ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORDS FROM THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN AREA. HOW DIFFERENT AND HOW SIMILAR ARE THEY?

Aad. H. Versteeg

ABSTRACT Extensive contiguous areas have been opened up in five ceramic period sites in the eastern and southern Caribbean area, the largest ones being the Golden Rock site on St. Eustatius and the Tanki Flip site on . All five sites studied belong to the (and subsequent post-Saladoid) and Dabajuroid traditions and date between ca. A.D. 500 and ca. A.D. 1300. Striking corresponding aspects are noted in their archaeological record. For instance, in the settlement organization such as this is expressed in the most common house types, the caches, the plazas, ceremonial structures, but also in burial gifts and other aspects. The settlement organization of these communities is believed to be a reflection of their social organization. The common elements (there are also differences) suggest common roots of the Saladoid and Dabajuroid people. Such roots must be sought in a formative agro-ceramic phase in the Upper Orinoco, or in the Upper Amazon area. That both groups kept so many aspects of the 'proto-culture' through time argues for strong and long-standing continuities. José Oliver already argued such common roots in 1989, mainly on a linguistic basis.

KEY WORDS: Burials, Dabajuroid, Malocas, Precolumbian Houses, Puerto Rico Saladoid.

INTRODUCTION

Recent large-scale excavations of uninterrupted areas of Ceramic period sites in the Caribbean region (Figure 1) have yielded relatively rich archaeological records. An uninterrupted area of ca. 240 m2 (ca 12 x 20 m) or more has been excavated in five sites of which the most important data have been published. Two of these five sites are on St. Eustatius: Golden Rock at 3300 m2 and Smoke Alley at 255 m2 (Figure 2), one is on Saba, Kelbey's Ridge at 382 m2, and two are on Aruba: Santa Cruz at 840 m2 and Tanki Flip at 2275 m2 (Figure 3). The five sites yielded floor plans of several domestic structures: ten at Tanki Flip1, six at Golden Rock, six at Kelbey's Ridge, two at Smoke Alley and two at Santa Cruz. This is a total of 26 domestic structures. Two structures in plaza-areas are interpreted as buildings for ceremonies. Burials were found in all sites. Special finds that are interpreted as caches were encountered in some of the sites. The question this paper addresses is the following: how do these archaeological records compare, and what are the implications of the shared respectively not-shared aspects? The most important data are to be found in five publications. Two of these are monographs: Versteeg and Schinkel (1992) on the Golden Rock site, and Versteeg and Rostain (1997) on the Tanki Flip site. Three other publications discuss the three other sites: Versteeg, Schinkel and Wilson ( 1993) on Smoke Alley, Hoogland ( 1996) on Kelbey' s Ridge, and Versteeg ( 1997) on the Santa Cruz site. These archaeological records came into being through activities of three Indian groups: (Golden Rock site) and post-Saladoids (Smoke Alley and Kelbey's Ridge sites) in St. Eustatius and Saba and through activities of Dabajuroids (the historical Caquetio) in Aruba (Santa Cruz and Tanki Flip sites). These distinctions are primarily based on the different pottery of these three groups; at least their decorated pottery is classified into different groups. All sites are dated to

86 Versteeg 87 the relatively late part of the Precolumbian era, between ca. A.D. 500 and A.D. 1300.

DOMESTIC AND SPECIAL STRUCTURES

At Golden Rock in St. Eustatius, large, circular Precolumbian malocas were excavated in which large and heavy posts were in the outer circle (Figure 4) and in the interior area. Sizes are up to 19 m in diameter (Figures 5 and 6)2. Oval malocas of 9 x 14 m were excavated at Tanki Flip and Santa Cruz in Aruba (Figures 7 and 8); all were oriented strictly East to West. The postholes were shallower and the posts were smaller than the Golden Rock ones. There is an important difference in shape and size (the Statia houses are larger), but the other differences probably reflect more the availability of timber and the type of subsoil of the settlement than anything else. From these few examples (Santa Cruz yielded a similar maloca [Figure 8] as the Tanki Flip ones [Versteeg, 1997] ), and noting that José Oliver excavated a similar maloca? in Falcon at the FAL-7 site, it appears that oval and round malocas of sizes between 12 and 22 m, maximum lengths, were a widespread phenomenon in the Precolumbian Caribbean. They are present in five sites if we include those from the FAL-7 and Lujan I sites (see note 2) to those from the St. Eustatius and Aruba sites. These large domestic structures were either extended-family-dwellings or multi- family-dwellings . A smaller, circular house type of about 8 m in diameter was excavated at all five sites primarily discussed in this paper (see note 2 for a possible sixth site with comparable structures). It seems to have been the other widely prevailing house type. In fact, judging from the limited archaeological record excavated up to now, this would have been the most common Precolumbian domestic structure. It is striking that all structures of this size (between 6 and 9 m diameter) are circular (Figures 6,7 and 9). This type of structure typically provides housing for a nuclear family. Structures interpreted as ceremonial structures are reported for Golden Rock and Tanki Hip ( Figures 6 and 7). In both cases it concerns structures, smaller than 6 m, with corners at 90 degrees. These two are the only rectangular structures excavated and reported in the Precolumbian Caribbean up to now. Both are situated in areas that were kept open through time and are interpreted as plazas. Special objects and/or artefacts (caches) were found buried in these plazas. For an example, Basso ( 1973:45) provides the ethnographic record of oval malocas around a plaza with a small rectangular ceremonial structure.

CACHES

Caches (items buried on purpose not being human body parts) are reported from Tanki Flip, from Golden Rock and a single one from Smoke Alley. In these sites complete pottery items and parts of sea turtles were found in such a context that it is clear these vessels were not dumped but buried on purpose. At Tanki Flip, stone beads, complete pottery vessels and bones of non-endemic animals (deer and cat/ocelot) were found only in features interpreted as caches and burials. At Golden Rock, the only stone beads found in the site were in one feature, the child's burial discussed above (Figure 10). In this Saladoid site and in the Dabajuroid site at a 1000 km distance, stone beads held a very special place in society. The same premise holds true for complete pottery vessels (Figures 10-12). Items with a ceremonial background that are specific for the Dabajuroid sites are the non-endemic animal bones discussed above. Zemis are exclusively found in the post- g8 Proceedings of the 17th Congress for Caribbean Archaeology

Saladoid sites (Figure 13).

BURIALS

Burials are a special type of cache; they were found in all five sites discussed here. At Golden Rock, Tanki Flip and Santa Cruz, the burial location shows associations with the domestic structures. The dead individuals were buried either in or just outside the house. In one case, at Golden Rock, this association is evident as the skull was touching the remains of the post (the postmold). In Aruba, burials with urns are one burial type. In the eastern Caribbean islands no typical urn burials are found but a single burial at Golden Rock contained a complete pottery vessel and the stone beads discussed above (Figure 10). What is also important to note in this context is what obviously is lacking. That comprises the remains of the majority of people that lived in the excavated houses. If, such as at Golden Rock and Tanki Flip, large uninterrupted areas are excavated, large features such as burials are not overlooked. All there is in the area was documented. Six and ten houses and their surroundings were fully excavated and documented in these sites. The time frame of continuous inhabitation is at least two centuries for both sites, and that equals to about eight generations. The number of people found is about equal to the number of houses excavated. Only at Santa Cruz 31 burials were uncovered (Versteeg, 1997:94) and that is much more than the two houses of which the floor plan was documented in that site. For the other four sites, there is no trace of the far majority of the inhabitants of the houses. The only thing for sure, is that they were not buried in or near the house in which they lived. Striking is that both the Dabajuroid and the Saladoid sites testify secondary processes. At Golden Rock, skull fragments were found in postholes and skeletons with missing long bones (Versteeg and Schinkel 1992: Figures 147 & 151 ) were reported. At Tanki Flip the remains of seven dead were found in a large urn (Versteeg and Rostain 1997: Figures 264-6), and in a child's burial dental elements of a neighbouring grave had been included.

POTTERY

Saladoid, the subsequent post-Saladoid and Dabajuroid pottery are classified as belonging to three groups and to two traditions (Saladoid and Dabajuroid). However, if the pottery collections of these traditions are compared on a more basic level, both groups have bowls, vessels and griddles. The Dabajuroid sites have large burial urn vessels that are lacking in the Saladoid ones. Decoration elements of both groups comprise painting of a small part of their better finished pottery products in two or three basic colours, purple being the most frequently used Dabajuroid color and red and white the Saladoid one. Both traditions have pottery adornos that represent "stylized" humans or animals. Naturalistic representations are not found among these adornos. For Tanki Flip this group was described as "canonized products" (Versteeg and Rostain 1997:302) and that term applies equally well to the distinct, strictly limited patterns of the Saladoid Golden Rock pottery (Versteeg and Schinkel 1992:71-2). Incisions are not as well represented in Dabajuroid sites as they are in Saladoid ones. The execution of the pottery certainly is different between these groups. However, the basic concepts and the function of the pottery seem to be similar. Pottery that fulfilled utilitarian functions is found only in sherds. Complete pottery items are found either in burials or in caches to which a ceremonial Versteeg 89 function is ascribed as has been discussed above. There is in both groups serving ware sensu Oliver, at least in the Saladoid and Dabajuroid sites. That type of very well made, thin pottery is only lacking in the post-Saladoid sites in the Lesser Antilles. Also, these sites show a low percentage of decorated pottery (less than 2 percent for the post-Saladoid sites in islands such as Nevis, St. Eustatius, and St. Kitts, compared to about 20 percent in the preceding Saladoid period in those islands). Probably the function of pottery changed considerably in the transition Saladoid/post- Saladoid. Note that this contrasts sharply with events in the Greater Antilles where the post-Saladoid pottery is rich in decorations.

ORIGIN José Oliver (1989:505) states the following on the Dabajuroids:

Speaking the Caquetio language, these peoples who produced the Dabajuro style, could only have come from the Llanos, and ultimately from a Proto-Arawakan hearth. No longer should we argue for western vs. eastern centers, and no longer does the "H" theory adequately portray the cultural historical processes that characterize Venezuelan prehistory. Moreover, if anything, I have shown that the prehistory of is intimately correlated with the riverine network of the Orinoco Basin (including the Llanos). It is this rather large lowland area, but in specific niches, where I find that the key to the understanding of the cultural history of the northern parts (Caribbean Coast) of South America.

José's words imply that the Dabajuroids originate from the Upper Orinoco area4 or beyond (a proto-Arawakan hearth); see also Wagner (1998:147-8) for a discussion of the same view. The Saladoids also originate from Upper Orinoco areas or a proto-Arawakan hearth. If they have a common origin, it comes as no surprise that they share organizational, cultural and social concepts such as: circular 8 m diameter houses but also malocas that have a surface area, on the average, of twice the basic house, stone beads and complete pottery products in caches and burials, sea turtles, and in Aruba, exotic animal bone (i.e., bone of mainland animals). It is striking that the post-Saladoid archaeological records (of Smoke Alley and Kelbey's Ridge) do not have malocas. Also, houses at Tanki Flip, interpreted as the latest ones in time (Str-4 and -12), are smaller than the earlier ones (Versteeg and Rostain 1997:455). In the transition from Saladoid to post-Saladoid, not only does the percentage of decorated pottery seem to decrease considerably, from about 20 percent to less than 2 percent (Versteeg and Schinkel 1992:72), but the house size seems to be limited to relatively small structures, at least according to the information that is presently available.

CONCLUSIONS

The sites discussed share house concepts and house shapes, stone beads, complete pottery items and bones of specific animals in special features (caches and burials). Basic aspects of pottery decoration and the function of pottery seem to be similar for the Saladoid and Dabajuroid sites. In 90 Proceedings of the 17th Congress for Caribbean Archaeology

the larger sites (Tanki Flip and Golden Rock), some areas were kept free of building activities through time (interpreted as plazas) except right-angled structures (interpreted as ceremonial struc­ tures). The conclusion is that these peoples, previously ascribed to different cultural zones (e.g., the eastern and western Venezuelan cultural zones), share many concepts that must have been important on an organizational (e.g., the houses and plazas) and symbolic (e.g., the caches, burials and rectangular plaza-structures) level of these societies. These specific conclusions can be drawn because the used type of investigation provides context for the excavated features and for some clusters of excavated features. The function of some features such as the caches reported for Golden Rock and Tanki Flip could be inferred from their special position and their special content in these large-scale excavations. That is unusual in the Caribbean region and for that reason the number of sites studied here has been limited to five. This does not mean that there are no differences to be noted. What is typical for the Aruba sites are secondary burials in urns, hearths with different types of stones associated with burials and caches. The St. Eustatius and Saba sites have zemis as their typical artefact with a ceremonial background. Parallels such as documented in the houses, caches and the ceremonial use of stone beads and of canonized pottery products, the similar basic elements in this pottery suggest that both groups have a common origin. Long-standing traditions and a considerable amount of cultural continuity make the common origin of a proto-Arawakan group recognizable far from the origin in time and geography; the differences show that changes occurred after they left the Upper Orinoco region and after they changed their former riverine environment for a coastal/insular one. Versteeg 91

REFERENCES CITED

Ardua Calderón, G.I. 1996 Los tiempos de las conchas. Editorial Universidad Nacional. Bogotá.

Basso, E.B. 1973 The Kalapalo Indians of Central Brazil. Holt, Rhinehart & Winston, Inc., New York.

Hoogland, M.L.P. 1996 In Search of the Native Population of'Precolumbian Saba (400-1450A.D.). Part two. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Leiden University, Leiden, Netherlands.

Oliver, J.R. 1989 The Archaeological, Linguistic and Ethnohistorical Evidence for the Expansion of Arawakan into Northwestern Venezuela and Northeastern Colombia. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana- Champaign, 111.

Rivera Calderón, V., and S.A. Pérez 1999 Estudio preliminar de la Distribución espacial en la Comunidad aborigen de Lujan I. In Proceedings of the 17th International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, edited by J. Winter, pp. 266-281. Molloy College, Rockville Centre, NY.

Versteeg, A.H. 1997 Precolumbian Houses at the Santa Cruz site. In Arubaans Akkoord edited by L. Alofs, H.E. Coomans and W. Rutgers, pp. 89-101. Stichting Libri Antilliani, Bloemendaal.

Versteeg, A.H., and C. Schinkel (editors) 1992 The Archaeology of St. Eustatius: the Golden Rock site. Publication of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation 2, Publication of the Foundation for Scientific Research in the Caribbean Region 131, Oranjestad and Amsterdam.

Versteeg, A.H., C. Schinkel, and S.M. Wilson 1993 Large-scale excavation versus surveys: examples from Nevis, St. Eustatius and St. Kitts in the Northern Caribbean. Analecta Praehistoria Leidensia 26:139-161.

Versteeg, A.H., and S. Rostain (editors) 1997 The Archaeology of Aruba: the Tanki Flip site. Publications of the Archaeological Museum Aruba 8, Publications of the Foundation for Scientific Research in the Caribbean Region 141, Oranjestad and Amsterdam. 92 Proceedings of the 17th Congress for Caribbean Archaeology

Wagner, E. 1998 Afterword. In Recent Advances in the Archaeology of the Northern Andes. In Memory of Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, edited by A. Oyuela-Caycedo and J. Scott Raymond, pp. 147-148. Monograph 39. Institute of Archaeology of the University of California, Los Angeles. Versteeg 93

END NOTES

1. This is a minimum number. More domestic structures are presented by Bartone and Versteeg (Versteeg and Rostain: 1997). 2. During the 17th International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology (Nassau July 1997) an even larger maloca structure was presented by Virginia Rivera Calderón and Sixto Pérez ( 1999). This structure measures ca. 22 m in diameter and is the largest Precolumbian structure in the Caribbean region up to now. It was excavated at the Lujan I site on Vieques island, just east of Puerto Rico. Interestingly, smaller round structures also were reported for this site, comparable to those of the five sites discussed in this paper. 3. Interestingly, the outer oval of the Fal-7 maloca has small posts comparable to the Tanki Flip malocas, but the central posts are larger and heavier. 4. See Ardua Calderón (1996:174) for another argumentation of common origins of eastern and western Venezuelan cultures in prehistory. 94 Proceedings of the 17th Congress for Caribbean Archaeology

Figure 1. Map of Venezuela and the Caribbean islands. The most important sites discussed in this paper are on Aruba, St. Eustatius, and Saba. Figure 2. Map St. Eustatius and archaeological sites. Figure 3. Map Aruba and archaeological sites. 1 = Golden Rock (GR); 2 = Smoke Alley (SA); 3 = Godet i = Tanki Flip; 2 = Santa Cruz; 3 = Sabaneta •l_';-fr d

Figure 4. One of the postholes of the outer circle of a large maloca (diameter ca 19 m) excavated at the Saladoid Golden Rock site in St. Eustatius. The postpipe is well visible. The large stones were in the posthole and had a function in fixing the post laterally. This posthole has a depth of ca 2 m.

Figure 5. Floor plan of maloca S-4 at the Golden Rock Eustatius. This structure was supported by 2 central pos made up the inner circle and 16 posts the outer circle. F the postholes of the outer circle, see Figure 4. Versteeg 97

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Figure 8. Map of the excavated area at the Santa Cruz site (Aruba). Reconstruction of oval maloca. Burials were found inside it, and a dump area was situated to the northwest of it. 100 Proceedings of the 17th Congress for Caribbean Archaeology

SMOKE ALLEY.

ST. EUSTATIUS

Figure 9. Excavation pits and the floor plan of a round house in the Smoke Alley site (St. Eustatius). Versteeg 101

Figure 10. Burial of a child in the Golden Rock site (St. Eustatius). The four black arrows mark bone remains (teeth, skull and leg bones). Two complete pottery vessels, 81 quartz beads in the chest area and three shell plaques were in this grave (cf. Versteeg & Schinkel, 1992:figs 158-160). The incomplete recovery of the skeleton may be the result of secundary treatment of the young individual.

Figure 11. Burial at the Santa Cruz site (Aruba). Complete male skeleton grasping with both hands a pedestalled bowl. This burial was found inside the maloca shown in Figure 8, near to a large hearth. th 102 Proceedings of the 17 Congress for Caribbean Archaeology

Figure 12. Complete pottery vessels from a cache at the Golden Rock site. This cache was found near a small rectangular structure that was interpreted as a ceremonial structure, probably a men's house.

Figure 13. Zemi of stone typical for the sites at St. Eustatius and Saba.