S U M M a R Y

S U M M A R Y

ESSAY BCE until the decline of the Hittite Empire in ap- proximately 1190/1880 BCE. At first, this word was Jaan Undusk. Tallinn as a Place of Memory. probably simply the name of a Hittite ruler, who Thoughts about its Skyline was referred to as Labarna(s) in Hittite cuneiform texts but his name later became (already in the 17th Only a few cities with such a distinctive skyline century BCE) a royal title analogous to the personal as Tallinn as viewed from the sea are recorded in name of Julius Caesar, whose name later became cultural memory. Tallinn’s skyline is probably the the title caeser for Roman Emperors in the era of best-known visual representation associated with the Roman Empire. Estonia in the world. It accentuates the city’s archi- The title tabarna could only be used by “great tectural and functional wholeness. The skyline as kings”, who ruled the entire Hittite Empire, and they Tallinn’s symbol is in harmony with the general style often used the title tabarna together with another of the city, where single architectural objects do not important royal title LUGAL.GAL – “great king“, predominate. Instead, more general complexes and therefore the royal title formulation was often written ensembles come to the fore. Some commodities that on royal seals as “X king, tabarna LUGAL.GAL” or are important to Tallinn, especially the label on tins “X king, LUGAL.GAL tabarna”. These two titles of Tallinn sprats, have helped to spread the skyline tabarna and LUGAL.GAL together reflected the throughout the world. imperial ambitions of Hittite kings and indirectly This essay examines Tallinn’s skyline as a realm represented universalistic tendencies in royal titulary of memory by which it is possible to describe the and propaganda. Hittite kings ruled over a great city’s political, economic and cultural history and number of vassal-kings, local rulers, and vice-kings, the psychology of the city’s residents. The towers in who were often referred to as “kings” but never used Tallinn’s skyline have not been signs of pure aesthet- the titles tabarna and LUGAL.GAL because that ics first and foremost, but rather the aesthetic signs was the prerogative of kings who reigned in Hattuša of worldly power. Different peoples, countries, po- – capital of the Hittite Kingdom. sitions in society, confessions, and so on, have tried Although there are hundreds of references to the to leave a trace in its skyline by way of various kinds use of this title by Hittite kings, until now we know of structures: the nobility, burghers, the Lutheran very little concerning the origin of this title. Some and the Orthodox churches, the autonomous local scholars think that these titles were not of Hittite regime and the totalitarian central power, industrial origin and that the word tabarna or labarna origi- and banking capital. Alongside actual towers, there nated from the Hattian cultural space. The Hattian are also many symbols of power that did not get past people where not of Indo-European origin and were the planning stage. an autochthon people in Anatolia before the Indo- In the aftermath of calamities or wars, the basic European Hittites invaded. The Hittites supposedly elements of the damaged city skyline have been settled in Central and East Anatolia during the III semiotically important: the burning of the towers Millennia BCE. Scholars like O. Soysal assume that of Oleviste (St. Olaf) and Niguliste (St. Nicholas) the Hittites borrowed this word from the Hattic churches, the tower of the Raekoda (Town Hall), language. But other scholars like J. Puhvel claim and other towers. that the word tabarna is an Indo-European word that The Bay of Tallinn has played an important originated from the Hittites or the Luvian people, role in the evolution of Tallinn’s skyline by ensuring who were very close Indo-European relatives and the good observability of the city. It has often been who came to Anatolia together with the Hittites. But compared historically to the Bay of Naples. The this question remains unresolved and we have no Bay of Tallinn and the historical maritime culture definitive answer. So the question of the etymology associated with it has been a signifier of political of tabarna remains an etymological rebus. freedom in Estonian literature (B. Russow, F. Tuglas, L. Meri, J. Kross). Kaarel Vanamölder. The Gymnasium Printer and the Publication of the Dispositions of the Central Authority in Tallinn at the End of the 17th Century ARTICLES Information concerning wages paid to printers in Vladimir Sazonov. Tabarna/Labarna – Reflection of Tallinn contained in the ledgers of the Governorate the Imperial Idea Based on the Example of a Hittite General of Estonia during the era of Swedish rule Royal Title and invoices submitted by the printer to the Gover- nor General’s Office for printing dispositions and The current article is dedicated to the complicated regulations issued by the central authorities provide question of tabarna, the most important Hittite an important addition to the research of the history royal title which was used by Hittite kings since the of printing in Tallinn during the last quarter of the beginning of the Hittite kingdom in the 17th century 17th century.

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Since the printing invoices submitted for certain political repressions and by using its possibilities; definite periods enumerate the dates when published hundreds of people who had escaped mass deporta- dispositions were issued and the invoices for the most tion were sent to Siberia. Hundreds of people were part also cursorily cast light on their content, this jailed and banished because they had tried to have a source helps to gain a better overview of the everyday say in choosing their place of residence and employ- work and routine of the Governor General’s Office. ment by violating the rules of the passport system. By comparing the invoices in the verification ledgers An estimated 5000 criminal convictions were meted to information concerning the forwarding of disposi- out during the post-war Soviet period in 1944–1941 in tions, we get an idea of the speed of the transmission the Estonian SSR for “violating the passport system”, of information from Stockholm to Tallinn, where dis- with an additional 400 000 administrative cases. This positions and regulations in Swedish were translated immense amount demonstrated the regime’s “will- into German and printed in the Gymnasium (classical ingness” to totally control its population. preparatory school) printing shop. The system was not successful in achieving its A comparison of the invoices submitted by objectives. Large gaps occurred in the control of Christoph Brendeken, a printer in Tallinn, with the migration and the curbing of crime failed. Regardless specimens that have been preserved makes it possible of its great potential, the system was not particularly to determine the number of copies printed. Gener- effective. It got bogged down in bureaucracy and ally speaking, the number of official announcements dealt with keeping records of minor details. Regard- and dispositions printed in Estonia during the last less of this, the passport system kept people in fetters quarter of the 17th century most likely did not surpass and in fear through its existence and disciplined the 100 copies, remaining for the most part in the range citizenry. of 60-80 copies. Tiiu Kreegipuu. Soviet Holiday Calendar in Estonia Indrek Paavle. A Non-Uniform Uniform System. in the Years 1945–1985 The Implementation of the Soviet Passport System in the Estonian SSR My research focuses on calendar holidays in Estonia, more specifically the holiday cycle that was imported This article continues the examination of the Soviet and established during the Soviet occupation of passport system, focusing on the establishment of the Estonia. Soviet calendar reforms carried out mostly passport system in the Estonian SSR during 1945- during the 1920’s in the Soviet Union and during the 1947 and the so-called “consolidation of the passport 1940’s in Estonia can therefore be viewed as a part system” during the subsequent years. NKVD, MGB, of the process of forming homo soveticus – the new MVD, Militia Administration and Passport Depart- Soviet person with a socialist view of the world, loyal ment reports and statistical summaries that have thus to the Soviet state and the Communist Party. The far been little used provide the main source base for construction of the Soviet holiday cycle was carried this research. out step by step in Estonia in the 1940’s; after abolish- The mechanism of internal passports and the ing the old traditions, more and more Soviet holidays compulsory registration of one’s place of residence, and traditions were introduced every year. the so called Uniform Passport System established in By Soviet holidays I mean all the various public the Soviet Union in the early 1930’s, remained in ef- holidays – from the ideologically most important holi- fect almost without change through six decades. The days being given the legal status of public festivals, passport system was established in the Estonian SSR up to the various “days dedicated to professions” after the war in three stages: the urban population (in the current case occupational holidays) and local was provided with passports in 1945, the residents Estonian holidays. Comparing the lists of official So- of the border zone were added to the system in the viet public holidays to those of independent Estonia autumn of 1946, and the remaining rural areas were (both before and after World War II), several simi- added in the autumn of 1947. Estonia, together with larities stand out. For example, both lists of public Latvia and Lithuania, was an exception in the Soviet holidays include days commemorating the founding Union, since the extension of the passport system of the state (Independence Day and the Anniversary of to the entire population took place elsewhere 30 the October Revolution) and Victory Day – a day com- years later. Continual “consolidation of the passport memorating victorious war in the country’s history. system” took place during the subsequent years as But there are far more differences than resemblances routine work, consisting of an extensive plan of – above all the ideological content of holidays and measures that included the constant checking of the absence of national and religious holidays in the population, keeping records of the movement of Soviet holiday calendars. To grasp the whole Soviet people and of their location, and the penalisation of period, I have studied the Calendars from the years persons caught violating the passport system. 1945-1985 in five-year intervals and picked out all From the viewpoint of the regime, the passport holidays and “special days” which were marked in system was successfully applied in the service of the Calendars. Counting them all together, it appears

158 Tuna 1/2011 Summary 2/2011 that the number of Soviet holidays grew year by year (and also patriotic) customs and values that were not from 45 in 1945 up to 72 in 1985. In order to explain tolerated. Therefore, Soviet ideologists did not reject why and how the overall number of holidays grew, I all folklore traditions and feasts abruptly but instead grouped the holidays into four categories: historical, tried to root out non-Soviet traditions step by step. occupational, and folklore holidays, and all the rest They sometimes even used convenient folkloristic were counted in the category I referred to as “other”. symbols and traditions, giving them new, Soviet ideo- By analysing the increases and decreases in those logical content. Therefore many traditional Estonian categories, the following general trends emerged: folklore holidays maintained their position in the • The largest category was occupational holidays Calendars during the first years of Soviet occupation. – days dedicated to specific vocations and occupa- Yet while the Calendar of 1945 included 7 and that of tions (e.g. Miners’ Day, Soviet Journalism Day, 1950 had even 8 different folklore holidays, suddenly Cosmonautics Day, etc). While there were about 10 there was just one folklore holiday (“nääripäev” or holidays in that category in the 1940’s and 1950’s, New Year’s Day) in the Calendar of 1951. All folklore sudden growth occurred in the 1960’s. The number holidays are left out of the Calendars from 1952 up of such holidays reached 41 in 1980. The large to 1975, when four most attractive holidays, the number of holidays dedicated to special vocations celebration of which included more non-religious and professions presents the official ideology of the elements, returned to the printed Calendars. Soviet Union as “the country of working people”. In conclusion, the analysis of the Soviet holiday cycle The intensity of adding new occupational holidays proves that the Soviet calendar was meant to be a in the 1960’s is associated with economic reforms, calendar for working people, organising the rhythms concentration of industrialisation and other social of work and rest, everyday routine and festivities to processes, which makes growing attention towards praise the values and norms of Soviet communist the workers of different branches understandable. ideology. The question of if and how the people • The second largest category was historical holidays accepted and recognised Soviet holidays is beyond – 31 holidays altogether. The greatest emphasis was the current analysis. on historical events from the 20th century (especially World War II) and the history of the Soviet Union. An interesting tendency is that during the 1940’s, DOCUMENTS AND COMMENTARY the number of historical holidays was larger than later on. This curiosity is explained by the process Mihkel Theodor Simmo. Diary of a Telegraph Opera- of sovietisation in Estonia – in the Calendar of 1945, tor in the Erna Landing Troop, 1941, III the annexation of Estonia by Soviet forces during World War II had to be particularly emphasised See the last issue. and was therefore commemorated by designating respective holidays day by day, whereas later on, Juhan Gross. Memories of the War in Tartu in the those dates on which different Estonian cities were Summer of 1941 occupied were written into history books and omit- ted from formal holiday lists. Nevertheless, the This article contains a small portion of memoirs that most important dates to be celebrated in Estonian Juhan Karl Gross put down in writing in the early history during the Soviet occupation were still the 1980’s. These memoirs in manuscript form cover days marking the interruption of the old regime and the period beginning with the birth of the author the “new beginning” – events that marked the begin- in Valga County until his settlement in England, in ning of Soviet rule in Estonia (21 June and 21 July). other words the years 1919–1947. His memoirs are Another characteristic trait of historical holidays is written in English. Alongside his personal story, the emphasis on collectivity – commemoration of these memoirs also provide a broader and at times historical persons is secondary with a few exceptions analytical overview of critical events in the history (Lenin throughout the Soviet period and Stalin up of Estonia. Gross’s memoirs include the following the first half of the 1950’s). stages of life: his childhood on Miku Farm, the village • The category of folklore holidays turned out to school in Tsirguliina, attending Gymnasium (classical be an exceptional and interesting example. The preparatory school) in Valga, studies in economics at long tradition of marking Estonian folk feasts (e.g. the University of Tartu. The reforms and repressions St. John’s Day on 24 June) was a problematic issue of 1940-1941 that led to the arrest of his father are challenging Soviet ideologists. On the one hand, described at length. The usual sequence of events for Soviet national policy, especially since the 1960’s, young men of that time followed subsequently: mili- emphasised the “friendship of the Soviet people and tary service in the Estonian Legion (more extensively nations” and accepted traditional national forms and in Nevel, Narva and Jägala), evacuation by ship to symbols, especially if they were given new, socialist Gdansk, additional military training in Germany, the meaning and ideological colour. On the other hand, disintegration of his unit in Austria, work as a farm centuries old traditions were mingled with religious hand in farms, displaced persons (DP) camp, arrival

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as an exile in England. Gross retired from his work CULTURAL HISTORY ARCHIVE as a biology teacher. The fragment of his memoirs in this article con- Sirje Olesk. Expatriates and the Homeland. Letters cerns the author’s (unplanned) participation in the from Finland popular uprising in Tartu in July of 1941. A complicated situation prevailed in the city as the front ap- The relationship of Estonian expatriates with their proached. Retreating units of the Red Army moved occupied homeland was problematical, especially northwards. Gross had to prepare for the worst and at the time when opportunities for communication he hid from the mobilisation, remaining in hiding for had only just emerged at the turn of the 1950’s and several days in the flat of his fellow student. After the 1960’s. The expatriates had fled from their homeland Russians retreated to the other side of the river, na- in the face of real danger with the knowledge that tionalistically oriented partisans took control of the the international public will intervene, justice will city. Gross joined them and thereafter participated be restored and refugees will be able to return quite in the confrontation that lasted for a couple of weeks soon. Nothing of the kind happened and Estonians where the partisans restored order in the city. abroad had to settle in their host countries for a long time and thereafter to clarify for themselves their Valdur Ohmann. Raimond Valgre’s Younger Brother. attitude towards their homeland. Who was he then? Kuno-Enn Valgre (30 May 1918 Very few people were permitted to travel out – 2 March 1987) of Soviet Estonia in the 1950’s and people who were allowed into the country were watched over The life and work of Raimond Valgre, one of Esto- just as closely. Mentality historians are interested nia’s most popular composers of popular music and in tracing the information that people exchanged accomplished popular musician, has been thoroughly among themselves about such matters. Finland’s researched. A thorough monograph on the subject special situation, and pre-war contacts between was published in 2010 but it mentions Raimond Estonian and Finnish intellectuals led to the situa- Valgre’s younger brother only in passing. Even Valter tion where Finland in particular became the primary Ojakäär, Raimond Valgre’s contemporary and good ideological battleground between the expatriates friend, did not know about the twists and turns of and Soviet Estonia. the fate of Raimond’s younger brother Enn Valgre. The organising of Estonians, the publications The film about the life of Raimond Valgre that was and cultural activity they created in their new host made in 1992 leaves the erroneous impression that countries was conspicuously active. Questions Enn Valgre was a forest brother (Estonian patriotic regarding the preservation of Estonian identity in partisan). There is also misleading information in a changing world were considered in the publica- the lists of politically repressed persons. tion Vaba Eesti (Free Estonia), which was issued in The NKGB state security organ archive contains 1948–1964 primarily in Sweden. This publication an investigation file that has thus far not been used, also related to culture created in the homeland which reveals that Enn Valgre did indeed join the with an open mind, unlike many orthodox expatri- German Army but soon afterwards started to evade ate publications. It was important for the authors active service, using health problems to excuse him- of Vaba Eesti to combine the best part of Estonian self. Unsuccessful attempts to gain discharge from culture created in two different ideological envi- the German Army led to desertion as the next step. ronments into a unified and progressive nationalist In the spring of 1944, Enn Valgre attempted to flee culture. across the sea to Sweden in a boat containing 13 Two letters from the years 1959 and 1962 from men, women and children but the German occupying Rein Riitsalu, a contributor to Vaba Eesti who lived authorities apprehended their boat. The Germans in Finland, to the editor of the publication Imant sentenced Enn Valgre to 4.5 years imprisonment as Rebane in Sweden are published below. The first punishment. He was liberated on 20 September 1944 of these letters mainly describes those ideological during the Red Army offensive when Estonian prison obstructions that had to be struggled against in guards opened the prison gates in the course of the order to introduce contemporary expatriate culture disorder that flared up. Enn Valgre was arrested in Finland. The other letter illustrates the converse again in November of 1944, this time by the Soviet trend – an open attitude towards nationalist cul- security organs. Astonishingly, he was convicted with- ture created in the Estonian homeland. Riitsalu out a single witness and exclusively on the basis of his describes in that letter a concert in Helsinki by the personal confessions. The Soviet regime sentenced State Academic Men’s Chorus that had come from Enn Valgre more severely than the German occupy- Estonia, which was attended by Finnish President ing authorities – to 10 years imprisonment. U. K. Kekkonen as well. Here he emphasises the meaning that partaking in nationalist culture from Film Archive Photograph Corner: Men of the Sum- the homeland signifies for contemporary Finns and mer War expatriate Estonian young people.

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