Authenticated Video Recording of an Extra-Judicial Execution of Unarmed Prisoners
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CHAP 9 Sri Lanka
79o 00' 79o 30' 80o 00' 80o 30' 81o 00' 81o 30' 82o 00' Kankesanturai Point Pedro A I Karaitivu I. Jana D Peninsula N Kayts Jana SRI LANKA I Palk Strait National capital Ja na Elephant Pass Punkudutivu I. Lag Provincial capital oon Devipattinam Delft I. Town, village Palk Bay Kilinochchi Provincial boundary - Puthukkudiyiruppu Nanthi Kadal Main road Rameswaram Iranaitivu Is. Mullaittivu Secondary road Pamban I. Ferry Vellankulam Dhanushkodi Talaimannar Manjulam Nayaru Lagoon Railroad A da m' Airport s Bridge NORTHERN Nedunkeni 9o 00' Kokkilai Lagoon Mannar I. Mannar Puliyankulam Pulmoddai Madhu Road Bay of Bengal Gulf of Mannar Silavatturai Vavuniya Nilaveli Pankulam Kebitigollewa Trincomalee Horuwupotana r Bay Medawachchiya diya A d o o o 8 30' ru 8 30' v K i A Karaitivu I. ru Hamillewa n a Mutur Y Pomparippu Anuradhapura Kantalai n o NORTH CENTRAL Kalpitiya o g Maragahewa a Kathiraveli L Kal m a Oy a a l a t t Puttalam Kekirawa Habarane u 8o 00' P Galgamuwa 8o 00' NORTH Polonnaruwa Dambula Valachchenai Anamaduwa a y O Mundal Maho a Chenkaladi Lake r u WESTERN d Batticaloa Naula a M uru ed D Ganewatta a EASTERN g n Madura Oya a G Reservoir Chilaw i l Maha Oya o Kurunegala e o 7 30' w 7 30' Matale a Paddiruppu h Kuliyapitiya a CENTRAL M Kehelula Kalmunai Pannala Kandy Mahiyangana Uhana Randenigale ya Amparai a O a Mah Reservoir y Negombo Kegalla O Gal Tirrukkovil Negombo Victoria Falls Reservoir Bibile Senanayake Lagoon Gampaha Samudra Ja-Ela o a Nuwara Badulla o 7 00' ng 7 00' Kelan a Avissawella Eliya Colombo i G Sri Jayewardenepura -
Sri Lanka's Potemkin Peace: Democracy Under Fire
Sri Lanka’s Potemkin Peace: Democracy Under Fire Asia Report N°253 | 13 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Northern Province Elections and the Future of Devolution ............................................ 2 A. Implementing the Thirteenth Amendment? ............................................................. 3 B. Northern Militarisation and Pre-Election Violations ................................................ 4 C. The Challenges of Victory .......................................................................................... 6 1. Internal TNA discontent ...................................................................................... 6 2. Sinhalese fears and charges of separatism ........................................................... 8 3. The TNA’s Tamil nationalist critics ...................................................................... 9 D. The Legal and Constitutional Battleground .............................................................. 12 E. A Short- -
Algemeen Ambtsbericht Sri Lanka
Algemeen Ambtsbericht Sri Lanka Juni 2013 Pagina 1 van 73 Algemeen Ambtsbericht Sri Lanka | juni 2013 Colofon Plaats Den Haag Opgesteld door Directie Consulaire Zaken en Migratiebeleid Afdeling Migratie en Asiel Pagina 2 van 73 Algemeen Ambtsbericht Sri Lanka | juni 2013 Inhoudsopgave Colofon ......................................................................................................2 Inhoudsopgave ............................................................................................3 1 Inleiding .................................................................................................. 5 2 Landeninformatie..................................................................................... 6 2.1 Basisgegevens.............................................................................................6 2.1.1 Land en volk ...............................................................................................6 2.1.2 Staatsinrichting............................................................................................6 2.2 Politieke ontwikkelingen ................................................................................9 2.3 Veiligheidssituatie ......................................................................................14 2.4 Documenten.............................................................................................. 20 3 Mensenrechten........................................................................................24 3.1 Juridische context ......................................................................................24 -
Friday, 15 January 2010, 12:23 SECRET SECTION 01
Friday, 15 January 2010, 12:23 S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 000032 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INSB EO 12958 DECL: 01/15/2020 TAGS PGOV, PREL, PREF, PHUM, PTER, EAID, MOPS, CE SUBJECT: SRI LANKA WAR-CRIMES ACCOUNTABILITY: THE TAMIL PERSPECTIVE REF: A. 09 COLOMBO 1180 B. COLOMBO 8 COLOMBO 00000032 001.2 OF 003 Classified By: AMBASSADOR PATRICIA A. BUTENIS. REASONS: 1.4 (B, D) ¶1. (S) SUMMARY: There have been a few tentative steps on accountability for crimes allegedly committed by Sri Lankan troops and civilian officials during the war with the LTTE. President Rajapaksa named a committee to make recommendations to him on the U.S. incidents report by April, and candidate Fonseka has discussed privately the formation of some form of “truth and reconciliation” commission. Otherwise, accountability has not been a high-profile issue -- including for Tamils in Sri Lanka. While Tamils have told us they would like to see some form of accountability, they have been pragmatic in what they can expect and have focused instead on securing greater rights and freedoms, resolving the IDP question, and improving economic prospects in the war-ravaged and former LTTE-occupied areas. Indeed, while they wanted to keep the issue alive for possible future action, Tamil politicians with whom we spoke in Colombo, Jaffna, and elsewhere said now was not time and that pushing hard on the issue would make them “vulnerable.” END SUMMARY. ACCOUNTABILITY AS A POLITICAL ISSUE ----------------------------------- ¶2. (S) Accountability for alleged crimes committed by GSL troops and officials during the war is the most difficult issue on our bilateral agenda. -
Wickrematunge V. Republic of Sri Lanka
Communication to the Human Rights Committee Submitted Pursuant to the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights AHIMSA WICKREMATUNGE for herself and on behalf of LASANTHA WICKREMATUNGE Victims ― v. ― DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA, Respondent INITIAL SUBMISSION Nushin Sarkarati Catherine Amirfar Carmen Cheung Natalie L. Reid CENTER FOR JUSTICE & Elizabeth Nielsen ACCOUNTABILITY Duncan Pickard One Hallidie Plaza, Suite 750 Alyssa T. Yamamoto San Francisco, CA 94102 Sebastian Dutz United States Samantha B. Singh DEBEVOISE & PLIMPTON LLP 919 Third Avenue New York, NY 10022 United States 8 January 2021 CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 1 A. The Authors and Victims .............................................. 1 B. Request to Prioritize the Case ....................................... 1 II. FACTS ........................................................................................ 1 A. Country Context ........................................................... 2 B. The Victims’ Story ....................................................... 6 III. THIS COMMUNICATION IS ADMISSIBLE .......................... 15 IV. SRI LANKA HAS VIOLATED THE COVENANT ................. 18 A. Right to Life (Article 6) .............................................. 18 B. Right to Freedom from Torture or Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Article 7)...... 20 C. Rights to Freedom of Expression and Opinion and Non- Discrimination -
Tides of Violence: Mapping the Sri Lankan Conflict from 1983 to 2009 About the Public Interest Advocacy Centre
Tides of violence: mapping the Sri Lankan conflict from 1983 to 2009 About the Public Interest Advocacy Centre The Public Interest Advocacy Centre (PIAC) is an independent, non-profit legal centre based in Sydney. Established in 1982, PIAC tackles barriers to justice and fairness experienced by people who are vulnerable or facing disadvantage. We ensure basic rights are enjoyed across the community through legal assistance and strategic litigation, public policy development, communication and training. 2nd edition May 2019 Contact: Public Interest Advocacy Centre Level 5, 175 Liverpool St Sydney NSW 2000 Website: www.piac.asn.au Public Interest Advocacy Centre @PIACnews The Public Interest Advocacy Centre office is located on the land of the Gadigal of the Eora Nation. TIDES OF VIOLENCE: MAPPING THE SRI LANKAN CONFLICT FROM 1983 TO 2009 03 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................... 09 Background to CMAP .............................................................................................................................................09 Report overview .......................................................................................................................................................09 Key violation patterns in each time period ......................................................................................................09 24 July 1983 – 28 July 1987 .................................................................................................................................10 -
The Impacts of Small Arms Availability and Misuse in Sri Lanka
In the Shadow of a Cease-fire: The Impacts of Small Arms Availability and Misuse in Sri Lanka by Chris Smith October 2003 A publication of the Small Arms Survey Chris Smith The Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It is also linked to the Graduate Institute’s Programme for Strategic and International Security Studies. Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. It collaborates with research institutes and non-governmental organizations in many countries including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The Small Arms Survey occasional paper series presents new and substantial research findings by project staff and commissioned researchers on data, methodological, and conceptual issues related to small arms, or detailed country and regional case studies. The series is published periodically and is available in hard copy and on the project’s web site. Small Arms Survey Phone: + 41 22 908 5777 Graduate Institute of International Studies Fax: + 41 22 732 2738 47 Avenue Blanc Email: [email protected] 1202 Geneva Web site: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org Switzerland ii Occasional Papers No. 1 Re-Armament in Sierra Leone: One Year After the Lomé Peace Agreement, by Eric Berman, December 2000 No. 2 Removing Small Arms from Society: A Review of Weapons Collection and Destruction Programmes, by Sami Faltas, Glenn McDonald, and Camilla Waszink, July 2001 No. -
Jaffna's Media in the Grip of Terror
Fact-finding report by the International Press Freedom Mission to Sri Lanka Jaffna’s media in the grip of terror August 2007 Since fighting resumed in 2006 between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the Tamil-populated Jaffna peninsula has become a nightmare for journalists, human rights activists and the civilian population in general. Murders, kidnappings, threats and censorship have made Jaffna one of the world’s most dangerous places for journalists to work. At least seven media workers, including two journalists, have been killed there since May 2006. One journalist is missing and at least three media outlets have been physically attacked. Dozens of journalists have fled the area or abandoned the profession. None of these incidents has been seriously investigated despite government promises and the existence of suspects. Representatives of Reporters Without Borders and International Media Support visited Jaffna on 20 and 21 June as part of an international press freedom fact-finding mission to Sri Lanka. They met Tamil journalists, military officials, civil society figures and the members of the national Human Rights Commission (HRC). This report is also based on the day-by-day press freedom monitoring done by Reporters Without Borders and other organisations in the international mission. For security reasons, the names of most of the journalists and other people interviewed are not cited here. Since the attack on 2 May last year on the offices of the Jaffna district’s most popular daily paper, Uthayan, local journalists have lived and worked in fear. One paper shut down after its editor was murdered and only three dailies are now published. -
University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) Sri Lanka UTHR(J)
University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) Sri Lanka UTHR(J) Special Report No. 21 Date of Release: 15th May 2006 When Indignation is Past and the Dust Settles - Reckoning Incompatible Agendas 1.0 A Menacing Triad 1.1 Behind the Provocations 1.2 The Killing of Political Leaders 2.1 Twin Agendas 2.2 What happened in Tricomalee on 12th April? 2.3 State Complicity at High Level behind Trincomalee Violence 2.4 Trincomalee: Achilles Heel and Flashpoint 2.5 Reflecting on History: Making Trincomalee a Zone of Peace 3.0 Lessons from the CFA 4.0 Violence by Political Default Appendix The Patterns of Violence and Extra-Judicial Killings A0.0. Introduction A0.1. 13th May: Massacre in Allaipiddy, Kayts, Jaffna Offshore A1.0 Jaffna District A 2.0 Batticaloa District A 3.0 Vavuniya and Mannar 1.0 A Menacing Triad Spiralling violence and increased polarisation along communal lines are threatening to tear Sri Lanka apart. The situation is compounded by the state’s inability to uphold the law, and its inept and disingenuous handling of the current political crisis. We are faced with a menacing triad of developments: § The peace process had never come to terms with the LTTE’s agenda and the South failed to demonstrate a tangible will for a political settlement that would have enabled the Tamils to challenge the LTTE. § The mushrooming of killings aimed at curbing the LTTE was the second predictable development. The groups responsible are by the weight of evidence 1 state sponsored, and their attacks have not just tripled or quadrupled the combined killing rate in the North-East they have taken on another sinister aspect, targeting unarmed political rivals. -
War Crimes and International Humanitarian Law in Sri Lanka
\\jciprod01\productn\E\ELO\5-2\ELO203.txt unknown Seq: 1 24-SEP-13 7:48 LITMUS TEST OF OUR RESOLVE: WAR CRIMES AND INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW IN SRI LANKA BY ELIZABETH LEMAN In the aftermath of a conflict with high levels of civilian casualties or war crimes, Jeremy Sarkin writes that there are three goals that a government or international commission can prioritize in the applica- tion of international humanitarian law (IHL): truth, justice, and recon- ciliation.1 These may sound similar, but each requires very different things of the law and its administrators.2 If truth is the administration’s primary goal, then the powers that be must thoroughly examine all facets of the events that occurred with a single-minded dedication to fact, sometimes at the expense of intercommunity relations and the realities of reconstruction needs.3 If justice is chosen as the most im- portant course of action, its pursuit often leads to the neglect of inter- nal relations and reconciliation.4 Therefore, focusing on reconciliation can often seem the best option, but concentrating solely on rebuilding society can lead to a neglect of the past and its impact on individuals and the larger community.5 Of course, the objectives of IHL’s application will vary from situa- tion to situation, and may even encompass more than one of Sarkin’s goals, but how should those goals be determined and who should de- termine them – the country itself or the international community? Many post-conflict situations are left with inadequate, biased, or absent governments. Who then can make these decisions for a society? More- over, once a goal is defined, how should it be achieved? The United 1 Jeremy Sarkin, Promoting Justice, Truth and Reconciliation in Transitional Societies: Eval- uating Rwanda’s Approach In the New Millennium of Using Community Based Gacaca Tribu- nals to Deal With the Past, 2 INT’L L.F. -
Media Freedom in Post War Sri Lanka and Its Impact on the Reconciliation Process
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford MEDIA FREEDOM IN POST WAR SRI LANKA AND ITS IMPACT ON THE RECONCILIATION PROCESS By Swaminathan Natarajan Trinity Term 2012 Sponsor: BBC Media Action Page 1 of 41 Page 2 of 41 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First and foremost, I would like to thank James Painter, Head of the Journalism Programme and the entire staff of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism for their help and support. I am grateful to BBC New Media Action for sponsoring me, and to its former Programme Officer Tirthankar Bandyopadhyay, for letting me know about this wonderful opportunity and encouraging me all the way. My supervisor Dr Sujit Sivasundaram of Cambridge University provided academic insights which were very valuable for my research paper. I place on record my appreciation to all those who participated in the survey and interviews. I would like to thank my colleagues in the BBC, Chandana Keerthi Bandara, Charles Haviland, Wimalasena Hewage, Saroj Pathirana, Poopalaratnam Seevagan, Ponniah Manickavasagam and my good friend Karunakaran (former Colombo correspondent of the BBC Tamil Service) for their help. Special thanks to my parents and sisters and all my fellow journalist fellows. Finally to Marianne Landzettel (BBC World Service News) for helping me by patiently proof reading and revising this paper. Page 3 of 41 Table of Contents 1 Overview ......................................................................................................................................... 5 2 Challenges to Press Freedom -
1 Building the Tamil Eelam State
Building the Tamil Eelam State: Emerging State Institutions and Forms of Governance in LTTE-controlled Areas in Sri Lanka Kristian Stokke 1 Sometimes when I have felt a little depressed I would go to Parliament to sit in the public gallery and look down at all those ‘terrorists’ now occupying the government benches. It is something to lift the heaviest heart to behold those who were regarded by the previous apartheid government as the most dangerous terrorists, and who now, in the new democratic dispensation, are the Hon. Minister of this or that. I would recall that some of them were fellow marchers in rallies against the awfulness of apartheid, and with some we were targets for teargassing, and now here they are, members of a democratically elected National Assembly. (Tutu 2000: vii) The quote from the South African Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu points to the discursive contestation over nationalist struggles – where a militant movement may be alternatively described as ‘freedom fighters’ or ‘terrorists’ – but also to the political transformation of such movements during transitions to peace and democracy. Although Tutu’s statement refers specifically to the transformation of the African National Congress during South Africa’s transition to liberal democracy, his observations resonate with the politics of naming and transforming the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka. Thus, Nadarajah and Sriskandarajah (2005) show that the language of terrorism has been used to deny LTTE international legitimacy and thereby undermine their political project of Tamil self-determination. Much less has been written about the on-going political transformations within the LTTE.