Presupposition and Implicature?
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POLITENESS: ALWAYS IMPLICATED? Manuel Padilla Cruz
POLITENESS: ALWAYS IMPLICATED? Manuel Padilla Cruz Manuel Padilla Cruz holds a PhD in English Linguistics and is currently an Associate Professor at the Department of English Language (University of Seville). His research interests include cognitive, social, historical, interlanguage and cross-cultural pragmatics. He is a member of the Research Group “Intercultural Pragmatic Studies (English-Spanish): Pragmatic and Discourse Aspects” (P.A.I. HUM 640) and has co- edited the volumes Current Trends in Intercultural, Cognitive and Social Pragmatics (2004) and Studies in Intercultural, Cognitive and Social Pragmatics (in press). Contact information: Manuel Padilla Cruz Departamento de Filología Inglesa (Lengua Inglesa) FACULTAD DE FILOLOGÍA c/ Palos de la Frontera, s/n. 41004 Sevilla Tlfno. : 954 55 15 50 Fax: 954 55 15 16 e-mail: [email protected] POLITENESS: ALWAYS IMPLICATED? Manuel Padilla Cruz Abstract Based on the relevance-theoretic distinction between explicit and implicit communication, and the notion of explicature of an utterance and its different types (Sperber and Wilson, 1986, 1995; Wilson and Sperber, 1993, 2002), this paper argues that (im)politeness may also be communicated explicitly, and not only implicitly as has been normally claimed in the extant literature. The fact that certain linguistic expressions and paralinguistic features have a procedural meaning that does not affect the truth-conditional content of the utterance where they occur but leads the hearer to obtain a propositional-attitude description can be exploited by the speaker in order to communicate her (im)polite attitude explicitly, as part of the explicit content of that utterance. The hearer will in turn rely on such expressions and features so as to recover a description of the speaker’s attitude and, hence, information about (im)politeness. -
Making Inferences: the Case of Scalar Implicature Processing Judith Degen ([email protected]) Michael K
Making Inferences: The Case of Scalar Implicature Processing Judith Degen ([email protected]) Michael K. Tanenhaus ([email protected]) Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences, University of Rochester Rochester, NY 14627-0268, USA Abstract ten). Under the assumption that a speaker is being as informa- tive as possible, a weak implicature, that the speaker doesn’t Scalar implicature has served as a test case for investigating the nature of inference processes in language comprehension. know whether all of the sections are written, is licensed. If Specifically, the question of whether or not scalar implicatures the hearer further assumes that the speaker is competent with are computed by default has been extensively investigated in respect to the truth of the stronger statement, the implicature recent years. We argue that the question of default is overly simplistic and propose instead to think of scalar implicature that the speaker believes that some, but not all of the sections computation as a problem of optimal cue combination within a are written, is licensed. constraint-based framework. We provide evidence from three In recent years the representation and processing of scalar experiments supporting the view that multiple constraints of differing strength operate in parallel to provide probabilistic implicatures has emerged as perhaps the defining problem in support for or against an implicature. experimental pragmatics – a subfield of cognitive science that Keywords: experimental pragmatics; scalar implicature; eye- seeks to combine theoretical proposals from linguistics, com- tracking; subitizing puter science and philosophy with state-of-the-art experimen- tal methods. Introduction Importantly for the experimental investigation of the phe- Successful communication requires comprehenders to infer a nomenon, scalar implicatures are cancelable, that is, they are speaker’s intended meaning from an underspecified utterance. -
Cohesion, Coherence and Temporal Reference from an Experimental Corpus Pragmatics Perspective Yearbook of Corpus Linguistics and Pragmatics
Yearbook of Corpus Linguistics and Pragmatics Cristina Grisot Cohesion, Coherence and Temporal Reference from an Experimental Corpus Pragmatics Perspective Yearbook of Corpus Linguistics and Pragmatics Editor-in-Chief Jesús Romero-Trillo, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain Reviews Editor Dawn Knight, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK Advisory Editorial Board Karin Aijmer, University of Gothenburg, Sweden Belén Díez-Bedmar, Universidad de Jaén, Spain Ronald Geluykens, University of Oldenburg, Germany Anna Gladkova, University of Sussex and University of Brighton, UK Stefan Gries: University of California, Santa Barbara, USA Leo Francis Hoye, University of Hong Kong, China Jingyang Jiang, Zhejiang University, China Anne O’Keefe, Mary Immaculate College, Limerick, Ireland Silvia Riesco-Bernier, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain Anne-Marie Simon-Vandenbergen, University of Ghent, Belgium Esther Vázquez y del Árbol, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain Anne Wichmann, University of Central Lancashire, UK More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/11559 Cristina Grisot Cohesion, Coherence and Temporal Reference from an Experimental Corpus Pragmatics Perspective Cristina Grisot Department of Linguistics University of Geneva Geneva 4, Switzerland Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation ISSN 2213-6819 ISSN 2213-6827 (electronic) Yearbook of Corpus Linguistics and Pragmatics ISBN 978-3-319-96751-6 ISBN 978-3-319-96752-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96752-3 Library of Congress -
Presupposition As Investigator Certainty in a Police Interrogation: the Case of Lorenzo Montoya’S False Confession
Presupposition as investigator certainty in a police interrogation: The case of Lorenzo Montoya’s false confession Author: Philip Gaines This is a postprint of an article that originally appeared in Discourse & Society on July 2018. The final version can be found at https://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926518754417. Gaines, Philip. "Presupposition as investigator certainty in a police interrogation: The case of Lorenzo Montoya's false confession." Discourse & Society 29, no. 4 (July 2018): 399-419. DOI:10.1177/0957926518754417. Made available through Montana State University’s ScholarWorks scholarworks.montana.edu Presupposition as investigator certainty in a police interrogation: The case of Lorenzo Montoya’s false confession Philip Gaines Montana State University, USA Abstract This article presents an analysis of the use by police investigators of presupposition-bearing questions (PBQs) in interrogation as a process for communicating certainty of guilt. Among the techniques of interrogational maximization employed by police is the communication to the suspect of the interrogators’ certainty of the suspect’s guilt. While social science research notes that such communication of certainty is given directly, for example by statements that they ‘know’ the suspect is guilty or by direct accusations such as ‘you did it’, this analysis shows that certainty of guilt can also be communicated by presuppositions embedded in interrogation questions. Discourse analysis of the complete transcript of the interrogation of a 14-year-old suspect reveals further that through the use of 177 PBQs, interrogators are able to accrue inadvertent admissions to three crucial global ‘facts’ about the suspect’s involvement in the crime – each of which is composed of multiple subsidiary ‘facts’. -
Entailment, Presupposition, and Implicature in the Work of Ernest Hemingway and Tim O'brien
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1994 The tS ylistic Mechanics of Implicitness: Entailment, Presupposition, and Implicature in the Work of Ernest Hemingway and Tim O'Brien. Donna Glee Williams Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Williams, Donna Glee, "The tS ylistic Mechanics of Implicitness: Entailment, Presupposition, and Implicature in the Work of Ernest Hemingway and Tim O'Brien." (1994). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 5768. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/5768 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough,m asubstandard r gins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Paul Grice: Philosopher and Linguist, by Siobhan Chapman
Department of Linguistics CHRISTOPHER POTTS University of Massachusetts, Amherst Amherst, MA 01003 USA Paul Grice: Philosopher and Linguist, by Siobhan Chapman. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Pp. vii + 247. H/b £45. Paul Grice seems to have led a quintessentially academic life — a life spent jot- ting notes, giving lectures, reading, talking, and arguing with his past self and with others. In virtue of his age and station, he remained largely at the fringes of the great battles of his day — World War II and the clash of the positivists with the ordinary language group. There are no grand family tensions a` la Russell, nor any deep psychoses a` la Wittgenstein. Just obstinacy, unfashionable dress, cricket, and periods of gluttony. It is not the usual stuff of high drama. But Siobhan Chap- man’s biography Paul Grice: Philosopher and Linguist tells a compelling story. It’s a story of surprising influences and gradual intellectual evolution. And it is well timed from the linguist’s perspective. Now more than ever, the boundaries of conversational implicatures, Grice’s most important designation, are being re- drawn. It is illuminating to return to their sources and track their development. Chapman organizes her biography chronologically, moving from Grice’s school- boy days in suburban England, up the ladder of academic positions at Oxford, to his tenure at UC Berkeley and his death in 1988 (with “as many projects on the go as ever” (p. 182)), and on into a final chapter on his intellectual legacy. But the events of his life — marriage, military service, illness — play only a minor role. -
Grice's Theory of Implicature and the Meaning of the Sentential
Gergely Bottyán The operationality of Grice’s tests for implicature 1. Introduction In less than a decade after its first publication in 1975, Herbert Paul Grice’s paper Logic and conversation becomes one of the classic treatises of the linguistic subdiscipline now standardly referred to as pragmatics. There are at least two reasons for the paper’s success: (i) it can be regarded as the first truly serious attempt to clarify the intuitive difference between what is expressed literally in a sentence and what is merely suggested by an utterance of the same string of words, (ii) the components of the notional and inferential framework that Grice set up to characterize various kinds of utterance content are intuitively appealing (cf. Haberland & Mey 2002). The present paper has two related aims: (i) to give a comprehensive overview of Grice’s theory of implicature, and (ii) to investigate whether it is possible to test the presence of a conversational implicature on the basis of some or all of the properties that Grice attributes to this construct. It will be argued that of the six characteristics listed by Grice, only cancellability is a practical criterion. However, cancellability is not a sufficient condition of the presence of a conversational implicature. Therefore, additional criteria are needed to arrive at an adequate test. 2. Overview of Grice’s theory of implicature Most of the body of Grice 1975=1989a consists in an attempt to clarify the intuitive difference between what is expressed literally in a sentence and what is merely suggested or hinted at by an utterance of the same string of words. -
Conditional Strengthening [A Case Study in Implicature]
Draft • Version from 9/13/01 1:08 PM Conditional Strengthening [A Case Study in Implicature] Kai von Fintel MIT Introduction Hearers can extract from an asserted sentence a good amount of information that goes beyond the grammatically encoded truth-conditions of the sentence. There are inferences of at least two kinds: (i) Inferences from the (assumed) truth of the asserted sentence. Hearers may have conditional beliefs (if p, q) and upon hearing p asserted they can infer q by Modus Ponens (with suitable caveats about the reliability of their initial conditional belief and the new information that p). (ii) Inferences from the fact that the sentence was asserted. Hearers may have conditional beliefs of the following nature: if q were the case, p would not have been asserted. This together with the information that p was in fact asserted leads via Modus Tollens to the conclusion that q cannot have been the case. For both of these kinds of inferences, we can ask whether the speaker bears (some) responsibility for them. If the speaker is (or should be) well aware of the relevant conditional beliefs on the part of the hearer, he or she may be partly responsible for the inference. Many authors argue that such inferences are part of the utterance meaning if the underlying assumptions are mutual beliefs of speaker and hearer. It may often be much easier to decide whether speaker bears some responsibility for an inference than to decide whether the inference is part of the meaning of the utterance. I will not worry about these issues of responsibility. -
ARCHNA BHATIA 5509 Gates Hillman Complex Phone: +1-412-268-6591
ARCHNA BHATIA 5509 Gates Hillman Complex Phone: +1-412-268-6591 Language Technologies Institute Fax: +1-412-268-6298 School of Computer Science Email: [email protected] Carnegie Mellon University Webpage: http://www.cs.cmu.edu/∼archna 5000 Forbes Avenue Pittsburgh, PA 15213, USA RESEARCH INTERESTS Areas: Linguistics : Syntax, Semantics, Morphology, Pragmatics, Discourse Natural Language Processing : Semantic Role Labeling, Treebanking, Parsing, Machine Translation Second Language Acquisition : Acquisition of morphosyntax and semantics Constructions/ Phenomena: Adjectives, Adverbs, Adpositions, Agreement, Case system, Causatives, Coordination, Definiteness, Empty categories, Light verb constructions and other complex predicates, Specificity POSITIONS HELD ● Postdoctoral Researcher, Language Technologies Institute, School of Computer Science, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh (June 2012- present) ● Postdoctoral Researcher, Department of Linguistics, University of Colorado at Boulder (July 2011- June 2012) ● Lecturer, Northwestern University, Evanston (September 2011- June 2012) ● Instructor, Loyola University, Chicago (August 2011- May 2012) ● Research Assistant, Department of Linguistics, University of Colorado at Boulder (August 2009- June 2011) ● Research Assistant, Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (June 2009- December 2010) ● Teaching Assistant, Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (August 2003- May 2009) ● Teaching Assistant, Department of Languages, Literatures and Linguistics, York University (September 2001- August 2003) EDUCATION ● Ph.D. in Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, IL (August 2011) Dissertation title: “Agreement in the Context of Coordination” Dissertation advisor: Prof. Elabbas Benmamoun ● M.S. in Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, IL (May 2006) 1 ● M.A. in Theoretical Linguistics, York University, Toronto, Canada. (August 2003) Dissertation title: “ The Syntax of Adverbial Phrases in Hindi” Dissertation advisor: Prof. -
Pragmatics, Logic and Information Processing
Draft Dec 1, 2007 Brian Skyrms Pragmatics, Logic and Information Processing LOGIC David Lewis wrote Convention in order to use game theory to answer Williard van Orman Quine’s skeptical doubts about the conventionality of meaning. Quine’s skepticism was directed at the logical positivists’ conventional theory of meaning in the service of a conventional theory of logic. According to the logical positivists, logical truths were true and logical arguments valid by virtue of the meanings of the terms involved. In a famous essay, “Truth by Convention,” Quine argued that Positivist accounts of convention (by explicit or implicit definition) required the pre-existence of logic. David Lewis replied that the existence of a convention can be thought of in a different way, as a strong kind of equilibrium or near-equilibrium in a signaling game played by a population. Lewis did not himself supply an account of how a population might get to signaling-system equilibrium – he did not think he had to in order to answer Quine – but the dynamics of evolution or of learning may supply such an account. Consider the simplest sender-receiver signaling game, of the kind introduced by Lewis in his book Convention. One player, the sender, observes which of two possible states of the world is actual. (Nature chooses the state with the flip of a fair coin.) The sender chooses one of two signals to transmit to the other player, the receiver. The receiver observes the signal, and chooses one of two possible acts. The sender and receiver have common interest in information transmission. -
What Is Presupposition Accommodation?
Draft version from July 2000 What is Presupposition Accommodation? Kai von Fintel MIT In his paper “What is a Context of Utterance?”, Christopher Gauker (1998) argues that the phenomenon of informative presuppositions is incompatible with the “pragmatic” view of presuppositions as involving requirements on the common ground, the body of shared assumptions of the participants in a conversation. This is a surprising claim since most proponents of this view have in fact dealt with informative presuppositions by appealing to a process called presupposition accommodation. Gauker’s attack shows the need to clarify the nature of this process. Introduction: The Common Ground Theory of Presuppositions Here is a stylized version of the picture of information-gathering discourse developed by Stalnaker.1 The common ground of a conversation at a particular time is the set of propositions that the participants in that conversation at that time mutually assume to be taken for granted and not subject to (further) discussion. The common ground describes a set of worlds, the context set, which are those worlds in which all of the propositions in the common ground are true. The context set is the set of worlds that for all that is currently assumed to be taken for granted, could be the actual world. 1 Stalnaker (1972, 1973, 1974, 1978, 1988, 1998). Other important work in this tradition includes Karttunen (1974), Lewis (1979), Heim (1982, 1983, 1992), and Thomason (1990). When uttered assertively, sentences are meant to update the common ground. If the sentence is accepted by the participants, the proposition it expresses is added to the common ground. -
1. Introduction
MICHELA IPPOLITO PRESUPPOSITIONS AND IMPLICATURES IN COUNTERFACTUALS In this article, I propose a pragmatic account of temporally mismatched subjunctive past counterfactuals. The proposal consists of the following parts. First, I show that in cases of temporal mismatch, Past cannot be interpreted inside the proposition where it occurs at surface structure. Instead, it must be interpreted as constraining the time variable of the accessibility relation. This has the effect of shifting the time of the evaluation of the conditional to some contextually salient past time. Second, I will propose specific Felicity Conditions (presuppositions) for subjunctive conditionals and I will argue that there is a strict correspondence between the time of evaluation in the truth-conditions of a conditional and the time relevant for the felicity conditions. In other words, if the time relevant for the accessibility relation has been shifted to the past, then the conditional’s presupposition will make reference to the speaker’s past epistemic states. On the other hand, if no past is constraining the time argument of the accessibility relation, the conditional’s felicity will make reference to the speaker’s epistemic state at the time of the utterance. Third, I will argue that the intuition that the antecedent of mismatched counterfactuals is not true is a scalar implicature arising not from a competition between assertions but between presuppositions. Finally, I will investigate the general repercussions of my proposal on the problem of presupposition projection. 1. Introduction Past subjunctive conditionals do not always talk about the past. Sometimes they may talk about the future, despite the overt past verbal morphology.