Religion and the Secular State in Israel
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Feminist Critiques of Rabbinic Law Through the Lens of Assisted Reproductive Technologies Andrea Pemberton
The ART of Producing Responsa: Feminist Critiques of Rabbinic Law through the Lens of Assisted Reproductive Technologies Andrea Pemberton Prior to the mid-twentieth century, when assisted reproductive technologies (ART) stepped on to the medical scene, supplications and prayers to God were the primary means for religious Jewish couples to cope with the issue of infertility. However, with the advent of artificial insemination techniques, fertility hormones, in vitro fertilization, and surrogacy, new medical technologies have successfully generated proactive methods for infertile individuals to have biological children of their own. Yet as these controversial technologies emerge, and prove to be of interest and use to Jewish persons, rabbis are compelled to contend with this new and challenging issue. In an effort to comply with halakha, or rabbinic law, modern rabbis have interpreted ART in various ways, putting restrictions on certain forms and implementing guidelines for their use in general. For religious Orthodox Jews, halakha is a prominent feature of everyday life that influences his or her actions and interactions in the most direct way. Because of this observance, Orthodox couples undergoing fertility treatment and utilizing ART take seriously the guidance of their rabbis, who are seen as authorities on halakha. Consequently, a potential problem that emerges from the halakhic discourse on assisted reproductive technologies is that this set of symbolically-loaded medical procedures takes place within the female body, yet is dictated by the tractates of a male-dominated religious legal system. The purpose of this paper, then, is to utilize feminist critiques of gender bias in legal systems to critically analyze Orthodox rabbinic discourse on assisted reproductive technologies. -
Religion and State in Israel
Religion and State in Israel Updated August 2017 INTRODUCTION On the morning of June 25 2017, the Israeli cabinet met in Jerusalem at the same time that many of North American Jewry’s leaders were gathering a few miles away for meetings of the Jewish Agency’s Board of Governors. By the end of the day, two Israeli government decisions were announced – one concerning the Kotel and one on conversion – that sent shock waves through the Agency meetings and throughout the Jewish world. While the two decisions (details below) threatened to cause one of the most serious fissures between Israel and Diaspora Jewry in decades, they were hardly the first Israeli government actions in the religion-state realm to generate alarm among Jewish communities. Indeed, issues of religion and state, religious-secular tensions, and the seeming lack of religious pluralism in Israel are often seen by North American Jews as some of the most disturbing aspects of modern Israeli life. And significantly, a growing number of Israelis share those sentiments. In fact, in a poll taken straight after the recent decisions, 63% of Israelis said that they opposed both of the government’s new pronouncements. A separate study the same week noted that 82% of Israelis believe that all Jews, including Reform and Conservative, should feel the Western Wall belongs to them and that every Jew, regardless of affiliation, should feel welcome in Israel. While the nature of the Israeli political system means that changes and progress are slow in coming, in recent years there have been a number of small but significant steps forward, even as there have been multiple steps back. -
Keynote Address Orrin G
BYU Law Review Volume 2015 Article 3 Issue 3 Varieties of Secularism, Religion, and the Law April 2015 Keynote Address Orrin G. Hatch Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the First Amendment Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Orrin G. Hatch, Keynote Address, 2015 BYU L. Rev. 585 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2015/iss3/3 This Conference Proceeding is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HATCH.FIN (DO NOT DELETE) 1/16/2016 2:46 PM Keynote Address by Senator Orrin G. Hatch 21st International Law and Religion Symposium Brigham Young University, J. Reuben Clark Law School October 5, 2014 It is my privilege to be with you for the 21st annual International Law and Religion Symposium. I am humbled to be added to the list of distinguished scholars and jurists from around the world who have given this address in the past. This is an unsettled and unsettling time for religious liberty. Both at home and abroad, religious liberty is under attack. What was once a broad consensus here in the United States that religious freedom deserves special protection has crumbled. Indeed, President Obama and his administration have taken positions that, at best, treat religious liberty as simply an ordinary consideration and, at worst, are openly hostile to religious liberty. -
There Is No “Status Quo” Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
THERE IS NO “STATUS QUO” DRIVERS OF VIOLENCE IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT NATHAN STOCK AUGUST 2019 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, write to the publisher. Copyright © 2019 The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1763 N Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 Follow MEI: @MiddleEastInst /MiddleEastInstitute There is No “Status Quo” Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Nathan Stock iv | About the author nathan stock Nathan Stock is a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute. Prior to joining MEI he spent nine years working for former President Carter’s organization, The Carter Center. He served in the Center’s Conflict Resolution Program, out of Atlanta, GA, before moving to Jerusalem to run the Center’s Israel-Palestine Field Office. Stock led Carter Center efforts to facilitate the reunification of the Palestinian political system and to assert Palestinian sovereignty via international fora. He designed and managed projects targeting the Fatah-Hamas conflict, and implemented programming to monitor and advance political solutions to the Syrian civil war. Prior to joining the Center, Stock worked in Afghanistan on a USAID-funded grant to strengthen local civil society organizations. During the Al-Aqsa Intifada, he lived in the Gaza Strip, working with a Palestinian NGO to design and fundraise for conflict resolution programs targeting the Palestinian community. -
The Haredim As a Challenge for the Jewish State. the Culture War Over Israel's Identity
SWP Research Paper Peter Lintl The Haredim as a Challenge for the Jewish State The Culture War over Israel’s Identity Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 14 December 2020, Berlin Abstract ∎ A culture war is being waged in Israel: over the identity of the state, its guiding principles, the relationship between religion and the state, and generally over the question of what it means to be Jewish in the “Jewish State”. ∎ The Ultra-Orthodox community or Haredim are pitted against the rest of the Israeli population. The former has tripled in size from four to 12 per- cent of the total since 1980, and is projected to grow to over 20 percent by 2040. That projection has considerable consequences for the debate. ∎ The worldview of the Haredim is often diametrically opposed to that of the majority of the population. They accept only the Torah and religious laws (halakha) as the basis of Jewish life and Jewish identity, are critical of democratic principles, rely on hierarchical social structures with rabbis at the apex, and are largely a-Zionist. ∎ The Haredim nevertheless depend on the state and its institutions for safeguarding their lifeworld. Their (growing) “community of learners” of Torah students, who are exempt from military service and refrain from paid work, has to be funded; and their education system (a central pillar of ultra-Orthodoxy) has to be protected from external interventions. These can only be achieved by participation in the democratic process. ∎ Haredi parties are therefore caught between withdrawal and influence. -
Aliyah and the Ingathering of Exiles: Jewish Immigration to Israel
Aliyah and the Ingathering of Exiles: Jewish Immigration to Israel Corinne Cath Thesis Bachelor Cultural Anthropology 2011 Aliyah and the Ingathering of Exiles: Jewish immigration to Israel Aliyah and the Ingathering of Exiles: Jewish Immigration to Israel Thesis Bachelor Cultural Anthropology 2011 Corinne Cath 3337316 C,[email protected] Supervisor: F. Jara-Gomez Aliyah and the Ingathering of Exiles: Jewish immigration to Israel This thesis is dedicated to my grandfather Kees Cath and my grandmother Corinne De Beaufort, whose resilience and wits are an inspiration always. Aliyah and the Ingathering of Exiles: Jewish immigration to Israel Table of Contents Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................................... 4 General Introduction ............................................................................................. 5 1.Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................... 8 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 8 1.1 Anthropology and the Nation-State ........................................................................ 10 The Nation ........................................................................................................ 10 States and Nation-States ................................................................................... 11 Nationalism ...................................................................................................... -
A Comparative Analysis of European Islamophobia: France, UK, Germany, Netherlands and Sweden
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EUROPEAN ISLAMOPHOBIA: FRANCE, UK, GERMANY, NETHERLANDS AND SWEDEN Engy Abdelkader, JD, LL.M. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. WHAT DO EUROPEANS THINK OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS? .......................................31 A. France ...................................................................................................31 B. United Kingdom ....................................................................................33 C. Germany ...............................................................................................36 D. Netherlands ...........................................................................................37 A. Sweden ..................................................................................................39 II. THE ROLE OF RELIGION AND PROTECTIONS EXTENDED TO FREEDOM OF RELIGION .40 B. United Kingdom ....................................................................................42 C. Germany ...............................................................................................43 D. Netherlands ...........................................................................................43 E. Sweden ..................................................................................................44 III. RELIGION, LAW AND SOCIETY ............................................................................45 A. France ...................................................................................................45 1. Hate Crimes ..........................................................................................45 -
Law and Religion: the Challenges of Christian Jurisprudence, 2 U
University of St. Thomas Law Journal Volume 2 Article 14 Issue 2 Spring 2005 2005 Law and Religion: The hC allenges of Christian Jurisprudence John Witte Jr. Bluebook Citation John Witte, Jr., Law and Religion: The Challenges of Christian Jurisprudence, 2 U. St. Thomas L.J. 439 (2005). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UST Research Online and the University of St. Thomas Law Journal. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF ST. THOMAS LAW JOURNAL SPRING 2005 VOLUM ..: 2 NUMBER 2 Symposium Can the Seamless Garment Be Sewn? The Future of Pro-Life Progressivism Law and Religion: The Challenges of Christian Jurisprudence John Witte, Jr. Fides et Justitia ARTICLE LAW AND RELIGION: THE CHALLENGES OF CHRISTIAN JURISPRUDENCE JOHN WITTE, JR. * LEGAL POSITIVISM AKD THE RISE OF INTERDISCIPLIKARY LEGAL STUDY "The better the society, the less law there will be. In Heaven there will be no law, and the lion will lie down with the lamb .... In Hell there will be nothing but law, and due process will be meticulously observed."1 So wrote Grant Gilmore to conclude his Ages of American Law. Gilmore crafted this catchy couplet to capture the pessimistic view of law, politics, and society made popular by the American jurist and Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. (1841-1935). Contrary to the conventional por trait of Holmes as the sage and sartorial "Yankee from Olympus,"2 Gil more portrayed Holmes as a "harsh and cruel" man, chastened and charred by the savagery of the American Civil -
Race, the Law, and Religion in America
Race, the Law, and Religion in America Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion Race, the Law, and Religion in America Michael Graziano Subject: Religion and Politics, Religion in America Online Publication Date: Sep 2017 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.013.501 Summary and Keywords The history of race, religion, and law in the United States is a story about who gets to be human and the relevance of human difference to political and material power. Each side in this argument marshaled a variety of scientific, theological, and intellectual arguments supporting its position. Consequently, we should not accept a simple binary in which religion either supports or obstructs processes of racialization in American history. Race and religion, rather, are co-constitutive. They have been defined and measured together since Europeans’ arrival in the western hemisphere. A focus on legal history is one way to track these developments. One of the primary contradictions in the relationship between religion and race in the U.S. legal system has been that, despite the promise of individual religious free exercise enshrined in the Constitution, dominant strands of American culture have long identified certain racial and religious groups as a threat to the security of the nation. The expansion of rights to minority groups has been, and remains, contested in American culture. “Race,” as Americans came to think about it, was encoded in laws, adjudicated in courts, enforced through government action, and conditioned everyday life. Ideas of race were closely related to religious and cultural assumptions about human nature and human origins. Much of the history of the United States, and the western hemisphere of which it is part, is linked to changing ideas about—even the emergence of—a terminology of “race,” “religion,” and related concepts. -
Jerusalem and the Temple Mount Status Quo What You Need to Know
Jerusalem and the Temple Mount Status Quo What You Need to Know Background: The Status Quo Arrangement The Temple Mount / Noble Sanctuary in JerusalemJerusalemJerusalemJerusalem is the holiest site in Judaism and third holiest in Islam. Two Jewish Temples have stood on the site, which is believed to be the place where Abraham almost sacrificed Isaac. It has served as a major symbol of Jewish identity towards where Jews have prayed throughout the millennia. Muslims, who refer to Jerusalem as “al-Quds” (the holy place), believe the holy site to be the spot where Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven from the rock which the Dome of the Rock currently envelops. The Noble Sanctuary comprises the Dome of the Rock and the venerated Al Aqsa mosque. Following Israel’s capture of the Temple Mount during the 1967 SixSixSixSix Da DaDaDayyyy W WWWarararar, the government handed day-to-day control of the area to the Muslim Waqf religious authorities, overseen by the Jordanian government. Israel retains security control of the area. Fifty years later, this policy, known as the “status quo”, continues to be the policy of the Israeli government. While many Jews believe it is forbidden to ascend to the Temple Mount for religious purity reasons, the Waqf forbids Jews from praying while on the Mount, a situation that is controversial among some Israeli Jews who believe it is their right to have full access to their holy site. 1 / 5 In recent years, there have been accusations among Palestinians and across the Muslim world of a conspiracy by Israel to “Judaiz“Judaiz“Judaiz“Judaizeeee”””” Jerusalem JerusalemJerusalemJerusalem, particularly the Temple Mount. -
Religious Power, the State, Women's Rights, and Family
Politics & Gender, 11 (2015), 451–477. Religious Power, the State, Women’s Rights, and Family Law Mala Htun University of New Mexico S. Laurel Weldon Purdue University amily law is an essential dimension of women’s citizenship in the F modern state. The rights established in family law shape women’s agency and autonomy; they also regulate access to basic resources — such as land, income, and education — that determine a citizen’s ability to earn a living independently, among other life chances (Agarwal 1994; Deere and Leo´n 2001; Kabeer 1994; Okin 1989; World Bank 2012). Yet family law is a notorious site of sex inequality, historically and in the present. Equal rights enjoyed by women in national constitutions are often contradicted by family and civil codes that subordinate women to the decisions of their husbands and fathers. In the early 21st century, family law in a significant number of countries discriminated against women, denying them the rights held by men and contributing to their disadvantaged social positions. Weldon and Htun are equal contributors to all parts of this project. Research was supported by National Science Foundation SES Grant #0550284. We are grateful for research assistance from Amanda Burke, Annamarie Calasanti, Jose´ Kaire, Kimberly Proctor, Crystal Shelton, and our team from the New School and Purdue and for comments from Aline Coudouel, Jorge Domı´nguez, Tazeen Hasan, Jennifer Hochschild, Aaron Hoffman, Juan Pablo Micozzi, Tamir Moustafa, David Samuels, Denise Walsh, and participants in seminars and panels at the American Political Science Association, Social Science Historical Association, Law and Society Organization, Indiana University, the University of Minnesota, UNRISD, the University of Chicago, the University of Illinois, Purdue University, and the University of New Mexico. -
Israel's Haredim Effect
ISRAEL’S HAREDIM EFFECT: THEOCRACY IN A DEMOCRATIC STATE A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Shannan Butler Adler, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April 1, 2014 ISRAEL’S HAREDIM EFFECT: THEOCRACY IN A DEMOCRATIC STATE Shannan Butler Adler, B.A. MALS Mentor: Ralph D. Nurnberger, Ph.D. ABSTRACT As the sole stable democracy in the Middle East and the only Jewish democratic country in the world, Israel faces unique challenges. The intersection of religion and civic responsibility has been a central internal conflict since Israel’s founding in 1948, and today has reached a critical breaking point. The Haredim are a rapidly growing insular Ultra-Orthodox segment of Israel’s Jewish population that have wielded disproportionate political influence since the birth of the nation. Refusing to seek jobs in a secular economy or participate in the military, these Jews perceive themselves as an independent religious community and actively seek to preserve that distinction. As Ultra-Orthodox, this community embraces only the most stringent interpretations of the Jewish bible, called the Torah, and insists that Israel’s democracy incorporate central tenets of biblical law within its governing bodies. The Haredim’s fervent rejection of the economic, educational, social, and military pillars that constitute the backbone of modern-day Israel comes at a high cost to the state. High unemployment rates and a refusal to participate in Israel’s conscription military place the Haredim at odds with the vast majority of Jewish Israelis who do not share their values and pay large sums of money to support them.