Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in

Seong-Chul Shin & Sin Ji Jung (University of )

신성철 · 정신지. 2016. 호주 한인사회의 언어 전이와 언어 유지 조사 연구. 국제한국어교육 2(2), 223-258.

본 연구는 호주의 인구조사 자료를 분석하여 호주 한인사회 내에서 한국어가 어떻게 유지되고 전이되고 있는지를 알아보려고 한다. 이 를 위해 한인사회 내에서 일어나는 언어전이의 형태와 그 관련 요 소나 요인이 무엇인지, 그리고 두 인구조사 기간 사이에 언어전이의 변화가 있는지를 알아본다. 이 연구는 특히 2006년과 2011년 인구조 사 자료를 분석하여 한국어 유지에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 한인사회 내 언어 사용의 변화를 고찰한다 . 본 연구에서는 연구 방법으로 세 대, 연령, 거주 기간, 성별, 교육 수준, 직업 및 종교 등 요소와 요인 별로 통계자료를 분석한다. 분석 결과, 세대에 걸쳐 언어전이가 증 가하고 있고, 입국 당시 연령, 부모의 구성형태, 거주 기간, 교육 수 준, 직업 및 종교 참여 여부 등의 요인이 특히 언어전이의 정도를 특징짓고 영향을 미치고 있음을 보여준다. 그러나 최근에는 유아와 십대 층에서 그리고 2세대 보편적으로 언어전이의 정도가 점차적으 로 감소하고 있음도 보여진다. 통계 자료 분석에 대한 해석과 더불 어 그같은 통계가 호주사회 내에서 한국어의 유지와 전이에 어떤 함의가 있는지에 대해 논의한다. (University of New South Wales)

주제어: 한국어, 언어 전이, 언어 유지, 한인사회 , 호주

Seong-Chul Shin & Sin Ji Jung. 2016. Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia. International Journal of Education 2(2), 223-258. 224 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

This paper analyses the Australian census data to examine language maintenance and/or shift in the Korean community in Australia. It examines the patterns in the language shift in the Korean community, the factors and variables which account for such patterns; and whether there is any change in language shift between two five-yearly Australian census periods. The study analyses 2006 and 2011 census data in particular to explore the change of language use within the Korean community which might have affected the maintenance of its language. As a method, the study analyses statistics by such factors and variables as generation, age, year of arrival, duration of residence, gender, level of education, occupation and religion. The findings show that there are clear indications that language shifts are increased over generations, and that the level of language shifts are characterized and affected particularly by such factors as age at arrival, composition of parents, duration of residence, level of education, occupation and participation in religious activities. It is also noticed, however, that language shifts are gradually decreased among infants to teenagers in recent years and the second generation in general. Along with interpretations of statistical analysis, the study offers discussions on what the statistics implies in terms of the maintenance and/or shift of the Korean language in the Australian society. (University of New South Wales)

Keywords: Korean, language shift, maintenance, Korean community, Australia

1. Introduction

This study explores trends and patterns in the language shift and maintenance of the Korean language in the Korean ethnolinguistic community in Australia by analyzing the five-yearly Australian census data. Language shift refers to change of one’s language to the dominant use of another language in everyday life (Pauwels, 2004: 717). Language maintenance, in contrast, can be understood as the use of the heritage language by the speaker, group, or community at least in some domains of life (ibid.). In the context of immigration, language shift occurs quite commonly. For the Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 225 new life in a country different from the country of origin, speaking the language of the receiving country is essential. Due to various reasons, some immigrants give up their heritage language voluntarily or involuntarily and use the language of the host society primarily. However, many immigrants continue to use their heritage language in some domains of life. More common is probably intergenerational language shift within a migrant speech community, as it is widely observed in immigrant contexts around the world (Potowski, 2013). Now that the Korean community in Australia can count its third generation or more, it is timely and appropriate to investigate its language shift and maintenance in the absence of a detailed study on the subject. Australia, a country of immigration like USA, Canada or New Zealand, often refers to itself as a multicultural and multilingual society. A considerable proportion of its population is comprised of people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds. A large number of Languages Other Than English (LOTEs) are spoken in the Australian community, though English firmly maintains its status as the dominant societal language. Because of the strong presence of various ethnolinguistic communities in Australia, the maintenance of migrant community languages has drawn great attention from researchers working in the relevant fields, especially sociolinguistics. A large body of literature has been accumulated regarding the language maintenance in particular ethnolinguistic communities. The language maintenance in the Korean community, however, has neither been of particular interest to researchers working in the relevant fields and disciplines, nor to those engaged in Korean language education in Australia. At present, only a sketchy account of the Korean community’s language maintenance is available from some figures and brief descriptions scattered in previous research regarding the maintenance of different migrant community languages in Australia. So far, the Korean community in Australia has been regarded to have maintained its heritage language well, compared to some ethnolinguistic communities in Australia. This could have been the result of a combination of 226 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 many community-internal and community-external factors such as its relatively short history of immigration, the continuous inflow of new arrivals from Korea, its cultural and linguistic distance from the Anglo-Australian culture, and the Australian social climate supportive of the maintenance of migrants’ heritage languages. However, a closer investigation is required to confirm to what extent Korean as a heritage language has been maintained or shifted to the dominant language, what difference there is, if any, on the level of language shift and maintenance within the speech community and what underlying factors explain such difference. This study, therefore, examines language shift and/or maintenance in the Korean community in Australia by analyzing the Australian census data with focus on sociolinguistic questions, including to what extent the Korean language has been used among the Korean-speaking households or those who have Korean ancestry, and to what extent the language shift has occurred by different variables, if any, such as age, duration of residence, education and occupation. The study analyses the 2006 and 2011 data in detail to explore some societal variations within the Korean community which might have affected its language maintenance.

2. Review of relevant literature

2.1. Language maintenance and shift

The maintenance of one’s heritage language in immigrant contexts and the shift to the dominant language of the host society has been of great interest to many researchers. It is because language shift takes place commonly in the context of immigration. Some researchers even regard language shift as “the societal norm” (e.g. Fishman, 2013: 466) in such context. Pauwels (2004: 720) describes language shift resulted from migration as follows:

Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 227

“Individuals or groups belonging to speech community A migrate to a territory in which the language of speech community B dominates. Whilst speech community A continues using its language in a variety of settings, it needs to acquire the language of speech community B in order to survive in that community. Over time many members of speech community A abandon the use of their language and embrace the language of speech community B.”

Being aware of language shift which is already in progress or might accelerate, many migrant speech communities undertake various efforts to reverse language shift as they wish to maintain their heritage languages. Whether out of scholarly interest or in an attempt to assist migrant communities’ efforts for language maintenance, researchers have been investigating language maintenance and shift in various migrant communities not only in Australia, but also in other countries of immigration. Language maintenance and shift is investigated using a number of different research methods such as surveys, in-depth interviews and participation observations (Pauwels, 2004; 2016). Some researchers have utilized census surveys (e.g. Barni & Extra, 2008; Extra & Yaǧmur, 2004; Stevens, 1986; Swidinsky & Swidinsky, 1997; De Vries, 1994). In particular, researchers have analyzed respondents’ language use, cross-tabulated with certain information such as birthplace and ethnic origin in census data. The Australian Census – carried out every five years by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, for instance, has had a question on language since 1976. The census data regarding language use has been analyzed in a number of studies which have examined the extent of language shift in different migrant communities in Australia (e.g. Karidakis & Arunachalam, 2016; Clyne et al., 2008; Clyne, 2005; Clyne & Kipp, 1997; Clyne, 1991). In those studies, researchers calculated language shift rate among first generation (i.e. overseas-born) immigrants of a speech community: they divided the number of persons born in a particular country and speak ‘English only’ at home by the number of persons born in that country. Language shift 228 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 among second generation (i.e. Australian-born) immigrants of a particular speech community could also be estimated on the basis of the percentage of speakers whose parents (one or both) were born in a particular country who speak ‘English only’ at home. In the study of language maintenance and shift, census data has been regarded as useful research tools and used extensively where available, despite their shortcomings. Some scholars (e.g. Clyne 1991, 2005; Nelde 1989; Pauwels 2004; 2016) have raised questions about the formulation of the language questions in census surveys because they may not precisely capture the linguistic reality in the immigrant contexts. Nevertheless, analyses of census data regarding language use are “helpful in studying the process and dynamics of language shift”, particularly when data can be gathered from subsequent censuses and cross-tabulated with various social and demographic variables (Pauwels, 2004: 722). Moreover, such analyses are especially useful for diagnosing language shift in a particular or several speech communities and the extent of the language shift, as well as for identifying factors contributing to language shift or maintenance (ibid.). Previous research on language maintenance and shift in migrant speech communities in Australia has shown that communities have been different from one another in terms of the extent of language shift as well as the rapidity of language shift (e.g. Clyne, 1991; 2005; Karidakis & Arunachalam, 2016; Clyne et al., 2008). As to the different levels of language shift, researchers have attempted to account for the underlying reasons for such variation among different communities. They have explored a range of factors and variables which might have played a role in the language shift in different communities by cross-tabulating language use data with sociodemographic information. Typically included were size of the community, period of residence, migration vintages of the community, the social climate in Australia towards linguistic diversity, cultural distance to the Anglo-Australian culture, ethnic core value, religion, residential pattern of the community (e.g. urban, rural, etc.) and proficiency in English. In addition, some micro factors such as age, gender, Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 229 level of education, income and occupation were also investigated. These factors – intricately intertwined with one another – seem to have affected the language shift in different ethnolinguistic communities in Australia, presenting a complex picture of language maintenance and shift. Some factors, however, seem to be clearly conducive to language shift as they have been shown to have a correlation with high language shift attested across different speech communities. For instance, the almost universal intergenerational language shift has been also observed in Australia: studies (e.g. Clyne 1991; Clyne & Kipp 1997) have shown that the second generation has maintained its heritage language less well than the first generation across different communities. Moreover, the shift differential among various communities in the second generation was very similar to that shown in the first generation. Another factor clearly associated with language shift has been exogamy, i.e. bi-national/bi-ethnic marriage. The shift rates in the second generation in various communities increased markedly for those whose parents were born in different countries of origin. In addition, a greater tendency in language shift has been observed when it was the father who was born in the sending country and thus was the source of the heritage language than when it was the mother. Other factors and variables also seem to explain trends and patterns in the language shift in several migrant communities in Australia. For example, English proficiency has shown a correlation with language shift rates in many (but not all) communities (e.g. Clyne, 2005). Place of residence also seem to be related with language shift although it has not been the case in some speech communities (e.g. Clyne, 1991; 2005; Clyne et al., 2008). The heritage language of some communities tended to be better maintained in metropolitan areas (i.e. capital cities) than non-metropolitan areas. However, many factors and variables appear to be ambivalent and more often closely interact with other factors. For instance, gender has been regarded to be an ambivalent factor for language shift as it has been shown that in some communities, males tended to shift to English more than females but the 230 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 reverse pattern was true for other communities. Period of residence also does not seem to account for the trends in language shift solely on its own. It has shown a correlation with language shift in some situations and groups, but not always. It seems to be closely related with other factors such as age, the social atmosphere in Australia, political situation in the home country, and motivations for migration.

2.2. Language maintenance and shift in the Korean community in Australia

There have been very few studies which have examined the Korean community in Australia in regards to the maintenance of and the shift away from its heritage language. In fact, there has been very little academic interest directed towards the Korean community in Australia in any regards until very recently. This is probably due to the fact that the Korean community has been relatively small compared to other ethnolinguistic groups and its presence has become noticeable only in recent years. It may also be due to lack of Koreanists in the field of sociolinguistics who deals with Korean as a heritage language in the multilingual Australian context. Although it is sketch and fractional, some accounts of the Korean community’s language maintenance and shift are found in the studies of the language maintenance and shift in various migrant speech communities in Australia (e.g. Clyne, 2005; 2011; Clyne & Kipp, 1997; Karidakis & Arunachalam, 2016). The number of speakers of Korean in Australia has increased remarkably: from 19,756 (in 1991) to 79,786 (in 2011). Such increase was probably related to the continuous inflow of new arrivals from Korea, especially the large influx of Korean immigrants in the last three census periods (2001, 2006 and 2011). Studies indicated that the Korean community in Australia was amongst the ethnolinguistic groups with low language shift to English in general. The intergeneration language shift, which was manifest in other migrant communities in Australia, was also observed in the Korean community: in the Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 231

1996 Census, 11.6% of the first generation Korean immigrant adopted English as their home language while 18% of the second generation did so (Clyne & Kipp, 1997). The Korean language seems to have been better maintained in the regions with a large number of . For instance, in the 1996 Census, the shift rate in the first generation tended to be lower in the States with a relatively large number of Korean residents such as New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland, compared to other States and Territories such as South Australia, Tasmania and Northern Territory (ibid.). The gender difference in terms of language shift was more pronounced in the Korean community than other communities in the 1996 Census (ibid.). In many of the migrant communities in Australia, males tended to shift to English at home more than females did (Clyne, 1991; Clyne & Kipp, 1997). However, in the Korean community, the first generation Korean women (14.5%) shifted to English at home more than their male counterparts (8.5%). Clyne and Kipp (1997) provided the different proportion of women and men in exogamous marriage among first generation Koreans as a possible explanation for this large gender difference in language shift. Language shift among the first generation Korean immigrants also exhibited a positive correlation with duration of residence in Australia and a negative correlation with age (Karidakis & Arunachalam 2016). Apart from these snippets of figures and fragmentary accounts, however, the detailed description of the Korean community’s maintenance of the heritage language is largely unavailable at present. There are a couple of studies with small-scale surveys (Ko & Shin, 2010; Shin, 2008) which have examined patterns in the heritage language use, (self-rated) proficiency in the heritage language, motivation to learn the heritage language and attitude towards the heritage language and culture among Korean migrant children and adolescences in Australia. These studies are valuable as they took a closer look at the patterns of heritage language use and language attitude among the Korean youth in the community, providing insights into the intergenerational transmission of Korean in the Australian context.

232 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

2.3. Korean and the Korean community

Although the history of Korean immigration to Australia may go back to as early as 1920 (DIAC, 2014: 1), Koreans who came to Australia before the 1950s seem to have been mostly temporary visitors (For a detailed account, see Yang, 2010; 2008). It is also commonly assumed that some Korean women and children came to Australia as war brides or orphans after the (1950-1953)(Coughlan, 1997); however, their actual number might be very small as some researchers indicate (e.g. Park, 2015; Yang, 2010). It is probably in the late 1960s when the Korean community in Australia began to shape with a small number of Koreans. There were some Koreans – mostly students, scholars and government officials, who came to Australia for education in the 1960s; more importantly, with the relaxation of restrictions on immigration in Australia in 1966 Koreans could enter Australia as students or skilled migrant (Seol, 2001). Nevertheless, the number of Koreans who came to Australia in the 1960s appears to have been quite small as reported in the 1971 Australian Census when there were only 468 Korea-born people residing in Australia (DIAC, 2014). The major flow of Korean migration to Australia seems to have started in earnest in the early 1970s with the influx of Koreans workers who had worked in Vietnam during the Vietnam War (Park, 2015). Instead of returning to Korea, many of the Korean civilian workers in Vietnam went to the United States, Canada and Australia to look for work after (or even before) the end of the war in 1975 (Han, 2000; 2003). A large number of Korean workers arrived in Australia with tourist visas and many of them stayed on illegally until the Australian Government called for an amnesty of the over-stayers in January 1974 and January 1976, and once more in June 1980 (ibid.). These ‘amnesty migrants’ invited their families in Korea and soon after their families began to enter Australia (Park, 2015; Han, 2003). Though not all, many of the Korean migrants who came to Australia in the 1970s seem to have been amnesty migrants and their families, mostly from low socio-economic backgrounds in Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 233

Korea (Han, 2003). The Korean community in Australia began to expand in the 1980s and its expansion continued through to the 1990s. The composition of the Korean community underwent some changes as the focus of the Australian government’s immigration policies changed from quantity to quality. In the early 1980s, the family reunion of amnesty migrants and others as well as the inflow of skilled migrants continued; contrastively, in the late 1980s the number of skilled migrants and business migrants increased considerably (Han, 2000). In the 1990s, with its economic downturn, the Australian Government came to encourage business migration much more actively. Such promotion drew Korean business migrants with capital to Australia, who were from middle or upper socio-economic backgrounds in Korea (Han, 2003). Many of the Korean migrants who came to Australia in the late 1980s and 1990s migrated to Australia for a different reason from the earlier arrivals from Korea such as a better quality of life and their children’s education (ibid.). During this period, the number of temporary visitors who flew to Australia for travel, work or study increased as well (Yang, 2010); it continued until ‘the IMF crisis’ in 1997, when the number of Korean tourists and students to Australia fell drastically. In the 2000s and thereafter, the Korean community in Australia continued to grow with the continuous flow of Koreans into Australia every year. The number of Korean settler arrivals has increased remarkably in the 2000s. Temporary migrants and visitors also continued to arrive in Australia, invigorating the Korean community’s economy as well as making its composition much more dynamic: e.g. not only a large number of Korean students at all levels, but also working holiday makers came to Australia every year. The presence of the Korean community in Australia has become much more visible in recent year, especially with the remarkable increase in the number of the Australian population born in between the last three census years. According to the Australian Censuses, the number of South Korea born (SKB, thereafter) population in Australia rose from 38,900 in 2001 to 234 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

52,761 in 2006 (35.6% increase from 2001) and to 74,538 in 2011 (41.3% increase from 2006). This made the SKB population become the 17th largest group of people among the overseas born population in Australia. Moreover, in the 2011 Census, 88,970 people reported identifying themselves as being of Korean ancestry ranked 26th among over 300 different ancestries; 79,784 people reported speaking Korean at home, making the Korean language as the 11th frequently spoken LOTE in Australia. Among those identified with Korean ancestry (88,970) in Australia, 80.8% (71,883) was born in South Korea while 15.8% (14,054) was born in Australia. As to the year of arrival, more than half of that population arrived in Australia after 2000 as reported in the 2011 Census. Only a small percentage (3.9%) of the SKB people in Australia arrived before the 1980s. Of the SKB population in Australia, 53.9%of people are female while 46.1% are male. In terms of the age distribution, about half of the SKB population in Australia was aged between 20 and 39. The proportion of the presumable working age population (aged 15-65) in the SKB population were notably higher (85.5%) than that in the total Australian population (66.6%). Thus, the Korean community in Australia appears presumably young. Among people born in South Korea, 39.1% of them were Australian citizens. This figure appears relatively low compared to the rate of citizenship obtainment in the total overseas born populations which is 62.5%. The relative low rate of citizenship attainment might be due to the recent inflow of young people. The major religious affiliations amongst the SKB were Catholic (16,712), Presbyterian and Reformed (16,113) and Uniting Church (7,531). In contrast, the number of people affiliated with Buddhism was relatively small (4,155) despite the fact that it is a major religious affiliation in South Korea.

3. Methodology

3.1. Research questions Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 235

This study investigates the maintenance of the heritage language in the Korean community in Australia by examining the trends and patterns in the community’s language shift to English based on the five-yearly Australian census data from 2006 to 2011 in particular, to find answers to the following questions: - What are the patterns in the language shift in the Korean community in Australia? - What are the factors and variables which account for such patterns? - Is there any change in language shift between 2006 and 2011? What would be reasons for such change?

3.2. Research methods

This study adopts the research method from the previous studies which explored the language maintenance in various migrant speech communities in Australia by examining the communities’ language shift based on data on language spoken at home collected in the Censuses (e.g. Karidakis & Arunachalam, 2016; Clyne, 2005; 1991). In those studies, the proportion of people speaking only English at home was used to measure language shift in a community. In this study, the language shift rate in the first generation is calculated on the basis of the percentage of people born in South Korea who speak English only at home. In the case of the second generation, however, its shift rate cannot be calculated in the same ways because the birthplace of parents cannot be elicited more than ‘Overseas’ or ‘Australia’ since the 2001 Census. Therefore, this study employs the cross-tabulation of the ancestry ‘Korean’, respondent’s birthplace ‘Australia’ and parents’ birthplace ‘Overseas’ for the language shift in the second generation Korean immigrants. The 2006 and 2011 census data form the basis of this study on behavior regarding the language shift in the Korean community in Australia. The TableBuilder Basic 2011 (ABS, 2013) facilitates the cross-tabulations for the analysis of the community’s shift to English with various sociodemographic 236 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 factors and variables.

4. Analysis and Discussions

Overall, the Korean community in Australia appears to have been maintaining its heritage language well. The language shift rate of the SKB population, i.e. first generation Korean migrants in Australia stayed at around 10%, with 1.1% decreased from 10.4% in 2006 to 9.3% in 2011. One may interpret this decrease as a result of the Korean community’s increasing efforts to maintain its heritage language. However, it can also be a short-term reflection of the large number of new arrivals from Korea between 2006 and 2011.

4.1. Language shift by generation

Interesting to note are the higher shift rates in the second generation as well as in the third and third-plus generation in the community, suggesting that it continues to experience intergenerational language shift to English observed in previous research. As Table 1 shows, the second generation (around 15-20% shift rate) tends to use only English at home more than the first generation; the language shift in the third and third-plus generation (around 60-65% shift rate) was higher than that in the second generation (One should bear in mind a presumable distortion arising from parents’ birthplace not further identifiable). Moreover, in the second generation, people tend to maintain their heritage language much better when both parents were born overseas (presumably in Korea) than when only one of the parents was born overseas. Worth noting is also the difference in shift rate between when only mother was born overseas and when only father was born overseas. Although a direct comparison should not be allowed, such a difference may be in line with the pattern observed in the 1996 Census in the study by Clyne and Kipp (1997): their analysis revealed Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 237 that among the second generation Korean immigrants from exogamous families, the Korean language was better maintained when it was the mother who was born in Korea (being the source of the heritage language acquisition for the children at home), than when it was the father.

Table 1: Language Shift by Generation Persons responded with ancestry 2006 2011 ‘Korean’ and birthplace ‘Australia’ Shift Shift Parents’ Total English Total English Generation rate rate birthplace persons only persons only (%) (%) First Not applicable 52,763 5,469 10.4 74,538 6,948 9.3 generation Both parents 7,007 1,015 14.5 11,769 1,794 15.2 born overseas Only mother 703 350 49.8 1,454 789 54.3 born overseas Second Only father born generation 182 152 83.5 356 274 77.0 oversea Second generation 7,892 1,517 19.2 13,579 2,857 21.0 (aggregated) Third and Both parents Third-plus born in 116 75 64.7 220 134 60.9 generation Australia Not stated 223 53 23.8 254 73 28.7 (Source: ABS, 2013, Table Builder Basic 2011, Canberra)

4.2. Language shift by age 238 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

The language shift in the first generation Korean immigrants occurs, unsurprisingly, differently by age group. In general, the language shift tends to decrease with age, with approximately 10-20% rate in infants to young adults; 5-10% in 30s-40s; and less than 5% in 50s or over as it can be seen in Table 2.

Table 2: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: by Age (2006 and 2011) 2006 2011 2006/2011 Shift Shift Total English Total English Shift rate Age rate rate persons* only persons* only comparison (%) (%) 0-4 1,012 384 37.9 1,109 160 14.4 -23.5 5-9 2,149 407 18.9 2,493 471 18.9 0.0 10-14 3,467 439 12.7 3,631 467 12.9 +0.2 15-19 4,645 805 17.3 4,983 538 10.8 -6.5 20-24 6,973 1,218 17.5 7,864 1,116 14.2 -3.3 25-29 6,740 711 10.5 10,787 1,649 15.3 +4.8 30-34 5,744 495 8.6 10,283 905 8.8 +0.2 35-39 5,312 350 6.6 8,445 526 6.2 -0.4 40-44 4,484 203 4.5 7,315 392 5.4 +0.9 45-49 4,157 166 4.0 5,123 260 5.1 +1.1 50-54 2,639 111 4.2 4,384 180 4.1 -0.1 55-59 1,697 60 3.5 2,742 113 4.1 +0.6 60-64 1,362 39 2.9 1,791 56 3.1 +0.2 65-69 1,025 31 3.0 1,398 34 2.4 -0.6 70-74 666 30 4.5 1,039 35 3.4 -1.1 75-79 355 8 2.3 615 29 4.7 +2.4 80-84 198 6 3.0 318 13 4.1 +1.1 85-89 92 3 3.3 152 4 2.6 -0.7 90-94 28 3 10.7 51 0 0.0 -10.7 95-99 12 0 0.0 10 0 0.0 0.0 Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 239

100 + 6 0 0.0 5 0 0.0 0.0 Total 52,763 5,469 10.4 74,538 6,948 9.3 -1.1 *SKB; (Source: ABS, 2013, Table Builder Basic 2011, Canberra)

The higher shift rates in younger age groups draws our attention to the sheer language shift happened in children and adolescents who grew up in Australia, mostly schooled in the Australian mainstream education system. The differences in the shift rate between the age groups below 30 years old are difficult to explain without further information on the number of international students from Korea. It is generally expected that the heritage language is better maintained among preschool children than among school-aged children (Pauwels, 2004); those who arrive in Australia in their adolescence (e.g. around the age of 10) or in their secondary school years are less likely to adopt English as their home language. Nevertheless, such a clear tendency was not observed in our analysis. Moreover, the higher shift rates among those in their 20s may be relevant to the common change in the family life cycle, with the children moving out of their parents’ home and starting their independent living or their own family. Between 2006 and 2011, a significant decrease in language shift occurred in 0-4 age group (-23.5%), followed by a notable to marginal decrease in 15-19 age group (-6.5%) and 20-24 age group (-3.3%); though, an increase in the 25-29 age group (+4.8%) should be also noted. The remarkable decrease in the preschool group (0-4) may be associated with the better understanding of possible advantages in bilingualism and heritage language maintenance among younger and more recently arrived parents. It might be also due to the increase in the facilities such as Korean playgroups for preschool children and childcare services operated by Korean migrants for families with the Korean background in the community. Also notable is the decrease in language shift among those in mid- to high- teens as well as young adults in their early 20s, which may be related to frequent contacts with Korean media at home in recent years and 240 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 self-realization of their cultural identity.

4.3. Language shift by duration of residence in Australia

The duration of residence in Australia is supposed to influence language shift to a certain extent. As Table 3 shows, the intensity of language shift generally correlates with the arrival years.

Table 3: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: by Year of Arrival (2006 & 2011) 2006 2011 2006/2011 Shift Shift Year of Total English Total English Shift rate rate rate arrival persons* only persons* only comparison (%) (%) 1895-1940 0 0 0.0 10 8 80.0 - 1941-1950 0 0 0.0 3 0 0.0 - 1951-1960 14 9 64.3 13 5 38.5 -25.8 1961-1970 111 61 55.0 103 55 53.4 -1.6 1971-1980 2,712 432 15.9 2,748 464 16.9 +1.0 1981-1990 10,118 1,745 17.2 9,995 1,801 18.0 +0.8 1991-2000 13,962 1,277 9.1 14,000 1,250 8.9 -0.2 2001-2005 16,406 1,204 7.3 39,212 2,620 6.7 -0.6 2006 4,476 277 6.2 3,553 243 6.8 +0.6 Not stated 4,953 458 9.2 4,901 502 10.2 +1.0 Total 52,752 5,463 10.4 74,538 6,948 9.3 -1.1 *SKB; (Source: ABS, 2013, Table Builder Basic 2011, Canberra)

Approximately half of Koreans who arrived in Australia before the 1970s (around 100) went through the language shift. Despite their earlier arrival in Australia, those who arrived in the 1970s appear to have maintained their heritage language slightly better than those who arrived in the 1980s. One may interpret this carefully with the sociodemocratic characteristics of the Korean Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 241 migrants in the 1970s; many of those who arrived in Australia in the 1970s were amnesty migrants and their families, mostly from low socioeconomic backgrounds (Han, 2003). Their background might be associated with a low level of education in the home country, occupations with low socioeconomic status in Australia and probably low English proficiency, which might have led to lesser degree of shift to English than that among the 1980s’ arrivals. The comparatively low language shift (below 10%) among those who arrived after 1990 is probably related with their relatively short residence in Australia than the earlier arrivals. However, many other factors might have played a role in the relatively low shift to English among them, e.g. the more-multiculturalism-friendly climate in the Australian society, increased opportunities to maintain one’s heritage language supported by the Australian policy as reflected in multilingual radio programs and community language programs in the education system, advancement in technology making travel, phone-calls, importing goods more affordable, and the growth of the Korean community facilitating its language maintenance. In addition, the 1990s’ and recent arrivals may be different from those who arrived earlier, in terms of their motivation for immigration to Australia as well as their socioeconomic backgrounds in the homeland, which might have influenced their language maintenance. Our further analysis on language shift by age and year of arrival revealed that if someone arrived in Australia before the age of 10, they had much less chance of maintaining their heritage language than those who arrived after that age, as shown in Table 4 below.

Table 4: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Age and Year of Arrival 242 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

Age Year of Shift rate SKB English only (years) arrival (%) 0-9 2001 - 2010 2,855 563 19.72 1991 - 2000 1,628 612 37.59 10-19 2001 - 2010 6,002 297 4.95 1981 - 1990 2,002 1,298 64.84 20-29 1991 - 2000 2,321 166 7.15 2001 - 2010 10,343 832 8.04 1971 - 1980 341 204 59.82 1981 - 1990 1,602 237 14.79 30-39 1991 - 2000 3,375 199 5.90

2001 - 2010 12,022 734 6.11 1961 - 1970 35 28 80.00 1971 - 1980 647 155 23.96 40-49 1981 - 1990 1,686 105 6.23 1991 - 2000 3,559 198 5.56 2001 - 2010 5,768 136 2.36 1951 - 1960 7 5 71.43 1961 - 1970 14 14 100.00 1971 - 1980 504 46 9.13 50-59 1981 - 1990 2,510 109 4.34 1991 - 2000 2,119 59 2.78 2001 - 2010 1,650 45 2.73 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

This table indicates that children who arrive in Australia before they become a teenager are more prone to language shift, presumably because of their schooling. If they arrived in their teen age (10-19 years old), their language shift rates dropped to much lower levels, with varying degrees of shift rates depending on the duration of residence, e.g. about 24% among those who had Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 243 resided for 30-39 years; about 15% for 20-29 years; and about 7% for 10-19 years. It is very alarming for language maintenance at both personal and community levels that it would take only 30 years or so for about 60% of children who arrived before they became a teenager to go through a complete language shift. More interesting to note is the tendency that the language shift rate among those who arrived in Australia when they were 0-10 years old actually decreased by decades. In other words, those who arrived in Australia before the age of 10 in the 1980s shifted to English more than their counterparts in the 1990s, who in turn did so more than their counterparts in the 2000s. This might be a result of the positive change in perceptions about bilingualism and heritage language maintenance among Korean immigrant parents as well as the improvement in circumstances for heritage language development and maintenance in general.

4.4. Language shift by gender

In previous research, it has been observed that Korean women tended to adopt English as their home language more than Korean men (e.g. Clyne & Kipp, 1997). This tendency continued in the 2006 and 2011 Census, as shown in Table 5 below: there was a higher percentage of language shift among female Koreans with 11.5%, compared with 9% among male Koreans in 2006; their corresponding rates were 10.4% among females and 8.1% among males in 2011. The reason for this differential in language shift between genders among the first generation Korean immigrants in the previous studies has been considered to be the higher rate of exogamy among Korean women than Korean men.

244 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

Table 5: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Gender (2006 and 2011) 2006 2011 2006/11 Gender Total English Shift Total English Shift Shift persons* only rate persons* only rate comparison (%) (%) Male 24,020 2,171 9.0 34,384 2,788 8.1 -0.9 Female 28,743 3,298 11.5 40,154 4,160 10.4 -1.1

Total 52,763 5,469 10.4 74,538 6,948 9.3 -1.1 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

Our further analysis on language shift by gender and age in the 2011 Census, however, shows an interesting pattern in shift rates (See Table 6 below). The language shift rates from infants through to the teenage period are actually higher in male Koreans than females but the trend is completely opposite in the age groups between 20 and 69 years old.

Table 6: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Age and Gender (2011) Age Number of persons English only Shift rate (%) (years) Female Male Female Male Female Male 0-4 496 614 65 98 13.10 15.96 5-9 1,086 1,408 153 322 14.09 22.80 10-14 1,710 1,922 177 294 10.35 15.30 15-19 2,335 2,650 243 300 10.41 11.28 20-24 4,221 3,646 708 405 16.77 11.13 25-29 5,741 5,040 1,079 564 18.79 11.21 30-34 5,933 4,352 627 278 10.57 6.39 35-39 4,893 3,548 372 154 7.60 4.31 40-44 4,222 3,092 259 133 6.13 4.33 45-49 2,922 2,205 177 83 6.06 3.76 50-54 2,346 2,040 128 47 5.46 2.35 55-59 1,470 1,270 75 37 5.10 2.91 Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 245

60-64 968 823 41 16 4.24 1.82 65-69 693 701 20 17 2.89 2.56 70-74 500 540 18 19 3.60 3.70 75-79 313 303 15 16 4.79 5.92 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

The higher language shift rates among males observed in the age groups younger than 20 years old are rather unclear as little research has investigated the gender difference in heritage language maintenance among children and adolescents. It is widely known that children who arrived in the host country early in childhood or were born in the host country rapidly shift to the societally dominant language especially with the entry into the mainstream school system. The decrease in children’s heritage language use or their complete shift to English accelerates with age as the centre of their life moves away from the family to friends and school. Even in this regard, it is not clear exactly what prevents Korean girls from adopting English as their home language. One may carefully suspect that (though, not all) females in their childhood and adolescence may keep a closer relationship with their family members especially their parents; they may be less reluctant to the use of the heritage language in the home domain; or they may have more positive attitude towards their linguistic and cultural heritage. On the other hand, the higher language shift rates found in female Koreans in the older age groups – especially among those between 30 and 69 – might be relevant to the higher exogamy rates in females: Korean women in Australia seem to find a partner belonging to a different ethnolinguistic group more often than Korean men do. In an exogamous situation, English is more likely to be the language of communication in the family; this may lead Koreans in such a situation (whether male or female) to adopt English as their home language, resulting in language shift. Then, the higher percentage of exogamy in females will be responsible for their higher language shift. However, this explanation may not apply to the asymmetry in language shift between the genders in the age groups 246 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 between 20 and 29.

4.5. Language shift by level of education

In previous research, the level of education has been considered to be an ambivalent factor for language maintenance and shift. A higher level of education might be associated with a better chance of employment, more social interactions with the members outside their own ethnolinguistic group or a stronger desire to assimilate into the mainstream society, which may lead to the shift to English. Alternatively, migrants with a higher level of education may be more conscious of their cultural heritage and put more effort to maintain their heritage language at home. However, in their study of language shift in various migrant groups in Australia, Karidakis and Arunachalam (2016) found that university education was associated with the lower likelihood of speaking only English at home among some migrant groups. Amongst them were Korean migrants displaying shift rates of 8.9% among those with a tertiary degree (bachelor or above), 10.4% among those with a diploma or certificate, and 15.2% among those without any formal qualifications (secondary school or less). However, our analysis shows that those who dropped out of high school after completing Year 10 or Year 11 show strikingly higher percentages (about 10%) of language shift to English than those who completed lower grades or did not go to school.

Table 7: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Level of Schooling (2011) Highest year of school Total persons English only Shift rate (%) completed SKB

Year 12 or equivalent 58,961 4,921 8.35

Year 11 or equivalent 1,481 261 17.62

Year 10 or equivalent 1,840 299 16.25

Year 9 or equivalent 911 82 9.00 Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 247

Year 8 or below 840 52 6.19

Did not go to school 1,188 81 6.82

Not stated 2,081 155 7.45

Not applicable 7,236 1,097 15.16

Total 74,538 6,948 9.32 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

Moreover, it also shows that those who had such trade skill-based diplomas or certificates as Graduate Diploma, Graduate Certificate or Certificate show much higher (around twice) language shift rates than those who were qualified with academic-oriented or mixed qualifications such as Postgraduate and Bachelor degrees as well as Advanced Diploma and Diploma. This seems to suggest that language shifts occur much more actively in those who had academically less demanding or more trade skill-focused qualifications, although it is unclear what forces them to shift to English more than others.

Table 8: Language Shifts among Korean Migrants: Qualifications (2011) Qualification Total persons English only Shift rate SKB (%) PG 4,526 4159.2 Grad. Dip. & Grad. Cert. 636 110 17.3 Bachelor 20,106 1,7208.6 Adv. Dip. & Dip. 6,856 561 8.2 Certificate 4,010 569 14.2 not stated 2,939 222 7.6 inadequately described 1,055 86 8.2 Total 40,128 3,6839.2 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

248 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

4.6. Language shift by occupation

As Table 9 shows, types of occupation and occupational demands seem to have strong relations with the language shift. Language shift occurs most highly among clerical and administrative workers (20.14%), followed by sales workers (15.83%), professionals (14.01) and service workers (13.20). This is not surprising in that office workers require constant interactions with English-speaking fellow staff and sales workers with their clients and co-workers. The same expectations are applicable to professionals such as doctors, solicitors and accountants, and to community service workers. However, it is also probable that the higher shift rates shown among those with certain occupations are associated with the higher proportion of people with particular demographic characteristics among them, such as those who arrived in Australia in their youth (i.e. in their childhood or adolescence) and accordingly tend to have shifted to English more. In other words, it is possible that those who arrived in Australia in their youth and received most of their education in Australia might have become more often clerical and administrative workers, sales workers, professionals and service workers, rather than technicians and trades workers or labourers; higher proportion of such people among those with certain type of occupations might have resulted in higher shift rates among them.

Table 9: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Occupation (2011) Total Shift rate Occupation English only persons* (%) Managers 4,367 376 8.61 Professionals 7,938 1,112 14.01 Technicians and Trades Workers 6,411 416 6.49 Community and Personal Service Workers 3,554 469 13.20 Clerical and Administrative Workers 2,726 549 20.14 Sales Workers 2,489 394 15.83 Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 249

Machinery Operators and Drivers 770 48 6.23 Labourers 5,980 329 5.50 Inadequately described 401 47 11.72 Not stated 593 43 7.25 Not applicable 39,309 3,165 8.05 Total 74,538 6,948 9.32 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

4.7. Language shift by religion

At first sight, participation in religious activities seems to help language maintenance as language shift among Christians (7.7%) and Buddhists (7.8%) appear to be lower than that among those without religion (13.1%). Opportunities for frequent contacts and interactions with fellow Korean speakers in religious venues might have influenced their language shift and maintenance among Korean immigrants in Australia.

Table 10: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Religion (2011) Religion Total persons SKB English only Shift rate (%) Buddhism 4,155 323 7.8

Christianity 50,031 3,831 7.7 Hinduism 13 00.0 Islam 63 1828.6 Judaism 11 1090.9 Other Religions 55 12 21.8 No Religion 18,130 2,378 13.1 Supplementary codes 229 61 26.6 Not stated 1,851 315 17.0 Total 74,538 6,9489.3 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra) 250 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

A further analysis on language shift among those who are affiliated with Christian denominations, however, shows a slightly different pattern of language shift, reflecting the presence of and the Korean participation in the particular denomination back in Korea and in the local Australian community.

Table 11: Language Shift among Korean Migrants: By Christian Denomination (2011) Denomination Total persons English only Shift rate (%) Christian, nfd 2,312 222 9.6 Anglican 2,100 633 30.1 Baptist 2,541 235 9.3 Brethren 33 412.1 Catholic 16,712 1501 9.0 Churches of Christ 147 19 12.9 Jehovah's Witnesses 464 29 6.3 Latter-day Saints 95 12 12.6 Lutheran 133 49 36.8 Oriental Orthodox 4 0 0.0 Assyrian Apostolic 0 0 0.0 Eastern Orthodox 40 21 52.5 Presbyterian and Reformed 16,112 471 2.9 Salvation Army 82 12 14.6 Seventh-day Adventist 275 32 11.6 Uniting Church 7,531 443 5.9 Pentecostal 1,198 117 9.8 Other Protestant 211 24 11.4 Other Christian 40 8 20.0 (Source: ABS, 2013, TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra)

Among those who identify themselves as Presbyterian (2.9%) or Uniting Church-goers (5.9%), for instance, the language shift rates appear much lower Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 251 than those belonging to other denominations. The shift rate among Catholics (9.0%) stays at a similar level with that of the entire Korean migrant population; that among Anglican Church-goers is almost three times higher (30.1%). At first glance, this appears to support the frequently asserted claim that local Korean churches play a significant role in the heritage language maintenance and culture among Korean immigrants, as often asserted in the studies conducted in North-America (e.g. Chong, 1998; Pak, 2003; Park, 2011; Park & Sarkar, 2007; Shin, 2005). For the Korean immigrants in Australia, the local Korean churches are regarded as “a key site of ethnic identity affirmation and an important point of social contact with other Koreans” (Han & Han, 2010: 31). The low language shift rates among Presbyterian and Uniting Church-goers might reflect the contribution of local Korean churches to maintenance of heritage language and culture among Korean immigrants as they provide worship services in Korean and most of their congregations are comprised of Korean immigrants. However, the different degrees of language shift exhibited among people belonging to different Christian denominations might be associated with the likelihood that some SKB people with certain sociodemographic features congregate in particular religious denominations. For instance, if Christian, a typical Korean immigrant family (of SKB parents and children) is more likely to attend a local Korean church than a family of an exogamous marriage; people who already adopted English as their home language are also less likely to attend a Korean church.

5. Summary and Conclusion

Thus far we have examined to what extent there is, if any, a language shift in the Korean community in Australia by analyzing the 2006 and/or 2011 Australian Census data by 10 categories: generation, age, duration of residence, gender, schooling, educational qualification, occupation and religion. Despite some shortcomings of using data from census surveys, the analysis of census 252 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 data has been helpful to understand the process and dynamics of language shift. The patterns and factors in the language shift for each category are briefly summarized in the following. First, the Australian Korean community continues to experience language shifts among different generations and the shift rates get higher over the generations (15-20% in the second generation and 60-65% in the third and third-plus generation). The level of language shift/maintenance among the second generation is affected by the composition of their parents born overseas (i.e. in Korea) and the language is better maintained when both parents were born overseas than when only one of them was born overseas. The level of language shift/maintenance is also affected by the nature of exogamy and the language is better maintained or is less shifted to the dominant language (i.e. English) when the mother is Korean. By age group the language shift tends to decrease with age, with the higher shift rates in the younger age groups (10-20% in infants to young adults; 5-10% in 30s-40s; and less than 5% in 50s or over). There are relatively higher shift rates (15-19%) among children under 10 and young adults in their 20s (around 15%), and these seem to be related to the start of schooling and the change of their life cycle or modes of living, respectively. Over the 5-year period (2006-2011), there was a significant decrease in language shift in all age groups except the 25-29 age group (+4.8%), and this decrease may be associated with various reasons such as advantages in bilingualism, ethnic childcare facilities and frequent contacts with Korean media and development of ethnic identity. The intensity of language shift generally correlates with the arrival years and duration of residence - the longer they live in the host country the higher language shift occurs. Over half of Korean migrants who arrived in Australia before the 1970s went through the language shift. The slight lower shift or higher maintenance rates among those who arrived in the 1970s than that of those who arrived in the 1980s may be related with the socio-democratic characteristics such as residential status, level of education and English proficiency. The language shift rates for those who arrived after 1990 were Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 253 comparatively lower (below 10%) and it is probably related with the relatively shorter residence in Australia along with other factors such as multicultural climate and policies and programs, as well as the migrants’ socioeconomic backgrounds and the growth of the Korean community. Language shift has also something to do with age and duration of residence. If children arrive in Australia before the age of 10, they have much less chance of maintaining their heritage language than those who arrive after that age. They are more prone to language shift and 60% of them go through a complete language shift after 30 years. If children arrive in their teen age, their language shift rates drop to much lower levels. The reason that the language shift rates was decreased over 1980s, 1990s and 2000s among those who arrived in Australia when they were 0-10 years old might be related to positive perceptions about bilingualism and heritage language maintenance. In terms of gender, there was a higher percentage of language shift among female Koreans compared with that of male Koreans and this may be because of a higher rate of exogamy among Korean women. When the language shift was analyzed by gender and age, the shift rates from infants through to the teenage period are higher in male Koreans than females but in the age groups between 20 and 69 years old the shift rates are higher in women than men. Girls in their childhood and adolescence may keep a closer relationship with their family and among older age groups it might be relevant to the higher exogamy rates in Korean women than men. The schooling and level of education affects the level of language shift or maintenance. Those who dropped out of high school after completing Year 10 or Year 11 show much higher percentages of language shifts than those who completed lower grades or did not go to school. Those who had trade skill-based diplomas or certificates show much higher language shift rates than those who were qualified with academic-oriented qualifications. It is unclear what forces them to shift to English more than others, except to suspect that Year 10 graduates may go into an industry training or employment where they are placed to use English or that they may have less self- or cultural confidence 254 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호 than their peers with academic qualifications. As expected, types of occupation and occupational demands seem to have strong relations with the language shift. Office workers (20%) and service workers (13-16%) have higher rates of language shift than other types of workers due to the nature of their work that may require constant interactions with English-speakers. Last but not least, language shifts among Christians and Buddhists were lower than that among those without religion, which indicate that participation in religious activities help language maintenance. By denomination, Presbyterian or Uniting Church-goers, for instance, show much lower language shifts than those belonging to other denominations such as Catholics and Anglican Church-goers. This indicates that local Korean churches, especially Protestant churches favoured by migrant Koreans, play a significant role in the heritage language maintenance and culture among Korean immigrants through frequent contacts and interactions. It is concluded that compared with other speech communities, the Korean community in Australia in general has maintained the language relatively well with comparatively lower levels of language shifts. This may be because of the relatively shorter history of Korean immigration to Australia more than any other factors. However, there are clear indications that language shifts are increased over generations and there seems to have certain trends and patterns of language shifts that are characterized by different factors and variables. It is observed that factors such as age at arrival, composition of parents, duration of residence, level of education, occupation and participation in religious activities all affect the level of language shift or maintenance. At the same time it is noticed that there has been a gradual decrease of language shifts among infants to teenagers in recent years and the second generation in general, possibly encouraged by various reasons at both personal and policy levels. It is hoped that the findings of this investigation has provided some insights into the trends of the language shift, facilitate the process of maintaining Korean as a community language and lead to more research projects in this field in future. Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 255

ABS (2006). Languages, http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/0/D6961 54A0 D5CBBE3CA2570DE0006ED55?opendocument. ABS (2012). Cultural diversity in Australia, http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/Lookup/2071.0main+features 902012-2013. ABS (2013). TableBuilder Basic 2011, Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Barni M., & G. Extra (2008). Mapping linguistic diversity in multicultural contexts, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Chong KH. (1998). "What it means to be Christian: The role of religion in the construction of ethnic identity and boundary among second-generation ", Sociology of Religion 59(3), 259-286. Clyne M. (1991). Community languages: the Australian experience, Cambridge University Press. Clyne M. (2005). Australia's language potential, University of New South Wales Press. Clyne M. (2011). "Multilingualism, multiculturalism and integration" in M Clyne & J Jupp (eds) Multiculturalism and Integration: A Harmonious Relationship, Canberra: ANU E Press: 53-71. Clyne M., & S. Kipp (1997). "Trends and changes in home language use and shift in Australia, 1986-1996", Journal of multilingual and multicultural development 18(6), 451-473. Clyne M. S., Kipp & J. Hajek (2008). "Tale of two multilingual cities in a multilingual continent", People and place 16(3), 1-8. Coughlan J. E. (1997). "Korean immigration in Australia" in JE Coughlan & DJ McNamara (eds) Asians in Australia: patterns of migration and settlement, : Macmillan Education Australia. De Vries J. (1994). "Canada′ s official language communities: an overview of the current demolinguistic situation", International journal of the sociology of language 105(1), 37-68. 256 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

DIAC (2014). Community information summary - the Republic of (South) Korea-born, Community Relations Section of Department of Immigration and Citizenship Community Relations Section of DIAC https://www.dss. gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/02_2014/korea.pdf. Extra G., & K. Yaǧmur (2004). "Demographic perspectives" in G Extra & K Yaǧmur (eds) Urban multilingualism in Europe: Immigrant minority languages at home and school, Multilingual matters: 25-72. Fishman J. A. (2013). "Language maintenance, language shift, and reversing language shift" in TK Bhatia & WC Ritchie (eds) The handbook of bilingualism and multilingualism, second ed. Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell: 466-494. Han G-S. (2000). "Australian immigration policy and settlement of Koreans in Australia", Korean Social Science Journal 27(2), 197-218. Han G-S. (2003). "The pathways of Korean migration to Australia", Korean Social Science Journal 30(1), 31-52. Han J. J., & G-S. Han (2010). "The Koreans in ", Sydney Journal 2(2), 25-35. Karidakis M., & D. Arunachalam (2016). "Shift in the use of migrant community languages in Australia", Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 37(1), 1-22. Ko S., & G-H Shin (2010). "The study of Korean as a heritage language: an issue in Korean language education in Australia", KAREC Discussion Paper 11(4), 1-47. Pak H. R. (2003). "When MT is L2: The Korean church school as a context for cultural identity" in NH Hornberger (ed.) Continua of biliteracy: An ecological framework for education policy, research, and practice in multilingual settings, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters: 269-290. Park J. S. (2015). Christian Education Curriculum for the Digital Generation: A Case Study of Second-Generation Korean Australian Youth, Wipf and Stock Publishers. Language Shift and Maintenance in the Korean Community in Australia 257

Park S. M. (2011). "The role of ethnic religious community institutions in the intergenerational transmission of Korean among immigrant students in Montreal", Language, Culture and Curriculum 24(2), 195-206. Park S. M., & M. Sarkar (2007). "Parents’ attitudes toward heritage language maintenance for their children and their efforts to help their children maintain the heritage language: A case study of Korean-Canadian immigrants", Language, culture and curriculum 20(3), 223-235. Pauwels A. (1995). "Linguistic practices and language maintenance amoung bilingual women and men in Australia", Nordlyd 23, 21-50. Pauwels A. (2004). "Language Maintenance" in A Davies & C Elder (eds) The handbook of applied linguistics, Blackwell Publishing: 719-737. Pauwels A. (2016). Language Maintenance and Shift, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Potowski K. (2013). "Language maintenance and shift" in R Bayley, R Cameron & C Lucas (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Sociolinguistics, Oxford University Press. Seol B-S. (2001). "Hayoy iminui myengam: hocwu nay hanintuluy imin tongkiwa silcey saynghwal (The light and shade of immigration to overseas: motives for immigration of Korean and their estimation of real lives) ", Studies of Koreans Abroad 11: 57-98. Shin S-C. (2008). "Language use and maintenance in Korean migrant children in Sydney", Teaching Korean as a Foreign Language 33, 139-167. Shin S. J. (2005). Developing in two languages: Korean children in America, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Stevens G. (1986). "Sex differences in language shift in the United States", Sociology and Social Research 71(1), 31-36. Swidinsky R., & M. Swidinsky (1997). "The determinants of heritage language continuity in Canada: evidence from the 1981 and 1991 census", Canadian Ethnic Studies 29(1), 81-92. Yang M. D. (2008). "Hanhokan choki incek kyolyuwa hanin sahoyui hyengseng" in Hocwu Hanin 50 Nyensa Phyenchan Wiwenhoy (ed.) 258 국제한국어교육 제2권 제2호

Hocwu hanin 50 nyensa (50 year history of Koreans in Australia), : Cinhung. Yang M. D. (2010). "Australian Multicultural Society and Overseas Koreans in Australia", Studies of Koreans Abroad 22, 97-137.

Seong-Chul Shin University of New South Wales E-mail: [email protected]

Sin Ji Jung University of New South Wales E-mail: [email protected]

Received: 2016. 9.15 Revised: 2016.9.30 Accepted: 2016.10.10