 2 • • ' about 37 yards.
1, Dohn Irwin and P.R.Schwarts in Studies in Indo European Textiles History. Ahmadabad, 1966,pp , 57-72; RaychaudhurijP,221.
2. Indo European Textiles History, pp,57-72; Raychaudhuri, P,222. (10)
The pattern and design in chintz mere usually made 1 according to the samples provided by the merchants.
It seems that the European factors at first engaged middle-men to maintain contracts udth the lueav/ers, ujashera and 2 painters; "UJB buy all of five or six men, vuljo carry the vuhole 3 trade between the uaauers and us." The middle men apparently 4 appropriated 20% to 25% of the profit. But from 1622-23 onwards u/e find that the companies themselves got into touch luith ths primary producers, without the help of any middle men, and themselves provided necessary material for their u/ork and also 5 gave cash advaTScea, The weavers were not brought together in 6 workshops but worked separately in their own houses.
Cloth produced in Golconda in the l6th century used to be 7 exported to Malacca, Pegu and Sumatra. In the I7th century the main market for Golconda cloth remained Sooth East Asia, though the trade was monopolized by the Dutch. The Dutch used to 8 exchange cloth with spices from Achin, Pegu, Aracin, Tannaanry,
1. Irwin, p.16. 2. Letters Received, p. 153; LFI,^ 161B-21.P .47. 3. EFI,, 1622-23, p.128. 4. Raychaudhuri, p.156. 5. Indo European Textilss ,p.32 6. Irwin, p.31. 7. Barbasa, The Book of Qurate Barbasa, ed. Marshal Longworth,Hakluyt Society,London,1921,vol.II,p. 132. B. Methwold in Relations, pp.38-9. (11)
JaM^ta, Malacca, 3ava, Bantam, Batavia, Tsnasalrln, Slam, 1 •Amboina and Jambl. Golconda cloth was also exported to 2 England, Holland, France and Persia.
From 1665 Golconda cloth began to be much in demand in
England. The chintz of Maaulipatam uuas especially popular 3 among the English aristocracy. From 1682 oniuards large orders u/ere therefore placed for export, "The first large order uuas sent in 1682, ujhen Maaulipatam factors luere asked to supply 43,000 percalloes the finest sorts, made Into chints 8 yard 4 long, full yard broad". But Masulipatam factors luere not able to meet the orders perhaps due to the political i;nstability 5 of ths region. As a result Madras came to be used more and more by the English to meet the new demand; and there was a 6 migration of painters from Masulipatam to Madras.
Diamonds } Tavernier provides us a detailed account of the diamond mines, along u/ith their names and conditions. He gives 7 the names of twenty three m|nes in the kingdom of Golconda.
1. DFI.,pp.26.2B-9. 36,44,51-2,68,74,238,250,271. 2. Raychaudhuri, p.l60. 3. Iruiin, p.5 4. 3ohn Iruiin, Journal of Indian textiles history, ^hmadabad, 1956,Na.11,p.31. 5. Irujin, p.32. 6. Ibid.
7. Tavernier, vol. 11 ,p . 353. (12)
Much of his information is coarborated by the report of Earl 1 2 Marshal in 1677. Some of those places have been identified. 3 The Kitab"i Deh-ba-dehi also gives a list of Golconda mines.
Kolur is said to have been the first mine discovered in the kingdom. The diamonds found here aiere well shaped, and of uthita, yellovu and broiun colours, and ujera ordinary in size 4 about six in Manglin. The mines of Godauuillikul Malabar and 5 Buttepalam had diamonds of smaller size. The diamonds of Ramiahf Guren and Muttarpulee u/ere generally like those of 6 Kolur.
The diamonds of Lattaiuar, Donagerrs, Pirrai, Dugulle,
Purujille and Anantapur uuere lafga in size, and greenish in 7 colour. Mines of Wazzerger, Minnenurg and Larguboot produced 8 hard ojhite stones.
Diamonds of currure, G^njeekota and luootoor mines vuere 9 reserved for the king alone. Muddemurg yielded very fins deli- 10 cate diamonds.
1. A Description of the Diamond mines in Philosophical Transactions, vol.XII,No.136,1677,pp.907-17 . 2. Irfan Habib, Atlas of the Mughal Empire,Nam Delhi,1982, 153 & 168. ^^ 3. MS in A.P.State Archives,Hyderabad,mlcrofilm(No.11) in the department of History,-A.M,U. The present MS ujas copied from an undated original register in A.H.1243. 4. Philosophical Tran«action%,Xl I .pp .3-4. 5. Ibid, .p.4. 6. Philosophical Transaction^.X11,p.4, 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid..pp.7-8. 9. Ibid.. pp. 5,6,8. 10. Tavernier , vol.II,p.59. (13)
It la interesting to note that the diamond mines luera
often u/orked by rich merchants, and the king of Golconda farmed
out the mines to them. All diamonds above a certain ujelght 1 were reserv/ed for the king. In 1671-22, the diamond mines ujere 2 temporarily closed, partly uiith the object of raising the demand. 3 In 1623 these u/ere reopened ; but now the diamonds luere declared
a royal monopoly, and traders mere prohibltHd from purchasing 4 them. But in 1627 trade in diamonds luas again allou/ed.
Tauerniar aauj the working of the Kollur nines and
informs us that the miner included men, womtin and children.
He saw 6O,00U persona working there. The men used to dig while 5 women and children aearchad for the stones.
The diamonds procured from the mines ware weighed by 6 mangeline, equal to ^i caretes or 7 graina.
The Dutch and ths English often purchased Golconda 7 diamonds for export. They exported them to England and Holland; 8 9 as well as to 3akarta and Achin.
1. Tauernier, vol.11, p.59. 2. E:FI,^ 161B-21.P.265; Raychaudhuri,p . 17 1. 3. £FI 1622-23. p.229. 4. RaycnaudhurijP.171. 5. Taverniur, vol.II,p.59. 6. Ibid., p.69. 7« EFI ^. 1622-23. pp .22 1, 247 ;Raychaudhuri,pp .'(7 1-72 , 8» £FI,. 1618-21. pp.207-8. 9. FTeThwold in Relations,p . 3&. (14)
The Dutch and English invested a considerable amount in diamond export time to time. The English invested 1,419 Pagodas 1 2 3 in 1622, 24,000 Pagodas in 1623; and 20,000 rials in 1624. The 4 5 Dutch invested 100,000 florins in 1629; 45,566 florins in 1635; 6 7 150,000 florins in 1639-40; 86,143 florins in 1642 and 1000-,00 8 florins in 1652.
Saltp etre 9 Saltpetre for luhich there uuas much demand ujas produced 10 in many localities of Coromandel, especially at Nizampattarn, 11 12 13 14 Pulicut, f^adras, Ramayapatam and Tegnapatam. Both refined and 15 unrefined saltpetre were exported.
1* EFI^j 1622-23. p. 118. 2. Ibid..pp.221.247.
5. EFI ^ 1624-29.P.25. 4. Raychaudhuri, p . 17 1 5. Ibid..p.172. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. 9. Schorer in Relations, pp.52,64; Bou;rey,p . 111.
10. EFI .. 1655-60. p.263; An Atlas of the Muohal Empire. 16 B
11» EFI ^..1622-23. p.336, 12. Ibid.lWatt. vol. VI,p.441. 13. Master, vol.11, p.134. 14. DFKviP.247: Schorer in Relations, p.52.
15. DFI..p.247. (15)
The European demand for saltpetre u/as especially fuellad by tha thirty years luar (1618-48), since saltpetre luaa tha prime material in making gun poiuder. It luas alao axported to fulfil 1 the demand of the Amboina gun poiuder milla of the Dutch.
2 The English and the Dutch used to export it to Bantam, 3 4 5 6 7 8 Batavla, Oakarta, Persia, Ormuz, Holland and Amsterdam.
Local uuars could aasily lead to tha curtailment of export, as in 1623, "It had not been possible to send 200 bahars of 9 aaltpetra because of the ujars among tha nayaks.**
The market price of saltpetre in 1617 u/as 7 to 8 rials per 10 kandi in Masulipatam, and in 1623 6 larins per Coromandel mound 11 in Ormuz. In 1625 it uuas sold at 6 tc 8 rials per bahar in 12 Tiarepopalier. In 1628 in Holland the price luas 1 florin per 13 pound.
1. DPI., p.75; Raychaudhuri, p.168.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid., p.179.
4. Ibid..p.52.
5. iin,^1^37j-4_1,p.40.
6. Dri.,pp.2B7-.8.
7. Ibid..p.169; EFI. 1622-23, p.229.
8. Ibid..p.166.
9. Ibid..p.247.
10. Ibid..p.52.
11' Ibid.. PP.287-B. 12. Raychaudhuri, p.168. (16)
Tha available auidence is patchy ujith regard to saltpetre exports; but such as it is, it may give some impression of tha scale of sea-borne exports of saltpetre from the whole of
Coromandel by the Dutch.
r t s = = = = s::= ssa sr: s=iSI saiI Year i Place I Uolumi Des tination
1 1622 Pulicut 40 Tons Holland
1623 Masulipatam 42,977,ibs.(refined) Delft Chamber 3 1623 Masulipatam 44,l81,lbs(unrefinBd) " " 4 1624 Coromandel 270,000 lbs Batauia 5 1625 Coromandel 286,4 34 lbs " 6 1634 Coromandel 300,000 to 400,000 lbs Holland 7 1634 Masulipatam 100,000 lbs Batavia 8 1638 Coromandel 40 chests Balasore
After 1638 lue do not find much evidence about the export of saltpetre from the Golconda region; presumably because the
European buyers had started procuring it mainly from Bengal,
1. EFI.^ 1622-23. p. 128 2. DR.,, p. 247. 3. Ibid. 4. Raychaudhuri,p.16B. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid..p.169 7. Ibid. 8. EFI.. 1637-41.pp.51-2.
9. fiaychaudhuri,p . Vn . (17)
Iron and Steel
1 2 3 Blmlipatam, Nagaliuanch, Ramayapatam and Narsapur lay within tha hinterland of Maaulipatam and Nizampattam from luhere iron u/aa procured. The different types of iron in demand were, pig iron, 4 iron bands, iron bars and canon balls.
Some of the Coromandel iron u/aa apparently not of very good quality. We hear the complaint thafthe iron received earlier from Coromandel could not be sold because of its thickness 5 and heavy lueight". Yet the Dutch preferreo to bring it from
Coromandel rather than to procure it from Japan; as the Japanese 6 iron fetched much higher prices than that of Coromandal.
The Dutch tried to teach neu; methods to Indian blacksmiths.
In 1672 a Swedish expert from Batavia u/as sent to taught the
Indian blacksmiths a quicker method of manufacturing nails and canon balls. But tha local authorities disallowed this innovation due to the fear that it might deprive many blacksmiths of their 7 livilihood.
1. Thevenot, p.148. 2. Schorer in Relations; Master, vol.II,p,115, 3. Master, vol.II,pp.134, 160. 4. Raychaudhuri, p,l74. 5. DPI..p.199. 6. Ibid..p.251. 7. Raychaudhuri,p . 174 . (IB)
1 The Dutch, the English and the native merchants were 2 all involved in the export of iron and steel overseas to Arakan, 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Pegu, Tenasserin, Achin, Balasore, Mocha, Ormuz and Ams tardaiti.
The greatest centre of demand in South East Asia uiss 10 11 Batavia. Coromandel iron ujas re-exported from Batavia to f^anila.
Persia provided another market for Coromandel iron and 12 the Dutch and the English exported the metal there.
As far as the volume of export uuas concerned 96,000 pounds of iron and 20,000 pieces of steel vuere exported by the Dutch in 13 1623 to Batavia. The export aas reduced in the 16308 for South
East Asia; but Persia emerged as a new market and, in 1634 the
Dutch exported 6,684 pieces of steel and 9,600 pieces of iron to
1. DFI,^ pp.199,239,251,262, 281, 287-8; Schorer in IfTIations. p.59; EFI^, 1624-29. P.6; 1634-36.p .42; 1642-45. p.65; Master, vol.II,p.134. 2. Methujold in Relations.p .38. 3. Schorer in Relations, p.59; BokurBy,pp . 55-60 . 4. Ibid, p.59; Master, vol.II,p.113. 5. Master, vol.11,p.113 • 6. EFI..1642-45.p.65. 7. I^^aster, vol.II,p.113. B- DFI.,pp.287-B. 9. Ibid..p.281. 10. Ibid..pp.199.251.239.262; EFI 1624-29,p.6. 11. Raychaudhuri, p.l74. 12. DFI., p. 239. 13., Raychaudhuri, p.174. (19)
1 Persia. In 1635 no leas than 15,440 pieces of steel and 2 5,039 pieces of iron luere exported to Persia by the Dutch.
In 1636, 18000 to 20000 pieces of steel u/ere exported by th« 3 Dutch to Batavia. In the 16603 the export of iron from
Coromandal increased for South test Asia due to the fact that 4 ou/ing to shortage of supplies from turope. By 1672 the Coro- mandel iron was yielding the Dutch gross profits in South East 5 Asian markets from around Q0% to 100%. S laves
The Dutch factors seem to have released a greater margin of profit in the slave trade than in any other item of export
* - - - Inspite of the fact that Cororoandel textiles were in great demand, the interest of the company would be served better by ths procurement of slaves, who were likely to afford a much 6 higher profit."
The demand for slaves was mainly due to the fact that the
Dutch wanted to settle certain areas under their own dominion in 7 South East Asia.
1. Raychaudhuri, p.174, 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. DTI.,pp.201, 214. 7. Raychaudhuri, p.166. (20)
1 2 3 Masulipatam, Pullcut, and Tsgnapatain appear to have bsen th« chief places from where the Europeans used to procure
the slaves. These uiere obtained mostly by kidnapping on the 4 hightuays, luhile some times the Dutch claimed that "u/e took frooi
their owners for notorious crimes to make them from sevear 5 punishments." As a result at Pulicut, *----- many of the people of the town have ujithdrawn themselves with their wives and 6 children into remote places to avoyd a supposed dainger".
During the time of famine the export of slaves naturally increased as parents sold their children to save them from starva- 7 tion. The available data regarding export of slaves from Coromandel may be tabulated as follows:-
3 SI ss Bi 3Bxs aiSB BK w 3BS Bi ia ^ SI 3S s :s s SI 3S =s31 SI B:s: a>ax ns sa xi St xt OS SB-*! at'SI ^aiss 91X8SB 3H IBsasaiss at s=:sisais:XB zsaBaracBi VESKSBSBBBIB Year Placu Destination Number of References export.
1619 Pulicut 3a^»rta 19 Dfi,P.121 . 1619 Pulicut Bantam 19 Ibid..p.121 .
1621 Pulicut Arakan 124 Raychaudhuri*
1. DiFI..,PP.201,209,210,212,214; EFI., 1634-36.pp .42. 32Bi £FI., 1668-69.p.137 . 2. on., pp. 119,121; .tri„l622-23,pp.85,105,127,133,138,227. 3. EFI., 1622-23. pp.127, 147. A. Ibid..p.105; Raychaudhuri,p,165. 5. EPK. 1668-69. p.283. 6. Dri.,p.209. 7. Ibid. (21)
Year Place ? Destination Number of R eferencea ] export.
1622 Pulicut 3akar ta 3D25 in. 1622-23. PP.127,133,147.
1622 Coromandel Dak ar ta 2327 DFI. p. 191,201, 212. 1623 Coraniandel 3a Kar ta 1100 DFI.P.259. 1624 Coromandel 3a karta 928 Raychaudhuri, P.165.
1628 Coronandel 3 a karta 73 Ibid.
1624 Masulipatam 3skarta 100 DFI. P.166.
1646 Coromandel 3a(kar ta 2118 Raychaudhuri, P . 166. 1632 Coromandel 3e karta 19 Ibid.
1659 Coromandel Ceylon 5000 Ibid..pp.166-7.
1661 Madras 3a!karta 50 £FI.1661-64. pp.50-1.
1668 Madras 3a karta 20 EFI. 1668-9. p.129.
These figures are obviously very incomplete and there are none for many years; still uie find that due to tha famine in
1622, there was a noticeable increase in the export of tha slaves.
When the famine u/as over the slave exports .declined in 1652.
Prices of the slaves also varied. This may be seen from t tha follouiing table :
IS:=:3:S3: = S = 3=:: Year Place Price ^BV head (in Re.)
1621 Coromandel 16-20 1
1. Raychaudhuri,p.165. The price stated as 4-5 Pagodas, 1 Pagoda. 4 Rs. in 1621. (22)
Year P lace Price per head (in Ra.)
1622 Coromandel 18.2 2 1628 A 48-59 1635 A 10.70 - 11.40 4 1646 n 3 5 1659-•61 n 2.20
Slaves of the age group of 16-20 years mere in especially 6 great demand; since they vuere most suitable for hard labour. 7 Women slaves mere also exported. 8 The Dutch seem to have been the major slave exporters; 9 though the English were also exporting them. The Dutch in making their purchases preferred to deal through private merchants 10 as " private traders \uere efficient in buying slaves.** Apart from
1. DFI,. p.203. The price stated is 8 rials; 1 rial. 48 atuivers and 84 stwvers » 1 Pagoda. 2. Rayahaudhuri,p,165. The price stated as 12-14 Pagodas. 3. Ibid..p.166. Stated price is 18-20 rials, 4. Ibid,. Given price is i Pagodas. 5» Ibid, Stated price is 1 rial, 6' EFI.,1622-23. pp,85,105. *?• DPI., P,121. 8. Ibid..pp.103.191.199.212.214.221.255.259;EFI,.1622-23 pp.127,133,227; _EFI., 1668-69.P . 283 . 9. Eri.« 1622-23.PP.105. 127-8, 138; EFI, 1661-64.pp.50-1: EFI.. 1668-69.PP. 129,137,283, 10» DFI.jp. 212. (23)
the Dutch and tha English factor3, the Indian traders and th«
mualiin merchants also took part in export of slaves to South 1 East Asia, particularly Batavia, Arakan, Ploluccas, Banda, Java, 2 Patani, Siara and Amboina.
After 1668 lua do not find any reference to the export
of slaves from Coromandel. The English factors mere not able to
meet the demand of slaves for Bantam since '*uje can make no supply 3 from this place,"
1' D£I,,pp,201, 212, 214, 255, 259; Raychaudhuri, pp. 166-7; EF^I., 1622-23. P.127.
2» Dri„jP.2B3; Raychaudhuri, p.l65.
3. EFI.,1668-69, p.283. (24)
Chapter II
ITEMS OF IMPORT
Spicea 1 2 During the I7th century the Dutch and the English imported conaiderable quantitie3 of cloves, pepper, mace and nutmeg into Golconda.
Golconda itself ujas an important conaumer of cloves; 3 it also re-exported cloves to northern India through Burhanpur. Agra^seems to have been an important market for cloves so sent up. Wo are informed that in 1626, Agra conauined "300 maunda 4 of cloves at 11 Hagodas per maund." The English factors also used to re-export cloves from Coromandel to Persia; as it fetched large margin of profit there "cloves taken out of tha Providence luere sent to Persia in Thomas for the company's 5 benifit."
During the last three years of the second decade of the l7th century cloves uisre much in demand as the import by the 6 Dutch consisted of 150 bahars in 1617 in Masulipatam, 70 to 80 7 bahars in 1618 in Masulipatam and 70 to 80 kandis in 1619 in 8 Masulipatam. The demand continued in the early twenties, 70 to 80
1. DFI,^pp.34.39.47.65.99. 118,212,231. 2. EFI.. 1618-21. p.41; EFI .,1622-23.P , 136; LFI„1637-4 1 .pp 47, 71. 3. Raychaudhuri, p,193. 4. Francisco P elsaert.Dahanqir's India.translated by Moreland and P.Gayl,Cambridge, 1925,p.22. 5. EFI..1637-41. p.7l. 6. DFK.P.39. 7. TbTd..p.65. 8. Ibid..p.99. (25)
1 bahara in 1620 In Coromandel , 10,000 Dutch lb In 1621 in 2 3 P^asulipatam and 6,000 lb in 1622 in Masulipatam being imported
through the same agency. Our sources do not toll us about th«
quantities in the thirties; and there micjht have been a decline
because of luars and famini. About 64,000 lbs u/ere imported 4 in 1640 and 160,000 lbs in 1650 in Coromandel by the Dutch.
The prices at luhich cloves mere sold may be tabulated beloui s
i = :=-s = s;3taB=csxa3.-aiass=s;s3S3^ = r!3;BTStBi = x:aB3^=s:BaiGaaBSXaBaBrx:ss:3 Year P lace Prices in Pagodna ssaea:si = s = = ES==ss=:s=:=s=;:=:=:=i^:s = sr=:=s^s = = s=s3nsB=:=ss33Sisssssss=: = s=3x=s=E= = s=s =
1617 Maaulipatam 13 rJagodas per maund. 6 1618 Masulipatam 14 to 14^ Pagodas per maund. 7 1619 Masulipatam 300 to 310 Pagodas per maund. 8 1621 Masulipataro 13 - 13^ Pagodas per maund. 9 1622 Masulipatam 13 Pagodas per maund. 10 Coromandel 1630 .15 Pagodas per Dutch 1b. 42 1636 Coromandel 21 11 •«-r Pagodas per Dutch lb. ^^ 12 1638 Maauiipatam 6 Pagoaas per maund.
1. Kaychaudhuri,p.193. 2. DTK,p. 167, 3. I bid.p.231. 4. Raychoudhuri.p.194 5. OFI.,p.35 6« TbId.P.65; EFI,.1618-21. p.41. 7. DFI,,p.1l8. 8. Ibid,,p.182. 9. LLL*? 1622>23. P.136. 10. Raychaudhuri, p.193. 11. Ibid. 12. i£l., 1637-41, p.47. (26)
Till the tuuentles there dcji not seero to have been consider- ablB fluctuations in the prices of cloves. The decline in prices during the 16303 might have been due to English and Danish competition u/ith the Dutch, The Danes luere bringing 1 cloves from Macaaaer,
Pepper mas the next in importance and vuas in considerable 2 dsmand. It ujas mainly procured from Achin, Queda, Amboina and
Maccaaar, The Dutch faced much competition from Indians in
Pepper trade. There seems to have been some discrimination against them in favour of Indian merchants practised by Efat Asian rulerss
"In 1621 for instance, the king of Achin allowed Pepper to be 4 sold at comparatively cheaper rates to the riasulipatam merchants."
This may be due to the fact that Indians had long standing commer cial relations ujith these areas.
From our limited information :ue know that in 1619 the price 5 of Pepper at Pulicut luaa 30-32 Pagodas par bahar, at Masulipata* 6 it ii/as sold at 18 Pagodas per bahar in the fcujcntiea.
The import of Pepper continued in later years, but unfor tunately Mie do not find any further rafsrence to its prices. The
Dutch imported 41 lbs in 1677, 46 Iba in 1683, 6 lbs in 1684,
1, Raychaudhuri, p,193. 2» Oil.'* P«120; Raychaudhuri. pp ,120. l75;Glaman,Dutch Asiatic Trade 1620-1740,Copenhagen and the Hague,1958, p.84. 3, Raychaudhuri, p.120. 4, Ibid, 5, bFI,,p,120. 6, Raychaudhuri, p.175. (27)
1 41 1b3 in 1685 and 857 lbs in 1686 in Coromandel.
Mace and Nutmegs luare also in demand and frequently 2 3 4 5 imported from Batawia, Bantam, and Amsterdam, In I6l8, 20 bahara
of nutmegs and the aama quantity of mace were imported by tha 6 Dutch in Masulipatam. The imports increased in 1619 the quanti ties being 100 bahars of nutmay and 200 bags of mace in Maauli- 7 patam. In the tiuentias the annual supply by the Dutch u/as 100 8 bahars of nutmegs and 50 bahara .of mace in Coromandel,
The market price of nutmeg ujas 42 Pagodas per 480 1b in 9 1618 in Masulipatam. It luas sold 5 i^agodas per maund in 1619 in 10 11 Masulipatam and at 45 Ragodas per bahar in 1621 in Masulipatam; 12 mace ujas sold at 10 Pagodas per maund in 1621 In Masulipatam.
Prices went up in 1622 '.uhan ir.nco fetched 12 Pagodas per maund and
nutmeg 75-80 Payodas p or bahar. Prices again loent down by 1644 in 14 Coromandel, u/hen nutsiay sold at 30 Pogodas par bahar. In 1650 u/e
find a general decllr^a in the supply of spices as the prices fell 15 due to a bumper crop at Amboina.
1, Glaman, p.84, 2, Schorer in Relations, p.49; DFl..pp.65.69.99.102;EFI.. 1622-23. p.13; Raychaudhuri.pp.192-3. 3, LLL-* 1622-23. p.136, 4» DF"!.. pp. 69, 95. 5. Ibid..p.182. 6, Ibid.,p.69. T* Ibid..p.99. 8. Raychaudhuri, pp.192-3. 9. DFI.., p.65. 10. Raychaudhuri, p.193. 11. DPI., p.182. 12. TbTd. 13. ^^^., 1622-23. p.136. 14. Raychaudhuri, p.194 15. Ibid. (28)
Horses
The anonymous Dutch factor, translated by Moreland and u/riting in 1614, says, "All the horses of the country /5'olconda7 are of small size, but they are better for travelling than large horses, because here large horses may not be ridden but they are 1 imported. Horses from Arabia or Ormuz are very highly esteemed." 2 3 Horses from Arabia and Persia mere mainly brought by sea.
The ruler of Golconda himself u/as an important buyer of 4 imported horses. The Surat factors objected to a sale of four horses taken out from ship at I^adras and sold to local buyers, 5 on the ground that they should have been sent to the Qutb Shah.
The Shah of Persia being on friendly terms with the Qutb 6 Shah used to send horses as presents to the latter. Tavernier tells us of one voyage uihere on his vessel there uiere "fifty five horses which the king of Persia u/as sending as a present to the 7 king of Golconda."
Gifts of horses u/ere used as an important means by foreign traders to uiin favours. In 1639 the Maaulipatam factors asked for them for presentation to Qutb Shah ruler "in order to obtain a 8 confermation of the company's privileges."
1. Anonymous Relation, p.86. 2. Ibid.; Methujold in Relations.p .37 3. Tavernier, vol.I,p.205; EFI.,i634-36.p.14.19;£FI..1637-41. p.263; EFI..1655--60.P.406. 4. SLi'* 1637-41.p.263. 5. EFI..1655-60.p.406. 6. Selected Waqai of Deccan,ed. by Yusuf Hussain Khan, Hydrabad,1953,p.36. 7. Tavernier, vol.1, p.205. 8. JEFJL., 1655-60.p.406. (29)
The English merchants also presented horses to the 1 flughal ambassador at Golconda,
Unfortunately aie do not find any reference to the prices of the imported horses or the number imported.
There u/as also import of horses overland, a commerce in ujhich Afghans seem to have been the main carriers. In 1661 uje read of Dariuesh Muhammad a Afghan horse > dealer luho vuas going to Golconda along luith his horses, "Via Bhulta, Devagarh and 2 Chand".
(iii) Miscellaneous
The other items of oversea included copper, porcelain, coral, tortoise shells and elephants.
Copper uuas in conaiderable demand and its importanca increased uuith the passage of time ouuing mainly to needs of arti llery. 3apan uuas the chief source of supply, and the Dutch ujere 3 the main carriers.
During the second decade of the 17th century, copper luas 4 sold at 90 to 108 rials per bahar in Coromandel. In 1650s the
Uutb Shah restricted the sale of copper since he wanted to monopo-
1« ^ll'» 1637-42. p.173. 2. Selected Waqai of Deccan, p.47 3. Raychaudhuri, pp.196-7. 4. Ibid., p.196. (30)
1 lizB it for minting'nev/flla'. The ruler of 3apan banned the
export of copper in 1668. Both these meaaurea affected tha supply 2 of copper in the fifties and sixtiss. Later in 1669 Japan gave permission for unlimited export of copper. By this time the king 3 of Golconda had also relaxed his orders. Indian merchants would seem to have procured copper from the Dutch factors. A merchant of Golconda 'Zierum Chodena' in 1684 contracted with the company _^utch/ for the purchase of Da^anesecoppor bars ~ 4 equal to 1,5 million copper annually, mainly for coinage of nev/els. 5 Porcelain was purchased by Persian merchants at Nizampattam,
It was exported to Golconda by both the English and the Dutch 6 from China.
Lead was in considerable demand, and it was imported into 7 Golconda by the English and the Dutch. Often the Dutch appear 8 to have sold 50,000 lb of lead in a profitable year. The English 9 sold 1600 cwt in 1630 at Masulipatam. In 1618 ths English sold 10 lead at 20 Pagodas par candy, while later on in the twenties it 11 did not fetch more than 16 Pagodas per candy.
1. Raychaudhuri, p.196. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. K.Glamann ^-',17 •"
5. Schorer in Relations, p.55. 6. EFI.. 1618-21. p.156. 7. Ibid., p.41; DF'I ..p .94; Schorer in Relations.p .62: Th evenot, p.148. 8. Raychaudhuri, p.196. 9. ^11* > 1630-34. p.84. 10. EFI., 16 10-21. p.41. 11. TbTd . (31)
1 Vermilion was imported from China. Its prices varied 2 betiueen 20 Pagodas and ^6 Hagodaa par man. In the 16303 English 3 imported 1500 lb of vermilion each year. 4 Chinese silk was also imported largely for the aristocracy.
Imported coral vuaa sold at the rate of 45 Pagodas par man 5 in 1634 at Masulipatam, 6 Tortoise shells luere also imported. 7 3iam and Arakan often used to supply elephants to Golconda, B They came some times as presents for the ruler; at other times 9 for sale. The Mughals often used to procure elephants from the 10 port of Plasulipatam through their agents. The reported sales in 1662 indicate that prices for one elephant at that port varied 11 12 from 1250 Pagodas to 913.3 Pagodas, and some timea to 792,8 13 Pagodas. A female elephant uuas at the same time sold at 8.90 14 P agodaa.
1' EFI..1618-21. p.41; EJ± 1630-33.P.84. EFI..1634-36. p.297; Schorer in Relations, p.52; Haychaudhuri,p.195, 2. E£I.., 1616-21. P.41. 3. EFI..1630-33.p.84. 4. Methouold in Relations; EFI.. 1618-21 .fp . 156. 208; Ray- chsudhuri,p.195. 5. EFI..1634-36.p.49. 6. Ibid. 7. EFI..1637-41. p.66; Abbe Carre,p.345. 8. Abba Carr«., vol.II,p.66. 9. EFI..1637-41.p.66. ID. Selected Waqai of Deccan. pp.18,26. 11. Ibid..p.1B. One elephant cost five thousand rupees and four rupees equal to one Pagodas or Hun. 12. Ibid..p.14. A3 three elephants coat 2740 huns. 13. Selected Waqai of Deccan. p.14. As 7 elephants coat 5550 huns or Pagodas. 14. Ibid. (32)
Gold
A major item of import though luith fluctuations luaa 1 gold. It ujas imported largely by the European merchants notably 2 3 the Dutch and the English, Increased demand of gold uias due mainly to the • limited" market of import items in Golconda.
It u-as also the metal of the basic minted currency (hun or pagoda).
South East Asia seems to hav/e prov/ided the major source 4 5 5 of gold; as the frequent references to Bantam, Batavia, Sumatra, 6 7 8 9 Malacha, Patani, 3ava, Pegu and Siam in Dutch and English records
clearly shoiu. Apart from South East Asian countries, gold came 10 11 12 also from Japan, Farmosa, and Holland.
Gold ujas imported in different quantities according to 13 ths demand. Mostly it vuas sold as bullion. "Gold and silver are 14 not valued in India faxcept by their standard," Apart from bullion 15 16 golden thread and golden ear-rings vuere also in demand.
1. Dfl.,p.65; Raychaudhuri, pp.1^3-4. 2. Ibid., pp.26,34,39,65,120,212-13,257; Glamann, p.63. 3. i:LL** 1624-29. pp.148,181; K .N .Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company 1660- 1760. Cambridge, 197B,p.l76. A. DFI..pp.26.29.34.39.65.120. 5. Ibid..p.123; EFI.. 1622-23. PP . 104. 107 ._EF^I.. 1624-29. pp. 148,180,181; EFI..1637-41.p.73. 6. DFI.. p.257; EFI.. 1624-29.P.1B1; Bal Krishna Commercial Relations between India and England 1601-1757, London, 1924, p.3. ''• £f I». 1624-29,p.181; Raychaudhuri,p . 183 . 8. Raychaudhuri, pp.187-8. 9. Ibid..p.191. 10. Ibid. 11« Ibid..pp.187.189. 12. EFI., 1622-23. p.259. 13. DFT.,pp.34.39,65;EFI.,1637-41,p.73;Glamann,p.63;Raychau- BTuIri.pD . 186-7. (33)
It is not possible to form any precise idea of the size of imports. In I6l7 the Dutch imported 80,000 rials of 1 2 eight at Masulipatam; though unminted Chinese gold u/as preferred to gold coin, which cost 1 rial per pice at Bantam but did not 3 fetch more than half a Pagoda at Masulipatara. Unminted gold 4 fetched a profit of 20 % in the same year. In 1622 the Dutch 5 imported gold u/orth 100,000 florins in Maaulipatam. In the early tuienties the profit on gold varied from 3 ^ to 4 %, Later at Pulicut it rose to 6 % to 7 %, while in 1626 it yielded 6 11 % to 12 % at Pulicut.
The famine during the thirties affected the gold supply though we do not find any reference to the amount of gold imported during the period^conditions became slightly better in the fifties, but gold did not fetch profit even then partly 7 due to the shortage of gold supply from Farmosa and partly due 6 to the deterioration in the quality of alloy. The sixties witnessed a great improwsment in the demand of gold; firstly
1. D£i., p.26. 2. Ibid..p.34. 3. Ibid..p.29. 4. Ibid., p.26. 5. Raychaudhuri, p.186. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid..p.189. 8. Ibid., p.190. (34)
because tha Qutb Shah had to pay tribute to the Mughal emperor in gold coins instead of silver, which greatly increased demand for gold; and, secondly, in l66B,3apan permitted unlimited export 1 of the netal.
Silver
Silver constituted the bulk of imports to the Coromandel coast during the 17th century. In Golconda European commodities had limited demand; and so precious metals notably silver uias 2 supplied by the Dutch and the English factors.
As in the case of gold, silver coins too uihen brought to 3 India, u/ere solely valued at their metallic content. 4 5 6 7 Amsterdam, Bantam, Achin, Sumatra, Nocha, Slam, Patani, 8 9 10 Batavia, Pegu and Dapan uiere the main places from ujhera silver luas brought to Golconda.
The silver market in Golconda appears to have been subject to sharp fluctuations from time to time.
In 1617 the value of silver in relation to gold declined to an extent that the Dutch preferred tha import of gold over
1. Raychaudhuri, p.191. 2. DFJ.., pp.26,34,120,257; Eri .. 1622-23.p . 107 ; EFI.. 1624-29. p.180; EFI.. 1630-33.P.84; Tavernier,vol.11,p.33; Raychaudhuri, pp. 182-185, 3. Tavernier, vol.II,p.33; Raychaudhuri,p.186, 4. on.., p.231. 5. Tbid.. pp.26,34. 6. Ibid., p.231. 7. TFId".. p.257. 8. EFI., 1622-23. p. 107,* 1624-29. p. 180. 9. Methwold in Relations, p . 39 , 10* PFI..P.120; Raychaudhuri,pp.183-5. (35)
silver, "Ds- Haze suggested that unminted Chinese gold rather than silver rials be sent to Coromandel because while the former afforded a profit of 20%, the loss of the same 1 magnitude had to be incurred." A rial luhlch luas valued 10 to 2 1li fanum earlier fell to 8^/9^ fanura in 1616-17 in Masulipatam.
The imports however continued and the Dutch brought 18,800 rials of silver in 1619 in Masulipatam. In the later tiuiantiea silver prices fall so much that the traders refused to accept 4 it. This may have been due to the fact that at this time
Golconda luas facing a famine situation due to scarcity of food stuffs which "led people to disgarge their hords of precious metal, creating a situation comparable to inflaticnary condition, in so far as it led to a fall in the value of the media of 5 exchange." The silver rial u/hich yielded 7^ fanum in 1626 fall 6 to 7 fanum per rial in 1627 at Masulipatam, whiia its value 7 continued to be 7Jf fanum in 1623 at Pulicut. The lower value of silver continued in the thiirtiea. Still the English imported 8 5000 lb of silver in 1630. This was perhaps because the silver- gold ratio in India was still higher than in Europe. The value 9 improved between 1639-42 when silver yielded some profit. In
1. D£i. pp.34-35. 2. Ibid..p.26. Cf. Raychaudhuri,p,185, 3. Ibid..p.120. 4. RaychaudhurijP,186. 5. Ibid. 6. Tbtd. 7. Ibid. 8. EFI.,1630-33.P.84. 9. Raychaudhuri,p.187, (36)
the early fifties the Golconda Government had stopped minting silver coins as the value had declined due to tto large supply 1 * by English. In 1656 u/han the Qutbshah had to pay a large amount of tribute to the Mughal emperor in silver coins, silver minting again started. As a result silver yielded 1% of profit 2 at Masulipatam in 1659. But the situation proved to be short lived as the Mughal court refused to accept tribute in silver 3 and preferred gold coins. The demand of silver again fell. It may have betm also due to the large import of silver in Mughal empire through the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, In 1678 again the need to pay tribute to't'Mughal emperor in silver coins 4 hvy fho (i.ifhohah helped increase silver imports.
1. Raychaudhuri,p,187 . 2. Ibid,.pp,189-190. 3. Ibid..pp.189-190, 4. Ibid.,p,192, (37) Chapter III SHIPPING
(i) Shipping 12 3 4 English, Dutch, Portuguese and Indian ships used
to sail to and from different ports of Golconda during the
17th century. Despite the continuous grou/th of commerce by Dutch, English and other European shipping, Indians continued to own and operate their ships. Not only do lue have references to ships oiuned by Indians but also find them building large vessels 5 for their ou/n use. The Qutbshah also ou/ned ships luhich he used for 6 commercial purposes.
We do not find any specific referencB to the Persian ships sailing to the coast, though uie have evidence of Persian 7 merchants coming in English ships.
Though Indiana ovuned their own ships they also used
English and Dutch ships. Mir 3umla sent hia goods on their 8 ships at the time he tuas a minister at Golconda. He also hired 9 English sailors for navigating his junks.
1« EFI..1634-36.p.187; 1637-41.p.80; 1642-45.p.67; 1647-50.pp.98.139. 2. DnL.,p.21_2; EFI.. 1646-50.p . 139 ; Ma^t^in,part I,p.6, 3. Abbe-Carfe,p. 324. ^' t:FI..1634-36.p.187; 1637-41 .p .80; 1642-4 5.p .67; l646->50 pp.98, 139;Martr*in vol.I,pt.I,pp.6,88,191-2; Selecteu- Waqai of Deccan,p.50 . 5. EFI.. 1637-41.p.80. 6. Ibid..1634-36.p.16; 1637-41 .p.80. 7. TbTd. 8. EFI.. 164 2-4 5. pp. 69. 81.234; 1646-50.pp . 98. 139; Boiurey P.103. 9» 1646 - 50. pp .9 8. 139; Roger Adams,Richard Waluiyn, 3ohn Goyton and Thomas Bastock. (38)
In the seventies the French factors used "a ship which
belonged to a man named Mir Abdullah Baqir one of the principal 1 Moorish merchants of Masulipatam", Tapan Raychaudhuri furnishes
information regarding Indian shipping in 1681-82 and gives us the number of Indian ships uihich sailed from Masulipataro and 2 Pulicut to different places during that year.
Destination Masulipatam Pulicut
Achin 1 Arakan 1 P egu 2 Macao 1 Tenasserin 2
(ii) Ship building
The major site of ship building in Golconda seems to 3 have been Narsapur.
1. Mart-in,vol.I.part I,p.88. 2. Raychaudhuri,p.12. 3. Cf. A.I.Chicharov India Economic Development in the I6th to 18th century ,Mo3caui, 1971; A,3.Uaisar, Ship building in the Mughal Empire during the 17th centur' IE'JHR.\/.(2) . (39)
Narsapur was situated at a distance of 66 milea 1 from the famoua port of Masulipatam. It stands 16«» 26' N and 81"42' £ on the Uaaiahta mouth of the Godavari river, 6 2 miles from the sea. It has the advantage of a river uihich was reported in the l7th cantury to he "very Large, luide end 3 convenient". But the bar of the river uuas considered a dangerous 4 ona ; uihich created difficulty "in bringing out /ahi^ until 5 the northerly monsoon begins."
One reason for Narsapur being a centre of ship building 6 uias its access to timber. The teak u/hlch greu/ along the course 7 of Godavari uuas floated down to the river of Narsapur.
Methiuold thought the timber used for ship building at Narsapur 8 9 to be of high quality. This is corroborated by Bovurey and 10 Hamilton.
The other material for shin building u/aa iron used 11 for "bolts and anchors". Wa are informed that it vuas easily 12 available at Narsapur at reasonable rates. This might have bsen
1, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, 15A 2, Imperial Gazetteer,vol.XUIII,p,373. 3, Anonymous Relations,p.80. 4, Hamilton, p.398, 5, Anonymous R elatlona, p,80. 6, Methujold in Relatlona.p .36 7, Ibid..p.39. 8, Ibid. 9, Boujrey, p,102. 10. Hamilton, p.398. 11. Boujrey, p.102. 12. Ibid, (4Q)
1 procured from Nagleuiancha and Ramelepatam though these locali ties u/ere not very close to Narsapur.
The iron u/as brought here probably in the form of ore as iron u/ork for the specific purpose. Ship building luas done at the Madapallam and Palakallu ujhere English and Dutch aupers/ised 2 the process.
Coir (of coconut fibre) luas awailable in abundance at 3 4 Narsapur mhich was used "for cordage for the ships."
The availability of luorkman on loiu uiag as may also ba considered as a factor behind the establishment of ship building 5 at Narsapur.
In 1669 the English factors in Bengal preferred to build their small vessel at Narsapur instead of Hugli ouiing to 6 "easier rates for matarials and uyorkmen.
The European merchants admired the skilled u/ork done at Narsapur "she (the ship) is better trimlned and a far better 7 ship than she first come out of England."
The Portuguese, Dutch and English used to build and 8 repair their ships at Narsapur.
1. Bow rey,p,102} Master,vo1,11,pp.115,134 . 2. Mrs ter, vol.II,p , l60;Bou/rey,p .102. 3. EFI ., 1622-23,P.314. There is no specific evidence ^or luhiic h type of coir luas available there.Sice coconui ujas produced in large quantities of coir used was pro bably from coconut fibre, 4. Anoinymou s Relationst pTl3. !>. Sch o.cer. in Relf tions.p .63 6. EFI .. 1668-69.P.308. 7. Let t-grS-l^scBived. vo 1.11,p .41. B. EFI .. 1637-41.p.41; Boujr ey,p . 102. (41)
It SQsms that the English tried to improvB the facilities hereby bringing "very ingenoua Master builders on 1 purpose to built ships for thoir employees." For the convenience of the Dutch factors thair superiors from Batavia sent "some skilled roaster craftsman" for the construction of ships and 2 boats.
The labourers employed for construction of each ship tuere quite numerous. floris (l6Vi) informs us that there u;ere
"25 carpenters and calkers for ujorkman besides 24 lascares and 7 60 culies or labourers aihich dayly did about the ship."
It aeema that the ship owners built their omn ships.
Of an Indian, Mir Mohammad Saiyid it is said in 1638 that he 4 "is himself building a ^/aThip 0^7 about 800 tons at Narsapur," 5 So also did the European companies and merchants. They probably engaged individual skilled artisans and u/orkers on contract.
There luaa cjonsiderebl s repair luork carried out at 6 7 Narsapur including protection against leakage, deck-fitting 8 and trimming. Spikes, bolts and anchors u/ere skill-fully made 9 by Indian Smiths.
1. Bouirey, p.102. 2. Raychoudhurijp,149. 3. Floris, p.126, 4. in.'» 1637-41. p.80. 5. Methvuold in Relations, p.36. 6. Floris, p.114, ?• £:FI..1637-41. pp.45,55. 8. Lett&r&Received. vol.II,p.6C; EFI.. 1637-41 .p . 159 . 9. BoiDi-ey, p.102. (42)
Boujrey gives U3 a detailed account of the technique 1 of drawing ship3 on to the shore for repair.
The English factors inform us (l666) that some 2 ship repair vijork vuas done at Maaulipatatn, But no further particulars are available for ship building at that port.
1, Bovurey, p,102. 2. Lfl.t 1665-67,p.248. (43)
Chapter IV
ENVIRONMENT OF TRADE
Masulipatam
Schorer provides us uuith a detailed description of th« port of Masulipatam, He says that it was "unfit for ahipt to enter, baing altogether shallou; and alao narrow, the ahipa u/hich coma here must lie about a mile offshore, because it is absolu tely flat. The ground is very soft, the ship lie in three or four fatham. The tomn is situated about half a league up tha 1 river."
This inconvenience of tha port luas overlooked by the merchants due to its other advantageo^fsctora.
First of ally the port served the capital of Golconda mhich rapresentad an important market. Secondly the enu|raua 2 3 4 of Masulipatam produced painted cloth, along lulth Indigo, Iron, 5 6 7 Steel, Saltpetre, and cotton yarn. Naraapur an important 8 centre of ahipbullding uuas totokilometres from Masulipatam. The 9 rich diamond mines of Kollure lay 130 kilometres from Masulipatam; and tha port naturally became an emporium for diamonds.
1. Schorer in Relations, p.55 2. Schorer in Relations, p.63; 3ohn Pinkerton, Voyaqea and Travels in all parts of the World,p.398; EFI.. 1618-21. p.47:1630-33. P.233. 3. Schorer in Relations, p.233. 4. Watt, vol.IV, p.299. 5. Raychaudhuri, p.174. 6. Schorer in Relations.pp.59-60;Raychaudhuri.p.79. 7. Raychaudhuri,p.79, (8.) An Atlas of the Mughal EmptrC^.l5B. 16B. V, Ibid. (44)
The Dutch satabliahed their factory at Maaulipatam in 1 2 1606, and the English in 1611, The Freeh came aa late as 3 1669-7 0. Asian (nsrchants like Mir 3umla, r^ir Kamaluddin, Khu/a 4 Ali Razaq and Mirza Shamsher, not only carried on much mercantile activity at l^asulipatam, but also utilised the presence of the foreigners by hiring foreign ships for their commercial acti- 5 v/ities.
Duties levied at port amounted to 2% on imports and 6 2% on exports. In 1615 the Dutch made an agreement luith the
Qutbshah according to uihich they u/ere supposed to pay 3000 7 Pagodas yearly in lieu of customs at the port. Later on in 1634 the English also received a farman from Qutbshah to pay B 8,000 Pagodas per annum in lieu of the customs at the port.
The Shahbandar vuas the chief port officer, Sair-i-Khail u/as the chief revenue officer and HavalaJac vuas responsiblB for the collection of local tases at the port.
1. DFI..P.61 MorelandjP.XXlI. 2. Methwold in Relations. p,6; EFI..1624-29.0.115, 3. EFI,.1668-69.p.184. 4. lH.i 1630-33. pp.87, 285; 1634-36. p.187; 1637-41. P»52; 1642-45. pp.69,234. 5. ILl't 1642-45. pp. 69,81,234; 1646-50.p .98. 6. ifj,** 1624-29. p.133. 7. Schorer in Relations, p.64; Letters Received, vol, I\/,P.33. 8. ^n.., 1634-36. pp.14,16. 9. DFI,, p.36; Taverniar, vol,11,p,327 , (45)
The Sh"ahbandar and Salr-i Khail at Maaulipataro seam
to have bean directly appointed by the Sultan himself luhile the - a — office of Havaldar tuaa publicly auctioned and given to the T— highest bidder. But even so the office remained under the direct control of the Sultan as a reference to the imprisonment of Havaldar by the Qutbshah shouts.
Theae officers enjoyed ^ immense povuer at the port.
The merchants had to deal with them in connection mith the
payment of customs, sale and purchase of goods and also regarding 3 their disputes with other merchants*
The port officials luere interested in foreign trade ^jz^
because of the fact that they used to take bribes at the port
in the shape of presents. As one observer notedl "Governors
and Shahbandar entertained us utith great shoiu of honour as if 4 u/e had brought a prize where in every one had a share*.
Sometimes^ it is true the foreign merchants proved to
be more influential than the Havaladarjand secured a farm3n
from the Sultan against the action of the Havalo>^*»-'. Jiorostimss (X
dispute luas amicably resolved through bribery.
1. DFI.. p.36. 2. Ibid., p.109; CFI., 1668-69.P.288. 3. £FI., 1630-33. p.295; DFI..p.278. 4. Letters Received, vol,II,p.84. 5. Floris, pp.14-15; Letters Received, vol,lU,p.38; Raychaudhuri.p,17. (46)
The foreign oierchanta mere obliged to seek permission
from the Shahbandar for carrying out any construction at ths 1 " port. _ t*. _ The Ha\/ai<^ay had enough poiuers to interfere in ths foreign merchants' trade. "The neu; Havaldar of Masulipataw ^^ 3 had bean placing all sorts of hindrances in the company's trade"
The local officials often interfered u/ith the loadings of the ships. Once one of the local officisls arrested a
Dutch under factor on the charge of assaulting one of them.
As a ralajip't'o^ measure the Dutch seized one of the colleagues
of Kotuisl.
The local \\avaldnr being in authority frequently used
his poiuer to seize goada by making contact luith the traders 5 forcibly; in 1618 he Issued an ofdar that the "Dutch uiould be 6 allouied to trade only luith him or his nominees"; this naturally 7 uuas greatly resented by the Dutch factors.
It seems that the foreign merchants used to give _ ou __ presents every one from Havalcfsr to Sultan whenever the need 8 arose.
1. Eri«» 1630-33. p.295. 2. DFX.,p.278; Letters Received, vol.II,p.84; EFI.. 1630-33. P.295; 1634-36.p.14. 3. DFJ,., p. 27 8. 4. Raychaudhurijp.28. 5. Ibid., p.17. 6. DPI.,p.66. 7. Ibid. e. Letters Receivad. vol. II ,p .84; EFI.. l655->60.p .406 . (47)
The namea of feiu local officials have been given — "^ — by the contemporary aourcaa. In I6l9 Itimad Khan bacame Havaldac after replacing Mir Qasim. 2 •Again in 1621 Mir Qaaim luas reinstated in his office. His office changed in 1623 as the English factors nou/' referred 3 to him as Shahbandar.
At Maaulipatacn the bankers diacounted billa sent from 4 5 distant places such as Pegu and Persia.
Tavsrnier informs us about the inland rate of exchange. 6 From ^ifuaon^^to Golconda the discount u/as 4 to 5 per cent.
In the 1680s as the political condition of Golconda
adversely affected trade at Masulipatam. From 1687 onujarda 7 therefore, the port began to decline. When Hamilton visited
Masulipatan in I6f1 he did not find any English factor at the port; there vuere only a fem Dutch factors due to the attraction 8 of the 'chint' trade.
1, DFI.. pp. 108-9. 2. Ibid..p.181. 5» LLL*t 1622-2?. p.233. 4. Ibid.,P.185. 5. Ibid..1642-45.P.207. 6. Tavernier, vol.1, p.30. 7. Vestiges of Old Madras.1640-1800.ed. by H.D.Lovs, P.478. 8. Hamilton, p.310, (48)
Nizacnpattam
In comparison u/lth Masullpatam the port of Nizampattan was geographically better situated and admitted vessels up to 1 100 tons.
The Dutch participation in Indian trade began tuith the 2 opening of a Dutch factory at Nizampattam in 1606. The Dutch received fair ii/elcome, and the Sultan of Golconda not only permitted them to trade but also exampted them from the stamp 3 duty on cloth that amounted to 12%. The duty on both imports 4 and exports was fixed at 4%. The Sultan however imposed certain restrictions on Dutch trade i thay were for example, not allowed to deal with the local merchants directly, though this did not prevent them from making secret deals. For the major portion of their trade they ware either to enter into contract with the 5 havalda: or to secure his permission.
The Lngliah opened thair factory at Nizampattam in 6 1611. By 1613 English factory was fully established and had 7 began to yeild profits. The import and export duty on the 8 English was fixed at 3^% only. It seams that the duty on Dutch
1. Master, vol. I,p.137. 2. 0F±,, p.6. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid., Raychaudhuri.p.40. 5. DPI..p.6. 6. Methwold in Relations, p.12. 7. EFI.. 1624-29. p.115. 8. Schorer in Relations, p.55. (49)
vuas reduced from 4;^ to 3^%t aometlmes before 1615 because in 1 1613 thsy too are raportad to hav/e been paying only 3^%»
The English factors call Nizatnpattam one of tha Principal ports, but there is little evidenca of big nerchants other than
Dutch and English trading at N izampattam. Houjever, some Persian merchants mere already settled there before the close of the 2 first decade of the 17th century.
The Dutch and the English brought to Nizampattam usual commoditias thay imported namely lead, pearls and polished beads, 3 but mainly the '^cheats of money**.
While the major articles exported from Nizampattam mere the dyes viz chayroots and indigo, painted and course 4 cloth and cotton yarn.
It appears that after the opening of the English factory
at Nizampattam the relations between Golconda authorities and
the Dutch began to deteriorate. Relations worsened so much
that in 1616 tha Dutch decided to abandon their factory. The
_ Ok _ closure u/as in protest against the demands of the havalJaT of 5 " Nizampattam. Some efforts luere made to get the factory re-opened.
1. Letters Received, vol,lU,p.33. 2. Schorer in Relations, pp.54-55. 3. Schorer in Relations.p.55: EFI..1618-21.P.41. 4. EFJ.., 1618-21.P.41. 5. on., p.46. (50)
but the Dutch refused to pay heed, and in 1617 the closure 2 u/as formally approued. But even after the closure of the factory the Dutch ships from Holland coninued to call at 3 Nizampattam.
The English unlike the Dutch luere quite successful in dealing with the Golconda authorities, though sometimes the 4 privileges were obtained by making expensive gifts. The English factors themselves confessed that "The Governor and other officers of Hasulipatam and Pettipalee have a spetiall eye over all our business. The privilidge utere here injoy doeth not a little trouble them, could they contrive it luore should not 5 long in this estate."
The English complaints against the middleman and master u/eavers suggest that they depended for their supply largely on brokers. We find that at the peak of the season, luhile ships a/ere to be laden for return there was much difficulty in procuring cloth and the middlemen mere able to compel the 6 English to pay double charges to the u/eavers. One Metta Raya appears as the most prominent broker dealing tqith the English 7 immediately after the opening of the English factory in 1612.
1. on.., P.27 2. Ibid..p.A6 3. Schorar in Relations, pp.54-5. 4. EFI.. 1630-33. p,90. 5. EFI..1634-36.p.325. ^» Letters Received. vol.I,p,153 7. Ibid. (51)
The English factors also refer to tmo other brokers Conda Loyo and Glmpa Raya during the early years of the second decade of 1 the I7th century.
During the early years of the 17th century doiun to the
16208 ths English factors' control over weav/ars u/aa confined to checking the quality of yarn; and the middlemen or Raster ujeavers u/era responsible for the rest* The factors thenselves 2 got the u/ashing and dyeing done, Hotuevar, they found it diffi cult to get luaahars. At times, the middlemen tuere not able to bring the supply of cloth at the stipulated time and the u;ashers 3 u/ere not available when the delayed supplies arrived. Therefore in the 16308 lue find the factors imposing many further demands on the u/ashers and painters. They were not only to work under the close supervision at the factory, but were to leave tha 4 factory only two days after the completion of their Job,
The English factory at Nizanipattam did not survive for long. The major factor for its closure was perhaps the shortage 5 of finance available to the English.
In 1678-79 on a visit Master found both the Dutch end
English factors had dssertecJ the port, and that it was in
1. Letters Received, vol.I,p.153. 2. EFI..1629-33^0.239. 3. 1629-33.P.233. 4. Ibid., p.233. 5. EFI..1653-60.p.263. (52)
consaquence in ruin, thftugh ships lu^re still calling at ths portt and a building that had been erected to hold a reception 1 for the Sultan of Golconda, utas used as the custom house.
Pulicut
Pulicut lias at the distance of 380 kilometers south 2 of Masulipatam, About its position as a port, Bouirey informs us "having a very good river that close to the toiun side but the barre is not very good, no batter than for boats for 20, 30 or
40 tons, all this coast indeed luanting nothing but some good 3 harbour for shipping,"
The attraction for foreign worchanta at this port lay in 4 the local supplies of cloth especially the painted cloth. Barboaa 5 praised its textiles products aa early as 1518,
Availability of slaves obtained from ths neighbourhood 6 of Pulicut U/3S perhaps another factor. 7 The Dutch settled at Pulicut in 1610, They received from tha ruler of Vijaynagar the "grant of exclusive privilege of trade
1. Naster, vol,II, pp.136-7, 2. An Atlas of the Mughal empire. 158, 16B. 3. Boiurey, p.51 4. Schorer in Relations.p.53; DFX,,p,288; ThBvenot,p,148, 5. Berbosa, vol.11,p.132. 6. QFI..p,119; £ri.. 1622-23.PP.105.127>130.133.147, 7. Moreland in Relationst P.XXII. (53)
for a factory at Hulicut from ujhich the king undartook to 1 remove the Portuguse residents." One important feature of agreement luas the permiaaion to construct a for accorded to tha Dutch, The rulsr of Vijaynagar promiaad to complete the new fort started by the Dutch, at the expense of Queen Obyayama th« ouiner of the to*n; this was on condition that the company should 2 equally share the possession with him. In 1613 the fort uias 3 completed and was named Geldria. 4 The English follower! the Dutch in 1621. Along with them 5 the natives and the Portuguese also carried on trade, but no big Indian merchant seems to have established himself at the port.
The custom at the port was 2% on imports and 2% on 6 exports, alongwith 15 Pagodas on each ship.
In 1647 the Qutbshah's forces captured Ptilicut which 7 henceforth became port of his dominions. Tha privileges granted to the Dutch seem to have continued as before.
The Havalguc was an important local official of th« port. He collected customs; Abbe Carre designates him Governor and says 8 th» merchants were often in trouble with h-im.
1, Horeland, p. AXII. 2, Kaycheudhuri, p.22, 3, Ibid.,p.23. 4, Moreland, p.XXII. 5, Schorer in Relations, p.5A. 6, Ibid. 7, LLL't 1646-50.p.40. 8, Abbe Carre, p.636. (54)
It aeems from ths sources that the Foreign companies 1 sometimes made direct contract vuith the uieavers and exercised considerable control over them. In 1627, for example the meavers '*u/ere for bidden to undertake any production, any 2 variety except those ordered by the company,"
The Dutch factors monopolized the trade at Pulicut of mhich the English often complained. For example "the Dutch had taken all the cloth that u/as ready at the arrival of Golden 3 Lion" or that, *they ^utch7 buy up all the slaves they can 4 gett both men, uiomen and children".
The port remained important throughout the I7th century vuhen Hamilton visited in 1692-93 he found it to be an important 5 commercial centre of the Dutch, In fact it housed the major Dutch factory in India,
Madras
The little village of fladraapatan attracted the attention 6 of the English factors at Aramgaon in 1639. The place used to 7 produce painted and excellent long cloths of some repute.
1' 2li'. P.121; EFI..1622-23.p.105. 2, Raychaudhurl, p,157. '• £-FI.»l622-23,P.119. 4. Ibid, 5. Hamilton,p,397, 6. liFI,.1637-41.p, XXXVIII. 7. Ibid.,pp.166,183. (55)
The English established their factory by the permiasion of Damela Uincatedree Nagu, ujho ujas a subordinate of the last 1 ruler of the Uijaynagar dynasty.
The privileges granted to the English by the local
Nayak before 1646 allouied them to import and export articles duty free. Inland tolls had to be paid, but only at half of 2 the usual demand. The priv/ilege of mintage UiSs also granted 3 u/ithout paying any extra dues, the English being allomsd to 4 mint both silver and gold coins, 5 The fort of St. George u/as completed in 1646 at Madras. The Nayak had undertaken to bear the cost of erecting the desired fort on condition that the English repaid him the outlay 6 on their taking possession.
After the territory passed into the hands of Qutbshah, Mir Dumla on behalf of the Sultan in 1646 confirmed the privi leges on the English aa reujard of their help in siege of San 7 Thome.
I* LLL't 1637-41.pp.156.166; Gazetteer,vol.XUI,p.252. 2. Ibid..p.XXXIX. 3. Ibid..p.156. 4 . VesteQBs of Old ^^arirss. p . 4 3, 5. €F±,, 1646-50. p. 6^;. 6. EFI..1637-41.p.XXXIX. ''• EFI.1661-64.pp.4,55; 3.N.Sarkar, The Life of Wir Jumla. Delhi,1979,p.96. (56)
In the beginning the English company had some doubts 1 whether tha ne'xi settlement uould prove to be beneficial or not, but it oroved to useful that it became the head quarters of the 2 company on the coromandsl coast. 3 Apart from cloth, vuhich uias the main item of exjort 4 from Madras, saltpetre uias also obtained. Export of slaves 5 was also undertaksn.
The famine of 1646 seriously affected commercial acti- vitias of the region. The English factors reported to the company that, "there can not be expected any quantity of cloth 6 to ba procured here this three years."
The English factors at Madras seem to have faced 7 recurring problems of capital shortage. In 1648 they had to 8 borrow 10,000 Pagodas from Mir Dumla on interest. Lack of capital at Madras often compelled the English to obtain goods 9 for export on credit.
We do not find any details about the port administration at Madras nor any reference to any Prominent Indian merchant trading at this port. The only reference is to Viranna or
1« LLL'f 1637"41.p.186 2. Gazetteer,vol,X^I,p.231. 3. LLL'f 1642-45.pp.39; 1651-54.p.292. 4. EFI..1646-50,p.167; I66l-64.p,41. 5. EFI..1661-64.pp.50-1. 6. EFI..1646-50.p.70. ?• EFT,.1642-45.p.293. 1646-50.P,213.1661-64.P.35. 8. EFI.. 1646-50, p,213. 9. EFI,.1661-64.p.35. (57)
Verona, luho u;orked as a micjdlaman betiueen the English factors 1 and authorities at the court of Golconda.
In the vicinity of Madras, there was a place called 2 San Thome ujhich belonged to the "Naique of Tanjor", The 3 Portuguese were the first to establish themselves at San Thome. 4 3 6 Later on the Dutch, English, and the French showed their interest in that place owing to the fact that, *St. Thoma ia a good place procuring of callicoea a comodious towne, and good 7 landing." There was rivalry between tha Engliah and tha French for tha possession of San Thome, where as tha local authori ties at times tried to maintain its independent position leading to clashes with these European powers and at other times thay 8 became party to the conflict.
Customs
Customs paid at ths port of Masulipatam appear to have been subject appear to have varied with tha influence exercised by tha various parties concerned. There are references to different companies and traders paying different amounts of
1. Martin, vol.1, part II,p.690. 2. Mi.f 1642-45.pp.47.49. 3. Ibid..p.49. 4. EFI.. 1655-60.p.176. 5. ifj... 1668-69.p.130. 6. Martin,vol.I,part I,pp .81,182-3. 7. EFI.. 1668-69. p. 130. 8. Martin, .vol.1,part I, pp.81-3. (58)
Ok customs at Masulipatam according to ths wishss of the Havaldar 1 * or other port officials.
The Dutch tuere the first to coas Into contact u/lth the
Golconds authorities to secure royal orders regarding customs.
In 1606, Paulas Van Soldt secured a farwsn fron the Qutbshah, according to luhich ths Dutch had to pay 4% for both imports and 2 exports throughout the kingdom. In addition the Dutch mere
exempted from the tax on cloth. The chap-dalali aa it luaa 3 popularly knoiun, amounted to about 12^«
A conflict arose regarding payment of customs in 1611 uihen the local authorities demanded 5% on imports and 5% on exports. On this the Dutch traders threatensd before flit
Sadaruddin, the local official that they luould leave the port in protest. The officials then agreed to accept 4^ duty on imports 4 and 4% on exports in accordance utith the former arrangement. In 1613-16 the Dutch adopted a new method for payment of customs i^Wemmer Van Berchen made an agreement u/ith the king of Golconda 5 to pay 3000 pagodas yearly for both imports and exporta."
1» 20.»» pp.22,27, 52,75; Schorer in Relations.p .64: Letters Received, vol,II,p.89; Peter Floris, pp.14-15; £FI.. 1624-29.PP.133.3l7t 1630-33.PP.78.85.99. 1634-36. pp.44-5, 160, 325; 1637-4 l.p . 149 ; Martt-in, vol.1, part I, p,29. 2. DPI.. p.72; Raychaudhuri,p.16, 3. Ibid,,p.72. 4. Floris,pp.14-15. 5. Schorer in Relations, p.64; Letters Received, vol.IV, P.33. (59)
The Dutch ujere supposed to pay this amount yearly, iKhsthsr their 1 loaded ships cone to the port or not. Apart from this, the 2 Governor expected valuable presents from the Dutch.
The payment of a fixed amount as annual custom from tha
Dutch utas not ujelcomed by their superior authorities, "in tha
meantime it tuould be advisable for Coronandel to pay A% duty
rather than an annual sum of 3Q0Q Pagodas because onca tha
Surat trade got going, very little of spices would have to be 3 - sent to Masulipataro". In 1619 tha Qutbshah reissued a farroin 4 ' to confirm the annual payment of 3000 Pagodas, as against tha demand of tha neuj HavaldlT— *••-,r at Masulipatam for the payment of a 5 duty of A%» The Dutch expected a neiu farmah luith tha arrival
of new Havalq-r at Masulipatam in 1619 permitting the company
to trade freely; but these expectations did not materializa and the authorities insisted on the aayment of 3000 Pagodas 7 per annum.
In the beginning the English also faced some friction
u/ith the local authorities* Till 1614 the English u/ere not able
to secure any farman for customs, and paid "the value of 7000 e pagodas in goods upon account of custom outuiarda." In 1616 they
1. Letters Received^ vol,I\/,p,33. 2. Schorer in Relations.p.64. 3. DPI..p.75 4. Ibid.,p.110. 5. Ibid..p.27 6. Ibid..pp.10B-9- 7. OTT.P.161 8. Letters Racaived.vol.11.P.89. (60)
secured a farmgn according to which they had to pay A% on • 1 imports and A% on exports. Further thay were "to be exempted 2 from other chargeable customs brought in". The agreement continued till 1630. In 1630 the English factors became con vinced of the advantage of a yearly payment of customs like the Dutch and they recoramended to their superiors at Surat to "learn by the Dutch a better and mora proffitabla vuay ujhich is to make means by u/ay of treaties with this king to agree 3 for the anual custom of our trade in this place;" as the English had to pay a large amount of customs for transporting the goods from river, towns, city gates, etc., which they 4 wanted to avoid. At last, the English received a farman from Qutbshah on 26 February 1634, according to which they were required to pay a fixed sum of 8000 Pagodas per annum in lieu 5 of all custom. This grant was confirmed in 1639 by another 6 farman. The situation seems to have continued during the latter 7 part of the century. B The French used to pay 2^% on imports and 2^^ on exports, while "native merchants bringing goods into Masulipatam were 9 obliged to pay a toll of 7%,'* Natives also paid a stamp duty
1. Letters Received.vo1.IV.p.38; Schorer in Relations. p .64. 2. Ibid..vol.IV.p.38. 3. EFTT. 1630-33. p.85. 4. Ibid..p.85. 5. EFI..1634^36.pp.14.16. 6. EFI..1637-4J.P.149. 7. EFI..1655-60.pp.36.141. 8. Marti in, vol.I,part I,p.29. 9. DFI., p.108. (61)
on cloth in addition to custom, u/hich amounted to around ^^% 1 to 12%.
1, Schorar in Relationa. p,64j Raychawdhurljp.16. (62)
Chapter Y
MONEY AND BILLS OF EXCHANGE
Coinage
We find the references to the gold eilver and copper coin* during 16th and I7th centuries in South India, In the
Uijaynagar empire gold coins are referred to as Godyana, Varaha,
Pon, Pagoda, Pratapa, Kati and Hoga, It probably u/elghed 32 grains troy. There is a gold coin of Kriahnadevaroya ujhlch weighed 120 grains. This is the only coin of this u/eight in 1 the entire V/iJaynagar series of coina. Pratapa uias the next gold coin of a lomer denomination. It utas equal to half of a
Varaha. The Pratapa u/eighed 26 grains. The other loiuer gold coin luas Koti. It was one fourth of a Varaha, Its kuelght varied from 5 to 6 grains. The other gold coin tuas hoga, which was one fourth of a Pans. Bale luas the next lower coin. It was 2 equal to half a hoga.
Tare u;a8 the mnly silver coin of Vijaynagera known 3 so far.
We find three types of copper coinsi Pane, Zlital and Kan use in the Vijaynagara empire. An analysis of copper coins show that the highest coin weighed 247 grains and the lowest 13 grains.
1, yeatiqea of old Madrae. vol,I,p.193; A.V.Narasimha Hurthy, The Coilns. of Kornatak_a, Mysore, 1975,pp . 141-142. 2, Murthy,pp.141-142. 3, Murthy,p.142. (63)
1 Other copper coins ujsigh 158, 128, 50, 40, 32, 24 and 15 grains.
In the sixteenth century the kingdon of Golconda did not 2 strike gold and silver coins.
During the l7th century \ue find references to tha coins of different metala like gold, silver and copper in the kingdom of Golconda. The coins in general use luere Pagodas. Later on Rupees, tha half Rupees, quarter Rupees and Haaaa, minted in 3 the Mughal empire, also corns into use.
The gold coin Waraha or hun luas called Pagodas by the 4 Europeans, The value of Pagodas uiaa subject to changa as the reference to nsu; Pagoda and old Pagoda shotus. Old Pagodas u/ere struck in the Vijaynagara empire. The naiu Pagodas u/ere issued by tha Golconda rulers and the English. The minting of Pagodas by various authorities on a separate basis nay have resulted in the nevu Pagoda, We find references to the free minting of
Pagodas, not only by the Indians but also by the foreign merchants and traders. They used to bring bullion from foreign lands and got it coined at i^adras. Green Hill, Ourgarazpatam 5 and Aramgoan by obtaining permission from local chiafs. Tavernier says that variations in the value of tha tu/o Pagodas u/as due
1. Murthy, p.143. 2. Haroon Khan Sheruani, History of Qutubshahi dynasty. Neuj Delhi, 1974, referibd D ,P .fi.Doshi,Coins Current in the Kingdom of Golconda,p.179.IHC..1942. 3. Thevenot, p.136. 4. Raychaudhuri,p.223. 5. EFI..^655T60.PP.37.87. (64)
1 to the comparatively lom quality of gold content of the neu).
The old Pagodas u/are not superior in term of weight and fineness to neu* Pagodas but it was higher in the value by 4^ Rs. for 2 the Pagodas as against 3^ Rs. The king demanded the old coin by u/ay of revenue and other taxes because of its higher metallic valua. The value of the tuio varied with change of time. During the early years of the l7th century (1609-1614) the Pagodas at Masulipatam uias worth 15 fanums, at Nizampattam 16 fanums 3 and at Golconda 10 fanums. During 1630-33 the valua of new 4 Pagodas rose by 29%. During the 1670*8 the new Pagodas at
Madras was worth 8 s each; the same rate prevailed at Pulicut. 5 But the old Pagoda (atGolconda) was worth 12 •• All the major business transactions in Golconda and Masulipatem were made in old Pagodas by 1669. So far as the evidence goes, the prices of commodities were fixed in the old Pagodas and payments were made in the new Pagoda according to ratio determined from time 6 to time.
A treaty was signed by the Mughals and the Qutb Shah of Golconda in 1636. Golconda should pay a yearly tribute of 7 two lakhs of huna. But in 1637 the dispute again arose when the value of hun rose from Ra.4 to 5. The flughals demanded all
1, Tavernier, vol,I,p.329. 2, £ri..1655-60, p.33. 3, Sohorer in Relations, p.60. 4, EF;,, 1630-33. p.291. 5, Bowrey,p,107. 6, Raychaudhuri,p,135. 7, Muhammad Salih Kambo, Amal-i Salih,ed. Ghulara Yazdani, Asiatic Society, 1923, vol,I,p,123, (65)
payments of arcBara at the neiu rate of 5, ijjhlch meant an addl- 1 tional payment of tu/enty lacs of rupeei. The increasa of the price of gold luas cl*arly due to the influx of silver,
After 1660, there was a considerable increase in gold imports, A large portion of treasure importsd to Coromandel by th« English East India Company uias in form of gold betuieen 1660 and 1690.
Year Pure silver kg. Pure Gold kg
St ^ sx a =8 as ^ 33 s » = s s 3z S :B s aa sz SI r:^ ==: A == ~ == =K ^^ =a == === s: rx r3 =x n £S s sx SE SI s ai SB s a« » s 3= :s s t3 Xff rs 3^
1660-65 40145 1074..4 7
1666-70 22910 1673..6 6
167 1 -7 5 49828 3669..5 0
1976-80 179252 5156,.6 2
1681-85 240952 6931..6 1
1686-90 30567, 879..1 8
1691-95 7687 221,.1 4
1696-1700 131311 491,.2 2
The smaller gold coins or fractional pieces uiare knouiO 88 fanums or fanum. Large and small varieties of fanum uiere 3 minted in tha second half of the I7th century. During the early years of the 17th csntury (16C9-1614) the fanum at Golconda
1. Muhammad Selih, p.123. 2. K.N.Chaudhuri, p.177. 3. Raychaudhuri, p.223. (66)
u/as worth 20 to 22 cash at Pulicut 20 to 24 cash and at 1 Nizampattain 17 to 20 cash. During second half of the 17th 2 century in 1669 it luas luorth 24 cash at Pulicut} and in 1678 3 at l^adras it uuas luorth of 74 cash.
Tha Mughal rupees mere current kuith factions such as 4 half, quarter, eight and sixteenth. The u/eight of tha rupee u/as 9 deinars and 1 grain and standard of silver 11 deinars 5 and 14 grains in 1640. The first surviving rupee coin from the Golconda mint luas issued during ths reign of Shahjahan 6 but unfortunately it bears no date. In Aurangzeb's reign, 7 houievar a number of gold muhrs and silver rupees u/ere minted.
The surviving coins of Aurangzeb's reign at Golconda dates back to the time of his accession (1658-59) luhich u/ere silver 8 rupees. A fall in silver prices led to temporary closure of the 9 royal mint at Golconda in 1674-5. By 1677 the douin u)0*rd drift of silver price mas over and market seen to have settled domn 10 at Coromandel*
1. Schorer in Relations, pp.52,54,55. 2. Bou/ray, p.107. 3. Vestiges of old Madras. vol,Iip.293. 4. Tavarnier, vol. I, p.22. 5. Ibid. 6. Catalogue of Coins in Provincial Muaaum, Lucknoui, ed, C,3. Trou/, Oxford, 1920, p.204; Catalogue of Coins in the Central Museum, Nagpur,PBrt I,p.1l7. 7. fbid. 8, Catalogue of Coins in Provincial Museum.Lucknou/. 9. K.N. Chaudhuri, p.177. 10. Ibid. (67)
The nevel luas the most luldely circulating copper coin 1 in Golconda. 8 to 9 nevals tuere luorth of a fanum, throughout 2 the period. There at Golconda, four-paisa ttuo paise, half 3 paisa coins ujere also current.
Tavernier gives the folloiuing table of comparative values of coins current in Golconda s
30 to 80 cou/ries • 1 Paisa 1 Rs. rising to •*-? Pice (half dam)^oppe£7" 80 Dam (or Pice) j^oppetj . •^ Rs, rising to 30
Rupee /ail\jB£/ c 2 S.3d. Mohur J^Ql6_J 31-S 6 dar 14, 14^ Rs.
Pagoda Neu/ J^oltiJ 3, 3^ Rs. Pagoda Old ^old7 4-3 Rs. or over Fanum /G"old7 • Variable (12,15,18,24, 32 to the Pagodas) Ibrahimi /^o\£/ 2 -i Rs. (3
Bills of Exchange
Bills of exchange constitute an important aspect of ths organization of commBrcial finance.
1. Raychaudhuri, p.224, 2. Ibid! Martin, vol.11, part II,p.1644 3. Tavernier, vol.I,p,22. (68)
Masulipatam, being one of the principal porta, had bills sent upon it from different commercial centres 1 2 3 namely Pegu, Persia and London, and within the country from 4 5 Pulicut and Surat,
The rate of discount depended on the places u/hera the bills originated or ware to ba cashed. Unfortunately uie have little information on discounts on bills ia?,uad from or encashed uiithin Golconda, But Tav/orier says that the discount on a bill of exchange from Golconda to Surat amounted to 4 to 6 5 %. Taverniar informs us that in India the period of 7 maturing of a bill \ua3 toio months.
It appears that the Dutch used to give the privilege of dealing ujtth bills issued (or purchased by) thom for a consideration : "the shreTf to vuhom the exclusius right to deal in bills of exchange had been formed out for an anual 8 sum of 500 Pagodas."
Some difficulty in realising bills u/as faced uuhen the agent of a particular Saraf ujas not to be found. The English at Masulipatam then had to go to Golconda for cashing their bill,
1» EFI..1622-23.p.185. 2. EFI..1642-45.p.207. 3. E77.. 1637-41. p. 48. 4. Ibid.,p.50. 5. DFTr.pp.114.132; EFI..1630-33.P«B6, 6. Tavernier; vol.I,p.30. 7. Ibid. 8. DPI..pp.275-6. (69)
1 and this caused much delay.
We find evidence of large tranaactiona through billa of Bxchanga by the English Company at Maaulipatam. They "remitted to Maaulipatam 10,000 Pagodas (at 410 rupeea per 100 Pagodaa) besidea accepting billa from that place of ^000 2 P egodaa,"
Bills of exchange mere not only uaad by merchants but also by the noblea and rulera as uiell. We find that the ruler of Golconda in 1662, paid tribute to the Mughal Emperor through billa of sxchange. Out of the annual Peahkash (tribute) of 10 lakhs of rupaea, Ra,1,25,987-8-0 Rs, mere remitted by a bill of exchange (hundi) to Amanat Khan for the Central Treasury 3 at Aurangabad.
The practice of aending smaller ainounts through bills of exchange mas costly and also time consuming. So the English factora sometimes preferred to inaure despatch of bullion from Maaulipatam to Golconda, for luhich the charaes amounted to 4 or 4 5 per cent.
1. £FI.. 1637-41, p. 262. 2. Ibid..p.300 3. Selected Waqgj of Deccan, p.13 ^' HL't 1637-41, p. 262. (70)
Chapter VI
COmERCE WITH ASIAN COUNTRIES
(a) Trade luith Persia
In the 17th century Golconda had a flourishing 1 commerce luith Persia. There are also references to Persian 2 traders u/ho had settled in Golconda.
Qutbshah maintained cordial relations luith the Shah of Persia as is evident from the fact of sending presents to the luakil of the Sh"ah. The Persian King reciprocated this 4 friendship.
The main item of export from Golconda to Persia vuaa 5 6 cloth. Coarse cotton cloth ujas also exported. The painted chintz, in the form of floor cov/erings, bedspreads and the 7 lining of coats vuas expensive and much in demand in Persia. 8 Cottonyarn uuas also exported to Persia. 9 10 Grain and sugarpotuder, luere other items of export from 11 12 Golconda to Iran, So too saltpetre and sappanvuood.
1, Schorer in Relations. pp,54-5; Tavernier, vol.1, P,142; Master vol.11, p.112; Ml»» 1634-56.P . 16. 2, Schorer in Relations.pp.54-5; Iru/in,p,l6, 3, Selected Waqai of Deccan. p,3. ^» Ibid.,p.136. 5. Efi,, 1630-33.P,288; 1634-36.p.40; Master,p,112, 6. EFl., 1634-36,p,40. 7. Master, vo 1.11 ,p , 112; Irujin,p,25, 8. Master,vol.II, p.112, 9. Ibid. 10. EFX., 1634-36. p,42. 11- ifi... 1637-41.p.40. 12. Ibid. (71)
The imports of Golconda from Persia mainly conaiated 1 2 of horses, luhich ujere sold at high prices,
3 Other itema of import from Persia included 'rarities' 4 5 gooda of best sort and 'several rich commodities'.
6 7 Besides the English and the Dutch the Indian merchants also participated in the trade. Mir Muhami.iad Saiyid in 1638, 8 luaa reported to have built a junk "to despatch her to Persia."
We find a reference to immigrant Persian vueawera, u/ho had settled at Ellore in Golconda, and this must naturally have 9 influenced local carpet design.
(b) Trade mith South East Asia
India has maintained Its commercial contacts u/ith 10 South East Asian countries from ancient times; and commerce
betu/een Golconda and South East Asia luas important in the 16th
and the 17th century as vuell.
1» LH*t 1634-36.PP.14.17.19; 1637-41 .p .263; l65?-60. p.406. 2. JLLi*. 1634-36.P.19; 1637-41.p .263. ^' LLL't 1634-36.PP.14.17. 4. Ibid.,p.19 5. Ibid.,p.17 6' EFI..1630-33.P.288. 7. on., p.182. 8. |?T.. 1636-41.p.80. 9. Journal of Indian textiles history.Number II 1956,p.3' 10. Balkrishna, p.24. (72)
Golconda possessing important ports at its coast, enjoyed brisk trade relations tuith South £a3t Asian countriaa.
Of these ports it luas said in the sixteenth century, that here "come many shipps out of India, Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden vuith pepper, spices and othsr commoditios."
2 During the I7th century the Indian merchants, aa 3 4 uisll as the Dutch and English engaged in the trade batuteen Golconda and Sodth East Asia the porta and countries involved 5 being Pegu, Aralf^an, Batavia, Bantam, Achin, Malacca and Siem^
The Dutch seem to have been the most active among the merchants trading luith South East Asia end seem to have monopolized the trade in spicea, which they used to bring to exchanged u/ith Coromandel cloth. But they luere not able to 6 entirely expel the Indian merchants from South East Asian market*
In the commercial exchange luith the Sduth East Asia. 7 cloth u/as the most coveted article of export from Golconda.
1» Early Travels, pp.16,34. 2. Raychaudhuri, p.120. 3. ^11'* 1622-23.P. 136| 1624-29.pp.6.12.119; 1634-36. pp.317, 328; Master,vol.II,p.112; DPI.pp.166,199. 201. 4. Drjl..,pp.166,199,201,206-S',2l2; RjiychauchLiti,p . 166; EFI., 1622-23,9.136. 5. EFT.. 1622-23. pp.85,136; 1624-29.PP. 12,16; 1634-36 pp.317, 328; 1637-41.p.66; DFI..pp.7 5.99.118.120. 167, 199,201, 203, 208, 212; Master,vol.1I,p.112, ITa vernier, vol. I, pp. 141-2; Abbe-Carrp, vol, II,p ,345; Raychaudhuri.pp.120,166. 6. Raychaudhuri,p.120. 7. Early Travela.p.34: EFI.. 1624-29. pp.119,135; 1642-45.p.79; LatterSReceived, vol.II,p.75; Master vol.II,p.112. (73)
1 2 3 Different type of cloth, such aa painted, plain and uuhits cloth ujere exported by the English and the Dutch,
4 Dyed cotton yarn luas also in demand.
5 Slaves mere another itan of export through tha Dutch 6 and the English, aa they luere exported for use in labour : "even 7 hundreds of thousands of such persona u/ould be welcomed'*.
Iron and steel luere also exported from Golconda to B Achin. 9 Diamonds u/ere exported to South East Asia, 10 Powdered sugar luas in demand at Bantam.
The bulk of import from South East ^aia consisted ol 11 apictlti such as cloves, pepper, nuts and mace. 12 13 Apart from spicsi.. sandal wood, elephants teeth, 14 15 Dapanese silver, and elephants from Siam(Thailand) and Arakan were brought to Golconda.
1. Early Travels.p.34; Methwold in RelationB.p.38; Pri.. pp.28,29,51; £LL'» 1624-29.P.119. 2. Schorer in Relations, p.59, . 3. Methwold in Relations.p.36; DPI.,p.74. 4. Early Travels.p.34; Methwold in Relations.p.38, Schorer in Relations.pp.59-60; Master,vol.1,p.112. 5. OF I,,pp.119,201,203,209,214,255. 6. |FT., 1622-23.P.85; 1634-36.p.328;1668-69.PO.129.137, 7. DPI.,p.201. 8. Schorer in Relations.p.38tMaater.vol,I.p.112:Raychau- dhuri,p.l74. 9. EPI..1618-21.pp.207-8; 1624-29,P.25;Methwold in Relations.p.38. 10. EPI...1634-36.p.42 fn contd. (74)
Last but not the least cams gold both unminted . 2 from China and minted from Jakarta; some times gold thread u/as 3 also Imported from Batavia.
contd, f»n. from page 73
11. Din.,pp.26,34,39,65,99,118,l67; £FI..p.136, 12. DFX., PP.26,99,118,167,212. 13. Abbe Carre,vol.II,p.345. 14. DFI.,pp.26.34,120. 15. EFI.. 1637>41.P.66; Abba Carre, vol. II ,p , 345,
2. Ibid., pp.120, 213. 3, Ibid., p.212. (75)
Chapter VII
£fjROP£MN COMPANIES
The Dutch East India Company
The Dutch reached Golconda in 1605 and established 1 their factory at Masulipatam; after obtaining permission 2 through a royal farman. After tujo years (1607) they obtained 3 the privilege of establishing their factory at Pulicut, after 4 removing the Portuguese rrom there. Next year (l608) they opened 5 another factory at Tegnapatam. A factory luaa also opened at 6 Petapuli or Nizampattam.
In the beginning, the tiuo factories at Maaulipatam
and Nizampattam mere independent of each other, but in 1606, 7 Nizampattam u/aa placed under the authority of Masulipatam,
The Dutch faced constant problems with the local officials. In 1607 at Masulipatam the local officers (the _ a. _ Havaldar and Shahbandar) forced the company to lend them 300D
Pagodas vuithout interest, as the price of ratification of the
royal farman. Again in 1626 luhen the English East India Company
1. Moreland in Relations.p . XXII. 2. RaychaudhurijP,16. 3. Moreland in Relations.p.XXII; DFI..p.6. 4. Moreland in Relations.p .XXII. 5. Methiuold in Relations, p.49. 6. Ibid. 7. RaychaudhurijP . 17 . 8. Ibid. (76)
firmly established their factory at Masulipataro the Dutch 1 vuere prohibited by the Qutbahah to trade in Masulipataro,
As a result on the arrival of some of their own ships, they
8ent off all their cargo to Pulicut and a regular siege of 2 Maaulipatam began. Some important citizena of Masulipatam
visited the Dutch agent Yasbrantsz and requested the Dutch
to return. The request was acc&pted ou/ing to the importance 3 of cloth supply from Maaulijatam.
The Dutch considered the Portuguese and English as their chief rivals in the region of Golconda for trading purpose,
Accordingly, the Dutch and Portuguese ojere not on good terms and the Portuguese raided the Dutch factory at Pulicut in
1612. The Dutch factor Wemmer decided to complete the company's fort at Pulicut to protect the factory from the threats of 4 Portuguese. Later the Dutch capturad tu/o Portuguese ships at 5 Pulicut in 1622, as the Portuguese pouuer declined, houiever the
enimity lost its bitterness.
1. EH.., 1624-29, p. 133. 2. Raychaudhuri, p.33. 3. Raychaudhuri, p.33. 4. Moreland in Relations.p.XXIII. 5. tFI., 1622-23. p.70. (77)
The rivalry of English and Dutch u/aa not neu/, but in
the beginning at Golconda they mada mutual agreements regarding
trade. In 1619 the tujo companies agreed to share the trade 1 and combine their forces. In 1621 there u/as another agreement
betu/een the two companies regarding trade at Pulicut, according
to vuhich the English were allovued to share the facilKties of
Dutch fort at Pulicut, subject to necessary rent. Further the
English factors laould inform the Dutch u/hat particular variety of cloth they desired to buy**. Lastly the servants of both 2 the companies were prohibited from the private trade in cloth.
But this agreement luaa not of much consequence in the
long run, as lue find that "the English complaints that the 3 Dutch did not offer them half of the total textiles procured.*
On the other hand, the Dutch factors u/rote to the Directors in
1622 "it luas impossible to deal with the English* They would 4 do as much damage to the Dutch interest as possibls." Still we find that in 1622 the English often sent their goods on Dutch 5 ships. In return for allowing them to stay at Pulicut, the
Dutch Governor at Masulipatam had demanded from English factors
1, Moreland in rtalationa. p. XXIU. 2. on,., p.157, 5« IhM't P.13 4. Ibid., p. 13 5. LTi,, 1622>23.P.134. (?8)
to pay them half of the value of the gifts preaented to 1 certain important officials.
The Dutch acquired considereble prosperity during the early decades of the second half of the 17th century. Master in 1676 informs us that "ths Dutch have nine places and factories upon this coast and in the king of Golconda 2 dominion under the dirwction of their Gove nment at Pulicut".
During the second half of the 17th century the Dutch also established their fssctcry ut Narsapur from where 3 they used to procure the iron.
Palakullu luas another place tuhere "the Dutch have a factory of a large compound^ luhera chey dye much bleui cloth, having above 3Q0 Jars set in the ground that uuork,, also they 4 make raany their best paintings there". An interesting fact which comes to light is the fact that the Dutch had obtained the town of Palakullu on rent, paying 2000 old Pagodas as per 5 annum.
1. ^.'t 1622-23.p.182. 2. Master, vol,II, p.115 3. Ibid., p.160. 4. Master, vol.11, p.160. 5. Ibid., p.164, (79)
It seema that the Dutch u/ere not on cordial terms with the local officials at Maaulipatam in the seventies.
•Zafar Beg dislike the Dutch because they had refused to give hi«B loan for one". At Pulicut too the Dutch mere opposed by the local authorities. Still we find that some of the officials could ba in league vuith the Dutch. For instance in 1661, when the Dutch captured the ship of Malik Beg, the Qutbshah ordered the HamaIdjr of Masulipatam, force the Dutch to release the ship. In his reply the Havualdar stated that the Dutch luere subject to their ou/n authority and the Faujdar, Hydar luas in league luith the Dutch.
Master informs us that the company carried its trade at Masulipatam on credit basis and outed thousand Pagodas to
Indian merchants for which they did not directly pay the interest but paid it by buying at higher rataa. '^Their way of tradeing here is upon craditt, soe that at present they owe some hundred thousands of Pagodas in this country, for which they do not pay intt?rest, but the nen to whom they owe it are the Merchants of whom they buy their goods, and in recon-
1. Martin, vol.1, pert I, p.28. 2. Abbe-Carr'e, p.636. 3. Selected Waqai of Deccan. p.5. (80)
pence for the interest, they over rate their goods from 30 to 50 per cent and more, the interest of this country » 1 being 24 per cent per annum,"
In this period the rivalry betujeen the Dutch and
th« French emerged as a neuj threat on this coast. In the
early seventies, luhen the rivalry arose betiueen Golconda autho- rities and the French, the Dutch tried to prevent Golconda officials from making peace u/ith the French, as they saiu 2 threat the French could turn into serious rivals* In this effort "the Dutch had completely luon over the chief minister
/Radanna7 and ensured his opposition to any negotiations " 3 attempted by us (French) at court." But in spite of their efforts the Dutch uuere not able to prevent the French from establishing their commercial centre at Masulipatam alongujith 4 other privileges.
The commercial activities of the Dutch seem to have bean affected by the political condition of Golconda in l6B0s.
In the last tuio decades of the century the Dutch began to lose
their commercial hold over Golconda, Master in 1676 described
1. Master, vol.1, p.297. 2. Martin, vol. I, part I, p . 1 59 . 3. Ibid., vol.11, part II, p.489. 4. Ibid., p.763. (81)
1 ths Dutch factory in Nizampattam, uthich he found in bad condition. 2 So too Handlton in 1692. In thia nineties a feui Dutch factors remained 3 at Maaulipatam, luhile they retained Pulicut till the beginning of the 4 iBth century.
The English East India Company
A nauj phase started in Indian overseas trade in the 17 th century with the establishment of the English East India Company. 5 In 1611 ths English established their factory at Masulipatam. Gradu ally they established other factories at different ports in Golconda 6 e.g. at Nizampattam in 1611 and in Narsapur.
The English factors-at Masulipatam u/ere subordinate to Bantam,
They luere luarned repeatedly by the company officials fro« Engli^-a^ not to take any independent ateo luithout the permieaion of the 7 President end Council at Bantam.
The English officials from the very beginning carried on private trade keeping in vieuu the high amount of profit from Indian trade. This u, The East India Company used force as a part of its commercial practices whenever the situation so demanded*. When they u/ishad to realize debts claimed from a high official in 1613 thay planned *to seize upon the Governor's son when he 1. Master,vol,II,pp.136-7. 2. Hamilton,p,397, 3. Ibid*,P.398. 4. Ubid. 5. Methuiold in Ralations, p. 12, 6. Dild., EFI.. 1624-29. P.115. 7. m.*t 1634.36.p.46. 8. 1EI«» 1622-23,p.118. iBV \uB3 in the custom house and carry him until u/e had all our debts aboard." Or, in order to control over the trade of particular area, they intended in 1633 '*to seize the Meeulipatem 2 Junka* to put secure their objective. A rectory established later by the English u/as at 3 Modapollam, near Naraapur, tjuhere cloth eupplies were to be had. Maeter says that it u/as ^under Government of Metchlepatam and 4 has the command of all the river for the custoas." The English continued to deal uiith Indian merchenta, u/ho acted as middlemen. In 1676, for example, the merohanta 5 of Masulipatam agreed to vuork for them on B%. Again in 1679 *they uiere called before the council and after the tedioue debate they were brought to offer 7^% abatement upon the prizes of goods'*; these terms u/ere to continue in future u/ithout any 6 alteration. The merchants of Modapollam were also asked to reduce their usual prices. At last they agreed to lou 1. Letters Received, vol.111 ,p . 130 . 2. Efi., 1630-3^. p.309 3. Master, vol.II,p . 160; Bou/rey,p . 100; Fryer, p.99; Hamilton,p.371. 4. Master,vol,11,p.160. 5. Master, vol,I,p.146. 6. Master, vol.11,p.144 . 7. Ibid.,p.163. (8J) The practice of English factors obtaining money from Indian merchants by English factors on their account created problems for the company, when a factor Robert died in 1676 luithout repayment of the money borroujed, the merchants 1 appealed to the company to pay them back. The merchants preferring the claims ujera Mullah All, Mir Nasir, Haji Umar 2 Inayut Mir, Mir Abdul aaqir,Mir Damah and Haji Muhammad. Our sources do not throuu much light on the relations of the English tuith the Dutch and the French during this period, 3 But it is clear that there was much suspicion and rivalry. Hamilton visited the English factories in the 1690s, both at Masulipatam and Nizampattam. These utere then in 4 decay. The main commerce uuas apparently shifting to Madras. The French East India Company There ujas already competition for the overseas trade in the East bettueen the English and Dutch companies and this became more intense u/hen the French appeared as competitors during the second half of the I7th century. 1. Master, vol.II,p.99. 2. Ibid..pp.100-101 3. EFI.. 1655-60. p.302 4. Hamilton,p. 397 (8H) The first organized attempt made by the French to enter the Indian trade dates back to 1664, u/hen Colbert formed the Compagnie des Indes Orientales .'* The period 1669-70 saiu the arrival of the French at Masulipatam in search of profitable trade luith the intension 1 to establish a factory there. As the licence for trade in the territory of Golconda could be obtained at the capital, a French representative *non8 Morcara' went to Golconda in 1669, negotiating for the necessary farmap on the same terms as had been granted to the 2 English and the Dutch. In the 1671 the French obtained the 3 privilege to establish a trading post at Masulipatam. Of all the other European nations trading in this region tha Dutch vuere probably the most concerned at the arrival of the French fleet. The main reason might be that tha major portion of trade was in their hands, and thay stood to lose more than any body else by the coming of another European rival. The English u/ere not so. hostile as the Dutch, who began energetically conspiring against tha French at the 4 court of Golconda. 1. EFJ[., 1668-69.p.2B4. 2. I_bl^., p. 288. 3. Abbe Carra, p. 302. 4. Martin, vol,I,part II, p.489. (B5) The main source of attraction for the French in thi« region u/aa cloth and especially chintz, for u/hich ready cash amounting to Rs.S^OOQ ujas given by them as advances in 1 1671, The other commodities in ujhich the French mere 2 interested uiers ging(..ly (oil seed) saffron, and long pepper. The interest rate at Maaulipatcra tuas rather high» The French were able to take loans at a monthly interest of 3 2% in 1671. The French merchants seem to have been tuelconad by ths native merchants of Masulipatam as is shou/n by ths attitude of 4 f^ir Abdul Baqir and Uiranna. The nasulipatam merchants vuera prepared to permit the French to load cargo on their ships on payment. Hoiuever due to insufficiency of money tho French mere 5 not in a position to accept the offer. Oestrumeau seems to have been an influential factor of the French company, as he u/aa in constant contact u/ith the 6 Golconda court regarding different matters and disputes. 1. i^iartin, vol,I, part I, p.11. 2. Abbe Carre, p.484. 3. Martin, vol.1, part I, pp.191-192. 4. Abbe Carre, p.361, Martin, vol.I,part I,pp.191-192 5. Martin, vol.1, part I,p,6, 6. Ibid,,part II,p.530. iB6) In the early years uuhen the French uiere seeking another farmaQ from the Qutbahah for liberty of trade through out the kingdom, the Governor of Masulipatam promiaed to help them; but later he demanded 1,000 Pagodas for procuring this fartnan. On this demand as a measure of protest the higher French officials decided to leave Nasulipatam though they left a minor official Malfoase and a clerk to conduct cowmer- 1 cial activities. Later on the local authorities desired the return of the French officials from San Thome, . 2 but the French refused to respond to this invitation. Relations uiith nasulipatain authorities deteriorated day by day to the extent that in 1673, De-La-Hay a French official at San Thome made up his mind to lead an expedition against f^asulipatam to riastroy the shipping of the port and to bring pressure upon the Qutbshah to conclude peace u/ith the French. But the plan did 3 not fructify. San Thome ujas the other point of dispute betiueen the 4 French and the local authorities. Cloth and rice of San Thome 5 induced the French to establish themselves there. 1. S.P.Jen, The French in India First establishment and struggle, Calcutta, 1947, p.208, 2. Abb Carre, p.481 3. Martin, vol.I,part I, p.142, 4. IbJLd.,pp.141, 261, 263. 5. Martin, vol.I,part I,p.15. (at) In 1671 an embassy uuas sent with presents ujorth Ra, 1,50,000 to the court of Golconda to secure the ceasion 1 of San Thorns, Failing paace^ibla maans, the French seized it 2 3 in 1672. This u/aa greatly resented by the Dutch, The French themselvaa luare in conatsnt contact with the Golconda officials with s visoi to reaching ngreemant on 4 the question of San Thome, but tha prsaentB demanded by tha 5 officials proved to ba beyond the capaci\:y uf bha French. In the neantlme tha Golconda authoritiea reached an agrearoent vuith the Dutch to help them against the French in an attempt 6 to recover San Thome. Un 22 August 1672, tha Dutch sailed 7 tkuelvs vessels and eight ketches to San Thone. After a long 8 blockade and seige the French surxendareU on 3 Sbpi&mber 1674. After a fuiu days on 19th Septembcir the Qutbshoh sent a letter and presents for De-La-Kaye, offtiring the French general very advantageous terms if he entered his service. But 9 the French general did not agree and ignored the offer. 1. Martin, vol.I,part I,p.15. 2. Ibid.. p3.62,81. 3. Ibid., pp.241,289. 4. Ibid., p.154. 5. Ibid,, part II, p.474. 6. Ibid,, part I) p.468. 7. Ibid., part I, Q,25»6. 8. Ibid., p.434. 9. IMd., p.440. (Q9J Though the French had left San Thome and mere not ready to re-established themselves at Maaulipatam, The French nou/ constantly harassed riasullpatam trade through committing 1 piracy against the ships belonging to that port. By 1681 the situation became so bad that the Governor of Nasulipatam u/as compelled to lurite to the court of Golconda that the hostilities u/ith the French should be terminated, for otheruilse it luould being total ruin to the commarca of Nasuli patam as none of the merchants dared to send ships out to the 2 sea any longer. In 1686 the Qutbshah granted a farroan to the French according to luhich ''the privilege of op ening, trade in any part of the kingdom" luas granted to them. But tha French again declined this offer as '*the kingdom mas in a bad stats and It appeared highly unlikely that the present rule kuould continue 4 for long," 1. Martin, vol.I,part II,pp.472, 521-2, 708,718. 2. Ibid., pp. 725-26. 3. Ibid., vol.11, part I, p.1011 4. Ibid. (89) Appendix WEIGHTS AND MEASURES A diversity of weights and measures prevailed in Golconda. The common traditional scale of uteight seems to have been as folloius : 1 5 Sers • 1 Visa 8 Visa or 40 Sers » * man (*maund') 2 20 maunds « 1 bahar or kandi. The English factors used avoirdupois weights, uhile the Dutch used Amstardam poundi equal to 6.493 kilograms or 3 1.09 lb. Special units of u/eigh't were used for certain commo dities as indigo vuas bought and sold by 'littls' containing 12 Masulipatam maunds or 314 lbs avoirdupois; while rice snd wheat were sold by 'last' containinq 80 parrs or 3840 Dutch lbs 4 at Pulicut and 72 parra or 3240 Dutch lbs at Birolipatam, The other measures of weight for Indigo and sugar were the 'bale' and 'fardle'. These signified convenient packs for loading 1. 1 Sar (Shahjahani) » 40 dams (1 dam . 322*7 grains 199197.53 gram). 2» Worsland in Relations, p.88; Martin, vol.11, part II, p.1649; RaycThaudhurl, p,223. 3. Ibi^. 4, Raychaudhuri, p.223. (90) and so had varied tuelghts for differant conmoditlss. Moreland citea the Dutch records as giving a value of 145.155 lb 1 avoirdupois to the bale. For bullion transections the uuaight usually ussd luas 'chest'. Ono chest of bar silver ususlly vuaighsd 1Q0 tool or 2 10 kan. Transaction of diamonds \uoa carried on by the Mangline, 3 3 tuhlch was reported to be 5 -4- to 7 grains. For length rniaasurements the cubit or covid tuas used. It was a measurs uith lurys local variations. The English appear to have adopted the tarm as tha equivalent of the local 4 9JS1.* ^^* local gay was equivalent to 1.25 Dutch ells » 33.46 5 inches. 1. W.H.Moreland, Akbar to Auranqzeb. New Delhi, 1972, P.340. 2. Hartin, vol.11, part II, p.1619. 100 toel - 1 kan a B.25 Pounds avoirdupoia. 3. Tauernier, vol,I, p.393. 4» .tfX«» 1618-21. P.21. 5. Moreland in Relations,p.66. (91) Abbreviatlona 1, Early Trsvsle Early Travels in India. 2. Letters Recelt/ed Lattsm Hfec:eiv»d by the £aa t India Cowpany from lt» aeryan^fl in tha Eaat» 3. D.F.I. Tha Dutch Fectoriaa in India 4. Relations Rfcletions of Golconda in the early aeventeenth cantury 5. Florid Voyaqa to tha Eaat Indies in the Globa. 6, Thevenot Indian Travals of Thevenot and c^rari. 7, Tavernier Trayela in India. B. E.F.I. Tha Enqliah Factories in India. 9. Abbe carre The Travels of the Abbo carre in India end the Near East. 10, Boujrey A Geographical Account of the countries round tha Bay of "Biangal, 11. Philosophical A Description of the Diamond roinea. Transactions 12. Master The Diaries of atryuahaw Master. 13. Hamilton A HBW Account of the Eaat Indies, 14, Pinkartcn Voyaoea and Travels in all parts of the kuorld. (92) 15. Martin India In the 17th Century. 16. Muhammad Salih Amal-1 Sallh. 17. K.N. Chaudhurl The Trading World of Asia and the East India Company. 18. Glamann Dutch Asiatic Trade 19. Irwin Indian painted and Printed Febrics. 20. Raychaudhurl Jan Company in Coromandel. 21. Sarkar Life of Mir Jumla. 22. Sherwani History of Qutb Shahi Dynasty. 23. Murthy The Coins of Karnataka. 24. Watt Dictionary of the Economic Products of India. (93) BIBLIOGRAPHY Tha bibliography Is divldad into tu/o section*: Sources and nodern works. The section on sources is arranged under each category in chronological order. Modern uiorks are arranged alphabetically on the basis of names of authors. (1) European Sources : 1. Tome Pires, Surea Oriental of Toms Pirea. Hakluyt Society, London, 1947, 2. Duarte Barbosa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa. An Account of the countries bordering on Indian ocean and other inhabitants, translated by Long Worth Dames, 2 vols,,London, 1918. 3. Early Travels in India. ISBj-Uig". (Accounts of Ralph Fitch, Oohn Milden hall, William Haiukins, William Finch, Nicholas Withington, Thomas Caryet and Edujard Terry), ed. William Foster, London, 1921. 4. Letters Recaivad by the East India Company from its servants in tha East. (1602-17), 6 vols.,ed. F.C. Danvers (vol.1) and W.Foster (vols. II-VI), London, 1896-1902. 5. The Dutch Factories in India 1617-1623. ed. Om Prakash, New Delhi, 1984. 6. Relations of Golconda in the Early seventeenth century, ed./translated W.H. Moreland, Hakluyt Society, 1931. The 'relations' are those of Methtuold (l625), Schorer (1615-16) and an anonymous Dutch factor (1614), (94) 7. Peter Floria, Pater Floris Hia V/oyaqe to the East Indlea In the Globe. 1611-25. ed.f w.H.Morsland, Hakluyt Society, 1934. 8. FranctacQ Pelsaert (1626) Remonateantie translated, W.H.Morsland and M.Geyl, Oahanqir's India. Cambridge, 1925. 9. Jean de Thsvenot, Relationa de Indostan 1665-67. Lovell's translation of 1687, reprinted u/ith corrections and annotation in Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri. ed. Surendranath Sen, New Delhi, 1946, 10. Jean Baptists Tavernier, Tayern.ier's Travels in India 1640-67, translated V.Balis, ed. William Crooke, 2 vols., London, 1BB9, revised in 1925, London, 11. The English FactoriBa in India 1618-69. ed. Williaw Foater, 13 vols., Oxford, 1906-27, Each volume gives the period it covers after the main title, e.g. English Factories in India 1618-21. 12. Abbe carra, Tha Travels of the Abbe carre in India and the NearTaat ~167 2-74, translated, Lady Fauicett, ed., Charles Faujcstt, 3 vols., Hakluyt Society, 1947-48. 13. Thomas Bou/rey, A Geographical account of the countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1669-79. ed. R.C. Temp 1 e^ Hakluyt Society, 1905. 14. The Right Honourable Earl Marshal of England, A Descrip tion of the Diamond mines (in the Kingdom of Golcqnda_ and Viaiapore). printed in Hhiloaophical Transactions^ issued for the Royal Society, XII, No,136, Dune 25,1677, 907-17. 15. The Diaries of Streyuahaw Waster. 1675-80, ed. R.C, Temple, 2 vols,, London, 1909. 16. Alexander Hamilton, A neuj Account of the East Indies ;|690-9;t, printed in John Pinkerton, General Collection of the beat and the moat interesting voyages and travels in all parts of the ujorld, VIII, London, 1811. (95) 17. Francois Martin, India in the 17th Century^ translated and annotated, Lotika Vardarajan 1670-94, 2 Vols. New Delhi, 1981. 18. Vestiges of Old Madras. 1640-1800. ed. Henry Davison Love, London, 1913. (2) Persian Sources: 1. Abul Hamid Lahori, Padshahnama. Calcutta 1866-72, Volumes 2. 2. Muhammad Salih Kambo, Amal-1 Salih. ed, Ghulam Yazdani, Asiatic Society, 1923. 3. Selected Waaai of the Deccan« 1660-71« ed. Yusuf Husain Khan, Hyderabad, 1963. 4. Kitab-i Deh be dehi. MS in A.P. State Archives,Hyderabad, micro :11m (No. 11) ln*the Department of History, A.M.U. The microfilmed MS was copied from undated original register in A.M. 1243. (3) Coins : 1. C.J. Brown, Catalogue of Coins in Provincial Museum Luc know. Oxford, 1920. 2. V.P. Rode, Catalogue of Coins in Central Museum. Nagpur, Bombay, 1969. (4) Modern Works : 1. Balkrishna, Commercial Relations between India and England (1601-1757) . London, 1924. 2. K.N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company (1660-1760). Cambridge. 1978. (96) 3. A.I. Chicherov, India. Economic DBvalopment in th« 16th to 18th century, Mosco, 197 . 4. 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