DOCSLIB.ORG

Different Indicators of Corruption 1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Different Indicators of Corruption 1 WPS8299 Policy Research Working Paper 8299 Public Disclosure Authorized Can We Measure the Power of the Grabbing Hand? A Comparative Analysis of Different Indicators Public Disclosure Authorized of Corruption Alexander Hamilton Craig Hammer Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Development Economics Development Data Group January 2018 Policy Research Working Paper 8299 Abstract Sustainable Development Goal 16 is explicitly committed to indicator, despite some important reservations and lim- measuring aspects of corruption over time, and the identifi- itations, are the most valid measures of the magnitude of cation of robust indicators to do so is an important endeavor. overall corruption in many country contexts. However, in This paper critically reviews the strengths and weaknesses every case, the initial results using one indicator should be of various objective and subjective indicators of corrup- cross checked with the use of the other indicator, as there tion, using the standard criteria of validity and reliability are some minor differences between how the two indicators to identify indicators most salient to measuring Sustainable are constructed, and in practice it is difficult to establish a Development Goal 16. Consistent with the large literature priori which indicator is marginally more efficient. Further- in the field, the paper finds that the aggregate survey-based more, whenever possible, subjective indicators should be indicators of corruption, especially the Corruption Percep- cross checked with objective indicators, even when the latter tions Index and the World Bank’s Control of Corruption may be of a more narrow scope and time limited availability. This paper is a product of the Development Data Group, Development Economics. It is part of a larger effort by the World Bank to provide open access to its research and make a contribution to development policy discussions around the world. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The authors may be contacted at [email protected]. The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. Produced by the Research Support Team Can We Measure the Power of the Grabbing Hand? A Comparative Analysis of Different Indicators of Corruption 1 Alexander Hamilton2 with Craig Hammer3 JEL Codes: D72 D73 H11 Keywords: Governance Indicators; Anti‐Corruption; Public Sector Governance; Public Sector Performance Measurement; Sustainable Development Goals 1 This paper summarizes and adapts some of the key empirical findings emanating from Alexander Hamilton’s doctoral thesis undertaken at the University of Oxford (2008-2012). The completion of this work would not have been possible without the professional and personal support received from the following: my supervisors, Raymond Duch, Indridi Indridason, and Desmond King; my examiners Pablo Beramendi, David Soskice, and Jane Green as well as the funding provided by the ESRC. Invaluable feedback was also provided by Cristina Corduneanu-Huci, Varvara Lalioti, the participants of Nuffield College’s GRIPS Workshop and a seminar at the World Bank in Washington, DC. 2 Department for International Development, 22 Whitehall, London, SW1A 2EG. UK Comments and feedback on this paper are welcome:. [email protected]. 3 The World Bank, 1818 H St NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA. The role of corruption, the abuse of public office for private gain, in limiting human development is now well established. However, the ability to measure changes in corruption over time and across countries, in a valid and reliable manner, remains a contested issue. This is despite the proliferation of indicators purporting to do just that. The overarching concern of this paper is to critically evaluate the different measures or indicators of corruption that might logically be used to inform policy makers about changes in corruption across countries and over time. This evaluation is used in determining whether it is possible to associate changes in anti-corruption efforts/institutional features that may incentivize more or less corruption (independent variable of interest) to variations in reported or perceived corruption (dependent variable of interest). The paper achieves this objective by critically reviewing the strengths and weaknesses of different objective and subjective indicators of corruption, in order to identify appropriate indicators. This objective is achieved by using the standard criteria of validity and reliability in order to discriminate between these potential indicators. This is an important exercise because the new Sustainable Development Goals are explicitly committed to measuring aspects of corruption over time, and therefore identifying robust indicators to do so will be critical to realizing this endeavor. More specifically, this paper critically reviews the validity, consistency, and substantive focus of the following indicators of corruption: (1) the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI); (2) the Control of Corruption Governance Metric (CC); (3) the Government Effectiveness Governance Metric (GE); (4) the Global Corruption Barometer; (5) the UN Survey of Crime Trends; and (6) evidence on the propensity of diplomats from different countries to break the law (hereafter ‘Tickets’). The paper finds, consistent with the large literature in the field, that the aggregate survey-based indicators of corruption, especially the CPI and the CC, despite some important reservations and limitations, are the most valid measures of the magnitude of overall corruption in many country contexts. In every case, though, initial results using one indicator should be cross checked with the use of the other indicator, as there are some minor differences between how the two indicators are constructed, and in practice it is difficult to establish, a priori, which indicator is marginally more efficient. Furthermore, despite a narrower focus, because comparative information on the tickets data is also available, it is also possible to cross check the results of these subjective 2 indicators with this objective (but more restricted) measure of objective cross-national corruption (albeit at only limited points in time). The paper proceeds as follows: the next section, Section I, is a discussion of the main strengths and weaknesses, in terms of validity and reliability, of using the subjective-based versus the objective-based indicators of corruption to measure the dependent variable of interest (variation in actual corruption across time and countries). Section II is concerned with reviewing, in detail, the five major indicators of corruption, which have to a significant extent been found to be valid and reliable measures of this phenomenon. The paper concludes that the CPI and the CC are, broadly and with some caveats, good indicators for measuring variation in corruption in a valid and consistent manner. I. Measuring Corruption: The Costs and Benefits of Using Survey‐Based Indicators In order to operationalize and use corruption indicators, it is necessary to identify a valid and reliable measure of corruption. That is, to identify a dependent variable of interest that has the following characteristics: (1) it is substantively focused on measuring corruption (validity criterion); and (2) it consistently measures this outcome across national contexts and/or across time (consistency criterion). Broadly, attempts to measure corruption can be divided into two major categories: (1) objective indicators – which use ‘real’ data (costs, materials used, etc.) to calculate the magnitude of waste and abuse in public works and/or services; and (2) subjective indicators – which use survey data (of experts/elites/the public) to try and measure the perceptions and/or experience of corruption by different groups country specialists, business people, voters etc.). Given that the focus of this paper is on trying to account for variation in corruption in general rather than in one specific policy domain (e.g. infrastructure or procurement), it will now be shown that the composite subjective measures of corruption are the most appropriate sub-set of indicators for this purpose. This is because, despite being based on perceptions, the major subjective indicators are highly correlated with narrower objective indicators, as well as outcomes associated with corruption (trust in government etc.), making it difficult to argue that objective indicators enjoy a ‘validity-based’ comparative advantage. Furthermore, subjective 3 indicators also enjoy an advantage, in that: (1) they are focused on overall levels of corruption, rather than a narrow subset of activities (e.g. corruption associated with bridge building etc.); and (2) they are more readily available and reliable with respect to measuring cross-sectional variation in (perceived) corruption, thus enabling cross- sectional regression analysis
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Corruption Facts
    facts_E.qxd 07/12/2005 14:12 Page 1 Corruption Facts Corruption causes reduced investment. • Investment in a relatively corrupt country compared to an uncorrupt one can be as much as 20 per cent more costly. [“Economic Corruption: Some Facts”, Daniel Kaufmann 8th International Anti-Corruption Conference 1997] • Nations that fight corruption and improve their rule of law could increase their national income • Each year, over US$ 1 trillion is paid in bribes by 400 per cent. worldwide. [“US$ 1 Trillion lost each year to bribery says World Bank”, UN Wire, 12 April 2004] [World Bank, www.worldbank.org] • Corruption reduces a government's ability to provide basic resources and services for Increasing evidence indicates widespread its citizens. corruption in the judiciary in many parts of the world. • Corruption and the transfer of illicit funds • Judicial corruption undermines the rule have contributed to capital flight in Africa, of law and government legitimacy. with more than US$ 400 billion having been looted and stashed away in foreign countries. • A corrupt judiciary cripples a society's Of that amount, around US$ 100 billion is ability to curb corruption. estimated to have come from Nigeria alone. • A report examining the judiciary in 48 • Former President of Zaire, Mobutu Sese Seko countries found that judicial corruption (in power 1965-1997) is believed to have looted was pervasive in 30 of them. the country's treasury of some US$ 5 billion— [Centre for Independence of Judges and Lawyers, an amount equal to the country's external Ninth annual report on Attacks on Justice, March 1997, February 1999.] debt at the time.
    [Show full text]
  • How Does Corruption Affect the Adoption of Lobby Registers? a Comparative Analysis
    Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 2, Pages 116–127 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i2.2708 Article How Does Corruption Affect the Adoption of Lobby Registers? A Comparative Analysis Fabrizio De Francesco 1 and Philipp Trein 2,3,* 1 School of Government and Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, G42 9RJ, UK; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 Department for Actuarial Sciences, University of Lausanne, 1015 Lausanne, Switzerland; E-Mail: [email protected] 3 Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Lausanne, 1015 Lausanne, Switzerland * Corresponding author Submitted: 14 December 2019 | Accepted: 19 March 2020 | Published: 28 May 2020 Abstract Recent research has demonstrated that some governments in developed democracies followed the OECD and the EU rec- ommendations to enhance transparency by adopting lobby registers, whereas other countries refrained from such mea- sures. We contribute to the literature in demonstrating how corruption is linked to the adoption of lobbying regulations. Specifically, we argue that governments regulate lobbying when they face the combination of low to moderate levels of corruption and a relatively well-developed economy. To assess this argument empirically, we compare 42 developed countries between 2000 and 2015, using multivariate logistic regressions and two illustrative case studies. The statistical analysis supports our argument, even if we include a number of control variables, such as the presence of a second par- liamentary chamber, the age of democracy, and a spatial lag. The case studies illustrate the link between anti-corruption agenda and the adoption of lobby registers.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption from a Cross-Cultural Perspective
    Corruption from a Cross-Cultural Perspective John Hooker Carnegie Mellon University October 2008 Abstract This paper views corruption as activity that tends to undermine a cultural system. Because cultures operate in very different ways, different activities are corrupting in different parts of the world. The paper analyzes real-life situations in Japan, Taiwan, India, China, North America, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and Korea to distinguish actions that structurally undermine a cultural system from those that are merely inefficient or are actually supportive. Activities such as nepotism or cronyism that are corrupting in the rule-based cultures of the West may be functional in relationship-based cultures. Behavior that is normal in the West, such as bringing lawsuits or adhering strictly to a contract, may be corrupting elsewhere. Practices such as bribery that are often corrupting across cultures are nonetheless corrupting for very different reasons. This perspective provides culturally-sensitive guidelines not only for avoiding corruption but for understanding the mechanisms that make a culture work. Keywords – Corruption, cross-cultural ethics The world is shrinking, but its cultures remain worlds apart, as do its ethical norms. Bribery, kickbacks, cronyism, and nepotism seem to be more prevalent in some parts of the world, and one wants to know why. Is it because some peoples are less ethical than others? Or is it because they have different ethical systems and regard these behaviors as acceptable? As one might expect from a complicated world, the truth is more complicated than either of these alternatives. Behavioral differences result partly from different norms, and partly from a failure to live up to these norms.
    [Show full text]
  • Eletrobras Settles Alleged FCPA Violations Revealed Through Brazil's "Operation Car Wash"
    Eletrobras Settles Alleged FCPA Violations Revealed Through Brazil's "Operation Car Wash" January 16, 2019 Anti-Corruption/FCPA On December 26, 2018, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission ("SEC") settled an enforcement action against Centrais Eléctricas Brasileiras S.A. ("Eletrobras"), an electric utilities holding company majority-owned and controlled by the Brazilian government. This is the second time in 2018 in which the United States government charged a Brazilian state-owned entity with violating the books and records and internal accounting controls provisions of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act ("FCPA"). As with the September 2018 settlement with Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. ("Petrobras"), the alleged corruption scheme at an Eletrobras subsidiary was uncovered as part of the larger Operation Car Wash ("Lava Jato") in Brazil. Petrobras's settlement, however, involved a coordinated resolution with the U.S. Department of Justice ("DOJ"), the SEC, and the Brazilian Federal Public Ministry ("MPF"). In particular, the Eletrobras enforcement action was based on allegations that spanned from 2009 to 2015, former officers at Eletrobras's majority-owned nuclear power generation subsidiary, Eletrobras Termonuclear ("Eletronuclear"), inflated the costs of infrastructure projects and authorized the hiring of unnecessary contractors. In return, the former officers allegedly received approximately $9 million from construction companies that benefitted from the corrupt scheme. The construction companies also used the overpayment to fund bribes to leaders of Brazil's two largest political parties. The SEC alleged that Eletrobras violated the FCPA by recording inflated contract prices and sham invoices in Eletrobras's books and records, and by failing to devise and maintain a sufficient system of internal accounting controls.
    [Show full text]
  • From Corruption to State Capture: a New Analytical Framework With
    PRQXXX10.1177/1065912916639137Political Research QuarterlyFazekas and Tóth 639137research-article2016 Article Political Research Quarterly 2016, Vol. 69(2) 320 –334 From Corruption to State Capture: © 2016 University of Utah Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav A New Analytical Framework with DOI: 10.1177/1065912916639137 Empirical Applications from Hungary prq.sagepub.com Mihály Fazekas1,2 and István János Tóth3 Abstract State capture and corruption are widespread phenomena across the globe, but their empirical study still lacks sufficient analytical tools. This paper develops a new conceptual and analytical framework for gauging state capture based on microlevel contractual networks in public procurement. To this end, it establishes a novel measure of corruption risk in government contracting focusing on the behavior of individual organizations. Then, it identifies clusters of high- corruption-risk organizations in the full contractual network of procuring authorities and their suppliers using formal social network analysis. Densely connected clusters of high-corruption-risk organizations are denoted as the domain of state capture. The paper demonstrates the power of the new analytical framework by exploring how the radical centralization of the governing elite following the 2010 elections in Hungary affected centralization of state capture. Findings indicate the feasibility and usefulness of such microlevel approach to corruption and state capture. Better understanding the network structure of corruption and
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Bribery and Corruption Compliance Frequently Asked Questions
    Anti-Bribery and Corruption Compliance Frequently Asked Questions Question: What is the FCPA? Answer: The U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) makes it a crime to pay or offer to pay with corrupt intent anything of value (either directly or indirectly) to any “government official” in order to obtain or retain business, or to secure an improper advantage. It also requires that publicly traded companies, like Huron, maintain a system of internal controls and books and records that accurately reflect every transaction. _ Question: What is anything of value? Answer: Anything of value may include, but is not limited to, cash, cash equivalents, discounts, donations, travel expenses, entertainment, stock or gifts. Question: Can I make a payment to expedite the performance of a routine governmental action such as the obtainment of a required license or visa? Answer: No, payments to expedite the performance of a routine governmental action, known as facilitating or “grease” payments, are prohibited by Huron. Question: Can I pay for a client’s travel expenses that are directly related to the promotion or demonstration of Huron products or services; or the execution or performance of a contract? Answer: Yes, as long as these expenses are reasonable and pre-approved by your Managing Director and the Anti-Bribery and Corruption Compliance Officer. Question: Can Huron or I be prosecuted under the FCPA and other anti-bribery statutes, if a bribe is made by a third-party, such as a business finder or agent? Answer: Yes, legal liability is not limited to those who actively participate in illegal conduct.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption and Oversight in Latin America
    Corruption and Oversight in Latin America Juan Manuel Galán Pachón Senator - Colombia 0. Introduction. It is clear that corruption has gradually come to the forefront in the global public agenda due to the extent of the phenomenon, similar conducts in other countries and the transnational character that the problem has gradually acquired. The seriousness of the issue is underscored by the establishment of GOPAC and by meetings such as these. The intuitive strategy to address corruption is to be found in aggressive enforcement policies (new definitions of criminal offences, longer sentences and the elimination of subrogees), as well as in the introduction of greater controls over the activities of civil servants and state contractors. Oversight, as a strategy, plays a specific preventative role since the accompanying mechanisms dissuade corrupt individuals and make corruption increasingly complex and costly. Oversight also helps detect operations, i.e. it helps identify signs that may underlie instances of corruption and therefore undertake more efficient investigations. In this context, we will offer a summary of the reports prepared on corruption in Latin America, identify the incentives that lead to corruption and briefly report on the current status of congressional or parliamentary oversight in the region. 1. Reports on Corruption in Latin America 1.1 Transparency International – Corruption Perceptions Index1 The 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) prepared by Transparency International attributed a high risk of corruption to
    [Show full text]
  • Global Peace Index 2018: Measuring Peace in a Complex World, Sydney, June 2018
    Quantifying Peace and its Benefits The Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP) is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit think tank dedicated to shifting the world’s focus to peace as a positive, achievable, and tangible measure of human well-being and progress. IEP achieves its goals by developing new conceptual frameworks to define peacefulness; providing metrics for measuring peace; and uncovering the relationships between business, peace and prosperity as well as promoting a better understanding of the cultural, economic and political factors that create peace. IEP is headquartered in Sydney, with offices in New York, The Hague, Mexico City and Brussels. It works with a wide range of partners internationally and collaborates with intergovernmental organisations on measuring and communicating the economic value of peace. For more information visit www.economicsandpeace.org Please cite this report as: Institute for Economics & Peace. Global Peace Index 2018: Measuring Peace in a Complex World, Sydney, June 2018. Available from: http://visionofhumanity.org/reports (accessed Date Month Year). Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 Key Findings 4 RESULTS 5 Highlights 6 2018 Global Peace Index rankings 8 Regional overview 12 Improvements & deteriorations 19 TRENDS 23 Ten year trends in the Global Peace Index 26 100 year trends in peace 32 ECONOMIC IMPACT OF VIOLENCE 45 Results 46 The macroeconomic impact of peace 52 POSITIVE PEACE 59 What is Positive Peace? 60 Trends in Positive Peace 65 What precedes a change in peacefulness? 69 Positive Peace and the economy 73 APPENDICES 77 Appendix A: GPI Methodology 78 Appendix B: GPI indicator sources, definitions & scoring criteria 82 Appendix C: GPI Domain scores 90 Appendix D: Economic cost of violence 93 GLOBAL PEACE INDEX 2018 | 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This is the twelfth edition of the Global Peace Index Afghanistan, South Sudan, Iraq, and Somalia comprise (GPI), which ranks 163 independent states and the remaining least peaceful countries.
    [Show full text]
  • State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options Policy Brief No
    State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options Policy Brief No. 10, July 2020 State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options SELDI policy brief no. 10, July 2020 State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options 3 State Capture Assessment Diagnostics in the Western Balkans 2020: Risks and Policy Options SELDI policy brief no. 10, July 2020 z As noted in the European Commission progress reports, despite continuous advancement of good governance, state capture mechanisms remain at unacceptable levels in the Western Balkans. Developing effective methods to address them before EU accession is an essential prerequisite to successful enlargement. z In 2019 - 2020 SELDI has piloted for the first time in the region a reliable metric for monitoring state capture. The State Capture Assessment Diagnostics (SCAD) provides insights into state capture enablers, key affected economic sectors and risks of monopolisation across the region. z The pilot SCAD assessment in the Western Balkans has shown that although none of the countries is close to full state capture, i.e. authoritarian rule, they exhibit critical impairments in democratic and economic checks and balances. Some economic sectors require particular attention, as they are likely sources of concentration of power and capture. z SCAD data suggests that the main challenge for the countries in the region remains in the form of state capture enablers, such as media control, corruption in the judiciary, lack of integrity of public organisations, lack KEY POINTS: KEY of impartiality and inadequate anti-corruption procedures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Hungary Introd
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Corvinus Research Archive CORVINUS JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL POLICY VOL.8 (2017)3S, 255-281. DOI: 10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.11 CONTINUITY OR DISRUPTION? CHANGING ELITES AND THE EMERGENCE OF CRONYISM AFTER THE GREAT RECESSION – THE CASE OF HUNGARY JÓZSEF PÉTER MARTIN1 ABSTRACT After a short theoretical overview about the interplay between institutions and elites, the paper analyses the economic performance operationalized by the GDP and the quality of governance in Hungary in comparative perspective, considering two milestones, namely, the impact of the Great Recession, and the change of government in 2010. The role of elites and elite moves are revealed in these developments. In Hungary, the local crisis started before the Great Recession as the slide of the quality of governance and mismanagement of the economic policy can be observed since the accession to the EU. The paper elaborates the disruptive nature of the system built after 2010 with a special focus to the schemes of corruption and cronyism. Finally, the paper confronts the political elite’s endeavors with some perceptions of the population. KEYWORDS: institutionalism, elites, corruption, cronyism, economic development, quality of governance INTRODUCTION Democratic backsliding and the rise of populism throughout Central and Eastern Europe have been subject to vast academic and policy research in the past years (e.g. Kornai 2015, Pappas 2014, Freedom House 2014, Transparency International Hungary 2017). The surge of populism and the impact of the global crisis have put at stake the democratic polity and institutions established in 1 József Péter Martin PhD, is executive director of Transparency International Hungary and senior lecturer at Corvinus University of Budapest (CUB).
    [Show full text]
  • The Investigation and Prosecution of Police Corruption
    Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 65 | Issue 2 Article 1 1974 The nI vestigation and Prosecution of Police Corruption Herbert Beigel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Herbert Beigel, The nI vestigation and Prosecution of Police Corruption, 65 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 135 (1974) This Criminal Law is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Tox JouwAx op Canaz AL LAW & CRnmLoaGy Copyright C 1974 by Northwestern University School of Vol. 65, No. 2 Law Printed in U.S.A. CRIMINAL LAW THE INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION OF POLICE CORRUPTION HERBERT BEIGEL* INTRODUCTION vestigation and prosecution of police corruption. Within the last few years there has been a This analysis will identify the specific methods marked proliferation of federal investigations and employed by federal prosecutors to subject local 2 prosecutions of state and local officials for official police officials to federal prosecution, thereby misconduct and corruption. So active has the offering insight into the intricacies of the investi- federal government become in investigating the gation of one governmental body by another. In local political arena that state and city politicians addition, the federal investigation of state and and police officers are being investigated, indicted local corruption has raised new questions about and often convicted for a wide variety of violations the proper role of federal law enforcement.
    [Show full text]
  • Combating Corruption in Latin America: Congressional Considerations
    Combating Corruption in Latin America: Congressional Considerations May 21, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45733 SUMMARY R45733 Combating Corruption in Latin America May 21, 2019 Corruption of public officials in Latin America continues to be a prominent political concern. In the past few years, 11 presidents and former presidents in Latin America have been forced from June S. Beittel, office, jailed, or are under investigation for corruption. As in previous years, Transparency Coordinator International’s Corruption Perceptions Index covering 2018 found that the majority of Analyst in Latin American respondents in several Latin American nations believed that corruption was increasing. Several Affairs analysts have suggested that heightened awareness of corruption in Latin America may be due to several possible factors: the growing use of social media to reveal violations and mobilize Peter J. Meyer citizens, greater media and investor scrutiny, or, in some cases, judicial and legislative Specialist in Latin investigations. Moreover, as expectations for good government tend to rise with greater American Affairs affluence, the expanding middle class in Latin America has sought more integrity from its politicians. U.S. congressional interest in addressing corruption comes at a time of this heightened rejection of corruption in public office across several Latin American and Caribbean Clare Ribando Seelke countries. Specialist in Latin American Affairs Whether or not the perception that corruption is increasing is accurate, it is nevertheless fueling civil society efforts to combat corrupt behavior and demand greater accountability. Voter Maureen Taft-Morales discontent and outright indignation has focused on bribery and the economic consequences of Specialist in Latin official corruption, diminished public services, and the link of public corruption to organized American Affairs crime and criminal impunity.
    [Show full text]