and the Transnationality of Blackface in ’s Racial Project Bryan Schmidt

Problematizing Blackface Criticism An international spat erupted in late 2012 between celebrities located half a world away from one another. It all began when US-based idol reportedly invited South African hip hop megastars Die Antwoord (Afrikaans for “The Answer”) to open for her Born This Way tour when it came to . Not only did the self-styled “zef rap-rave krew,”1 which cata- pulted to international acclaim in 2010, reject the invitation, they created a spectacular invective of the pop icon through their then-newest music video, Fatty Boom Boom (noisey 2012a). Along with other incisive imagery, the video portrays Gaga — played by a man dressed in conspicu- ously bad drag (Herman Botha, aka “Ally Ooop”) and wearing a gaudy replica of the singer’s notorious “meat dress” — as a befuddled foreigner who must fend for herself on the streets of a ludicrously dangerous South African city after masked villains hijack her tour van. She eventu- ally wanders into a gynecologist’s clinic where she “gives birth” to a mucus-covered cricket and, finally, gets devoured by a lion at the end of the video.

1. This description comes from Die Antwoord’s official website. “Zef” is a growing music genre (a variety of hip hop) and cultural movement, predominantly among white working-class and Afrikaans-speaking South Africans (Die Antwoord n.d., “About”).

TDR: The Drama Review 58:2 (T222) Summer 2014. ©2014 132 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 133 bodies in presuming black black bodies with in , for example. When I do do I When example. for Africa, South in coloured coloured through the US cultural lens, ­ through the US cultural lens, particularly in the US blogosphere. The blogosphere. particularly in the US — — wearing copious amounts of black face and amounts of black wearing copious —

2 by Die Antwoord (2012). (Screen grab grab (Screen (2012). Antwoord Die by Boom Boom Fatty the internet and the rise of attendant global culture net- the internet and the all white blackface performance, what Catherine Cole and Tracy Tracy what Catherine Cole and blackface performance, for instance, are not analogues with those of South Africa where where Africa South of those with analogues not are instance, for white — — — and were all legislated racial identities with distinct legal and social standings. Many Many standings. social and legal distinct with identities racial legislated all were black whether local or global in the United States would be raced be would States United the in native native — black US citizen who has never been to South Africa, my racial terminology requires a degree degree a requires terminology racial my Africa, South to been never has who citizen US white , and , coloured

mous question, “Is this racist minstrelsy?” mous question,

Following the model set forth by Adam Haupt (2012), I will italicize all references to racial categorization in an an in categorization racial to references all italicize will I (2012), Haupt forthAdam set model the by Following reminds constructed. politically and Haupt As historically, culturally, are identities racial that reinforce to attempt categorizations, racial US us, - Antwoord’s notori continued Die which of Lady Gaga, outrageous portrayal Besides the The collapsing together of these two questions carries the consequence of characterizing The collapsing together of these two questions Critics writing on Die Antwoord frequently engage with the group by questioning whether Antwoord frequently engage with the Critics writing on Die “Is this critics ask the question First, A couple things interest me about such critiques. white, black, white, raced be would who not italicize words like “black” or “white,” I am not referring to race, but rather, to the color itself. Because of my my of Because itself. color the to rather, but race, to referring not am I “white,” or “black” like words italicize not a as position own cruthe lacks and Africa, - South in formation racial of understanding academic an only on based is it caution; of italicize not do who authors quoting When dynamics. racial these of experience embodied an of texturing cial unaltered. words their left have I references racial 2. Fatty Boom Fatty and homophobic overtones, with misogynist hypermasculine imagery ous use of group members Boom featured the body paint. Although the group is known for using a black/white aesthetic (achieved through (achieved through a black/white aesthetic is known for using Although the group body paint. juxtaposing white or techniques, editing as body paint, such means their videos), for this obvious instance of contemporary blackface Die Antwoord immediately Antwoord immediately blackface Die instance of contemporary for this obvious their videos), Although the tiff between Lady and casual observers. academics, bloggers, came under fire from Boom Boom attention for Fatty may have been the catalyst that garnered Antwoord Gaga and Die rather than the insults leveled at the pop it was the video’s racial imagery, through social media, received the most attention and criticism that star, all blackface enactments conflict between Die Antwoord and Lady Gaga, then, came at the intersection of two forms then, Antwoord and Lady Gaga, conflict between Die relatively new of mass culture: one but enduring works; and one old, (2013:8). American mass culture” “the first as Davis have described The US blogo- Scott 2012). blackface minstrelsy (Haupt 2012; their performances constitute “racist.” or not it is tended to judge the video based on whether sphere in particular has (Galperina with Blackface?” Away Just Get Video New Antwoord’s “Did Die Headlines such as Probably” Guys. You Probably Isn’t Racist Video Antwoord “The New Die conversely, 2012) or, and should in this approach: either the video is racist, (Farah 2012) illustrate the binary created be or it is not racist and may therefore be immediately dismissed or avoided by consumers, and its Gaga, Disregarding the video’s clear misogyny towards Lady enjoyed free of criticism. these to read the artists’ intent on their own terms, and any attempt heteronormative imagery, it Boom Boom in the cultural marketplace simply by boiling bloggers judge the validity of Fatty (Harris 2012). And is that a problem?” “Is this Blackface? down to the questions: Yet there seems to as if it would take extensive investigation to find the answer. Blackface?” in Antwoord employs the medium of blackface me nothing ambiguous about whether Die Toit) (Anri du Vi$$er Yo-Landi group members Multiple times in the video, Boom Boom. Fatty and Jones) appear drenched from head to toe in black body paint, Tudor and Ninja (Watkin along with her child-like affectation, dress that, wears a yellow polka-dotted sun Yo-Landi to wonder about It therefore seems impractical seems to directly cite the pickaninny stereotype. focus on this point, The intense It does. blackface. whether the performance literally constitutes is the related but not precisely “Is this blackface,” indicates that folded into the question, then, synony­ courtesyBryanof Schmidt) Figure 1. (facing page) Yo-Landi Vi$$er in Vi$$er Yo-Landi page) (facing 1. Figure

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134 Bryan Schmidt US consumerwhoindulges Harris, MarinaGalperina, and Troy FarahfocusonlyonDie Antwoord itself, ratherthanthe of imagesthroughtheUScriticallens(Thomas2013). Furthermore, blogslikethoseof Aisha then, performaneocolonialappropriationof African culturalformationsandare-­ diately relatedtoraceatall. plicates theUSinterpretationofblackfaceperformanceasalways alreadyracist, orevenimme- of itshistoricity Ghanaians whouseit(1996:206). While itisimportanttonotethatthiscannotdrainblackface jectory inGhana(vis-à-vistheUS)blackfacenolongercarriesanyracialsignificationtomany ics thanthesourcesfromwhichtheyinheritedit. According toCole, duetoitsalternativetra- black Ghanaiansthemselvesadoptedblackfaceinperformanceswithmarkedlydifferentdynam - describe how, afterreceivingblackfaceminstrelsyasaUSculturalexportinthe19thcentury, colonial technology. Cole’ssignatureanalysesofGhanaianconcertpartytheatre, forinstance, of culturalforms, andinternationalpopulations’creativealterationsofwhatwasoriginallyaUS situation hasbecomefarmorecomplexduetotheprocessesofglobalization, thehybridization global Southbydeemingthem “ignorant” or “racist.” These bloggersavoidgrappling withthe an actofotheringthatallowsthe USculturalconsumertoeffortlesslydisregardvoicesfrom the The outrightrejectionofSouth African artistsfornotadheringtoUSculturaltaboos constitutes ings. This positiondisavowsanyneedtoexamine theconsumer’sownroleinculturalexchange. sumer intheprivilegedpositionofadetached, passiverecipient ofinternationalculturaloffer often takeonapaternalisticqualitythatreifiescolonialistmentalities byplacingtheUScon- Brühwiler 2012;andColeDavis2013, theTDR As recentscholarshiphasshown(includingCole1996and2001;Gubar1997;Jakubiak2011; that blackfaceisamediumonlyofwhite artistsandthatitnecessarilyhasadamagingeffect. Analyses of African blackfaceinwhichUSbloggersposition themselvesasculturalarbiters, theatre, performance,andtheory, acrosstheUniversityofMinnesota. In addition,studentsdrawontheexpertiseofover30affiliatefacultywithinterestsin on Latino/aAmerica,EasternEurope,Asia/Pacific,theMiddleEast,andGlobalSouth. Enlightenment thought,medieval,andavantgardeperformance,withresearchfocusing and politicalperformance,culturalpolicy, race,ethnicityandmigration,museology, theatre, performanceassocialchange,dancetheory, performanceethnography, digital for interdisciplinaryinquiry. Facultyareasofexpertiseincludecommunity-based help ourstudentsdeveloptheoreticalfluency, ethicalreflexivity, andtheskillsnecessary discipline oftheatre.Theclosementorshipfacultyandourrigorouscorecurriculum of representationalacts,movement,andmeaning-productionbothwithinoutsidethe students’ workintheatrehistoriographyandperformancecriticismexaminesthestakes of theatreandperformanceaspracticessocial,cultural,politicalconsequence.Our The UniversityofMinnesotaoffersauniquegraduateprogramcommittedtothestudy in 2013. Journal. HeservedasthegraduatestudentassociateforPSiOralHistoriesProject co-authoring apapersurveyingresearchonmodesofspectatorshiptoappearinTheatre Society forTheatreResearch,andtheMid-AmericaConference.Heiscurrently He haspresentedhisresearchatPerformanceStudiesInternational,theAmerican Bryan SchmidtisaPhDstudentinTheatreHistoriographyattheUniversityofMinnesota. — one intimatelyboundupwithtransatlanticslaveryandcolonialism Student EssayContestHonorableMention — often uncritically — in thegroup’sofferings. As aresult, suchposts special issueonRoutesofBlackface) racialization racialization — it com- — the - Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 135 - - - blackface is deployed blackface is deployed wrong or right dismissible or safely consumable. Rather, Rather, wrong or right dismissible or safely consumable. —

US citizen and PhD student who studies blackface and has never been to South US citizen and PhD student who studies one with dimensions that encompass elements of gender, class, and sexuality. In their sexuality. and class, of gender, one with dimensions that encompass elements

what Omi and Winant might call a “crisis moment” characterized by a massive rear “crisis moment” might call a Winant what Omi and — —

The second aspect of these critiques that interests me is their oversimplification of the is their oversimplification that interests me aspect of these critiques The second Antwoord’s work as Die the reductive way of questioning I am interested in complicating also transmits but Africa, Antwoord’s racial project operates most immediately in South Die in and How can one resist projecting US cultural logics when examining blackface produced political or cultural leaders of a particular social bloc) that “seek to transform (or “seek to transform (or social bloc) that political or cultural leaders of a particular de facto , US bloggers’ moral judgment of Die moral judgment US bloggers’ , Boom Boom the case of Fatty In implications. ­video’s social of the way that issues race while neglecting to focus solely on use of blackface tends Antwoord’s By aiming only to of racialization. entangled in the process sexuality become and class, gender, dynamics of how rather than engage with the “Is this blackface?” discover that betrays a national anxiety engagement with racial intersectionality (an avoidance of deep reify a typical paradigm in contem- these writers about race), towards substantial conversations to trump other interrelated in this discussion the charge of racism appears porary US discourse: at redressing racial injustice and any attempt and heteropatriarchy, concerns such as classism while blackface is the primary Thus, of normalizing these other concerns. comes at the expense it as such in order to show not I use Boom Boom controversy, of the Fatty locus of my analysis and gender, how politics of class, but also get folded into the form, merely how racial politics well. sexuality intertwine as “not blackface” or “blackface” either racial Antwoord consciously deploys blackface as part of a strategic I wish to show how Die project describe Winant Michael Omi and Howard States, analysis of racial formation in the United Gramscian sense, in the (understood, “intellectuals” racial projects as political endeavors led by as establish alliances These racial projects (1994:86). rearticulate) the dominant racial ideology” While Omi and to enact a new racial hegemony. between different constituent groups in order their model for under are specifically geared towards the US context, observations Winant’s particularly in iden- Africa’s case as well, in South standing the construction of race is useful since the fall of the apartheid government in tifying the country’s shifting political dynamics 1994 order (87). rangement and reconsolidation of the racial it was through these flows Indeed, and social media. globally through the flows of the internet a white that I, and sexuality activated gender, What are the dynamics of class, Africa? transmitted from South does racial formation become enmeshed with transna- Antwoord’s racial project? How in Die Lady latter, tional processes of cultural production and consumption? In consideration of the Angelina Germanotta) plays a key part in the con- Gaga (whose real name is Stefani Joanne but is not just a trivial flare-up between music stars, Antwoord troversy; her quarrel with Die a spectacle of global cultural imperialism that demonstrates the racial stakes of cyber rather, and consum- space performances and exchanges on the international market between superstars ers alike. - of the very cul States for the entrenchment of the United and with the culpability local context critiqued. ture being My method of con- in the field of cultural consumption. Antwoord first encountered Die Africa, where interconnectivity of the cultural marketplace, tact with the group speaks to the increasing certain Africa can reach listeners thousands of miles away by activating a music group in South this investigation is a self-reflexive one aimed at then, an extent, To channels and discourses. not-so-subtle) messaging received in my act of better understanding the subtle (and sometimes but also the effects that this consumption has in a global marketplace. consumption, Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27September 2021

136 Bryan Schmidt erences tocoloured racial exclusivityanditssimultaneous disavowalofmarkersaffluencethroughZef-style ref- as other. non-white toos meanttoevokecoloured video’s contextwhere, ashespeaksthesewords, thecamerabrieflyflashesimagesofbodytat- people fuckedintooneperson,” Ninjadoes notseemtoabandonhiswhiteness, especiallyinthe ity asanoperativelogic. Inassertingthat “I’m like allthesedifferentthings, allthesedifferent that criticalwhite studiesespeciallyhassoughttocorrect him. While, tobesure, thisreifies the troublingnotionofwhiteness asneutral racial fantasywhereinthewhite Ninjamayimagineanumberofotherethnicitiesresidinginside a lizes representationsofracialcrossingsinordertoconstructthe possibilityofdissociatingfrom not onlyactsinconjunctionwiththeperceptionthat “white isnot is withinthisidentitystrugglethatZefmakesanintervention, attemptingaracialprojectthat ple “who aresointhegripofwhitenessthattheycannotdissociatethemselvesfromit” (121). It and that[...] (121).‘black isthecolortobe’” Yet, Steynnotes, thesenarrativesaretoldbypeo- Wanna Be White NoMore.” This, sheargued, “recognize[d] thatthetidehasturnedforwhites Steyn identifiedaprevailingnarrativeoftheirracialself-perception, whichshetitled “IDon’t sense ofpersonalcongruence” (2001:xxii). After interviewingdozensofwhite to reinterpretoldselvesinthelightofnewknowledgeandpossibilities, whileyetretaininga ent groupsare “selecting, editing, andborrowingfromtheculturalresourcesavailabletothem establishment. behalf ofwhites ofdifferingpositionalitiestodissociatefromthemiddle-classEnglish-speaking analyses ofcontemporarywhite cutting acrosslinesofclass, language, andlocation(2001:xxx). ConsideringHauptandSteyn’s terms ofwhitenesses ratherthanwhiteness,” indicatingthatdivisionsexistwithinwhite rently, sociologistMelissaSteyncontendsthatwithinSouth Africa “it isappropriatetothinkin a reminderthat “not all Afrikaans peopleaspiretomiddle-classrespectability” (115). Concur racial lines(2012:4). HauptcallsZef, particularlyasarticulatedintheworkofDie Antwoord, English-speaking middleclasswhileallowingwealthdisparitiestopersistalonglanguageand but alsotheadoptionofneoliberaleconomicpoliciesthathavetendedtorewardwhite heid government. These changesincludethenewpositionofwhites cially potentnowduetotheseismicculturalchangesinSouth Africa sincethefallofapart- culturalcurrencyasespe- emphasis onstreettoughness. Mediascholar Adam HauptseesZef’s ture. Aesthetically, thistranslatestoaunionbetweenmarkersofthreadbarelifestyleandan Afrikaans-speaking workingclass, andtoalignitwithcertainaspectsofcoloured is awhite culture.to pioneerwhattheycall Zef,“Zef” whichlooselytranslatesas “common” or “kitsch,” Die Antwoord hasattractedmuchattentioninthefieldofcriticalwhite these different people fucked into one person. whites, coloureds. English, Afrikaans, Xhosa, Zulu, watookal [whatever]. I’m like all these different things, all Checkit. Hundred per cent South African culture. In this place, you get a lot of different things. Blacks, Zef andRacechange Blackface/Blackbody whiteness perceivedtobebiologicallyimmutable. For aUSviewer, Ninja’sperformanceofrace Take, forinstance, thequotefromEnterNinja thatbeginsthissection:itexpressesapost- Steyn arguesthatsince1994, whites South African culturethatattemptstoglorifythelifestyleofawhite , predominantly social formationsbycallingattention toself-deployedsignifiersmeantmarkhim gangster culture prison culture. Instead, Ninjatriestocarveoutaspaceforitwithin culture inSouth Africa, Zefappearsasaconsciousefforton — may seemtoreject abiologicallybasedmodel infavorof have experienceda “gappiness” inidentity;differ — in itsattempttodisidentifywhiteness — i Antwoord, —Die it alsoattemptstoexploderacialfix- the colortobe” butalsouti- as anelectoralminority, studies foritsattempt Enter the Ninja (2010) South Africans, — a perception gangster cul- culture - with ­ Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 137 -

common common for understanding processes of racial formation for understanding processes of racial formation by Die Antwoord (2012). (Screen grab courtesy of grab (Screen (2012). Antwoord Die by Boom Boom Fatty a model of surveillance, rather than biology or ethnicity. Furthermore, it defines it defines Furthermore, rather than biology or ethnicity. a model of surveillance, —

A native is a person who is in fact or is generally accepted as a member of any aborig- A native is a person who is in fact or is generally Posel (in a white person or native person. A Coloured person is a person who is not

Thus, while Omi and Winant’s methodology Winant’s while Omi and Thus, son, but does not include a person who, although in appearance obviously a white person, although in appearance obviously a white person, but does not include a person who, son, is generally accepted as a Coloured person. Africa. inal race or tribe of 2001:56) Leading architects of the apartheid system of racial classification eschewed a science of eschewed a science of the apartheid system of racial classification Leading architects of social and economic dimen- race as a construct with cultural, explicitly recognizing race, made on the strength standing,” “social was a judgment about view, in their Race, sions. (2001:53–54) about difference. of prevailing social conventions a white per or who is generally accepted as, is, A white person is one who in appearance person in completely negative terms, erecting the category as an empty signifier from erecting the category as an empty signifier person in completely negative terms, coloured Figure 2. “The Light World” in World” Light “The 2. Figure BryanSchmidt) the start. the start. a The law’s rhetoric refers not to scientific rigor in assessing a person’s race, but rather to the rather to the but rigor in assessing a person’s race, The law’s rhetoric refers not to scientific social gaze Quite simply, biology never had the same operative authority in South Africa as it did in the Africa as it did in the in South never had the same operative authority biology Quite simply, “­ through appeals to a generalized racial classification occurred United States; rather, which established the Act of 1950, clear in the Population Registration as is made sense,” that underwrote the apartheid system: rigid racial categories a class-based model. It is a shift similar to the one that Omi and Winant observe in the United in the United observe Winant that Omi and similar to the one It is a shift model. a class-based to categorizations ceased In this shift racial (1994:24–35). 1950s and early 1960s States in the based on historical trends identification instead moved towards to ethnicity and rely on appeals context proves ten- African the South this as a parallel to viewing However, of social position. - biological or ethno (rather than purely the baldly artificial when considering especially uous, the apartheid system. and managed in were developed in which racial categories logical) ways Posel argues: As sociologist Deborah still has purchase for examining South Africa, to avoid projecting a US cultural logic onto a very Africa, still has purchase for examining South Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27September 2021

138 Bryan Schmidt intersect withracializationintheseportrayals? in ordertothentraversethosepositions? And how, specifically, dogender, class, andsexuality lized withinthenarrativeofFatty Boom ? Howdoesthegrouplocatewhite to contextualizeDie Antwoord’s implementationofracechanges. Howareracechangesuti- use ofblackfaceinparticular. Here, areadingofFatty Boombecomesnecessaryinorder racial paradigm, IproposethatitpresentsaviablecriticallensforexaminingDie Antwoord’s fixity andmobilitythatareconsonantwithhowIhavecharacterizedSouth Africa’sshifting so carryariskofre-racialization. ever, theymustanchortheircrossingsinalreadyexistingsignifiersofracetobeintelligible, and and alsotherigidityofbarriersbetweendifferentracialdistinctionsbasedonskincolor;how- ings Western societiesgivetocolor” (5–6). Inotherwords, racechangeschallengeracialfixity, defined identities, functioningparadoxicallytoreinforceandchallengetheManicheanmean- to America Coming face (EddieMurphy’s “White Like You” sketchforSaturday NightLive [1989]andfeaturefilm Jazz Singer [1927];HowardGriffin’sBlack Like[1964]), Me orablackactorwearingwhite- at numerousexamplesintheUSmedia tion orimpersonation, cross-racialmimicryormutability” inperformance(1997:5). Looking “racechanges” asawayofthinkingthrough “the traversingofraceboundaries, racialimita- rely onacceptedtropestobelegibleintheirsocialcontext. SusanGubaremploystheterm But whilesuchperformancesseektodismantletraditionalracialmodalities, theymuststill the bodyofperformersoastodestabilizeitsfixedsocialcategorization(Amkpa2010:84). ing. Blackface/bodyperformsaracialabsurdity, functioningtobothtextualizeandfragment contingent thatIseetheblackfaceandblackbodymakeupinDie Antwoord’s videosoperat- fundamentally basedonperformance. administrative socialgazeisdiminished;aparadigmofraceascontingent, then, isonemore one’s owndisplayofracialsignifierstakesonincreasedimportance, andtheadjudicationof defined asessentialtoracecontingent. Accordingtothelatter, morecontemporarymodel, buttressed byDie Antwoord’s racialprojectcanbedescribedintermsofamovementfromrace transformation (2001:64). Followingthisanalysis, theparadigmshiftthatenablesandisinturn (with unevensuccess)todislodgeanotionofracialfixityinorderenactprogressivesocial trast, thepost-apartheideradicationofformaldiscriminatorystructuresandlawsattempted that underapartheid, racewasseenasfixed, ratherthanmutableorindividuallymobile;incon- apartheid government(towardswhichDie Antwoord’s racialprojectcontributes). Poselargues different contextnewtermsmustbeusedtodefinetheparadigmshiftinitiatedbyfallof sights alongtheway catured streetsofanamelessSouth African city. As hertourguidepointsoutsomeoftheabsurd Black Gynecologist.” will callthem, inorderofanalysis: “The South African City”; “The Voodoo Lounge”;and “The There arethreespacesofracechangeintheFatty BoomvideothatI’dliketoexamine. I Reading Racechanges inFatty Boom ing withhisblackpanther” ered inwhitebodypaintglowers backaswell. The thirdmemberofDie Antwoord, DJHi-Tek and wearingheryellowpickaninny dress, staresintenselyatthepassingtourvan;Ninja, cov- era panstoDie Antwoord settingupforastreetperformance. Yo-Landi, inblackbodymakeup responds (inflippant, Valley girl–speak): “OhmyGod. Lookattheirfreakyfashion.” Thecam- “Over here, wehavesome localmusiciansabouttokicksomefunkytunes,” towhichGaga Although Gubar’sanalysisisrootedintheUnitedStates, sinceithingesontermsofracial It isaspartofthisproject, theshiftfromanunderstandingofraceasessentialto The Fatty BoomvideobeginsbyportrayingLadyGagatakingatourthrough thecari- [1988]) — “a packofhyenaseatingrubbish” offthestreets, “a shopownerchill- —

— Gubar notesthatracechanges “test theboundariesbetweenracially the firstinstanceofblackfaceoccurs. Thetour guide announces: — say, awhiteactorwearingblackface(AlJolsoninThe and non-white Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 139

black . The The non-whites. contrastingly -designated sub- white-designated becomes a marker of of marker a becomes (2010). (2010). non-whites authentically and artist Justin de Nobrega, Nobrega, de artistwhite Justin displaced from from displaced body in the white KKK hood. hood. body in the white KKK Fok Julle Naaiers Naaiers Julle Fok South Africa and dissociate from an South as dangerous, as ­ as dangerous, male toughness with homophobia. Rather, Rather, homophobia. toughness with male non-whites —

4 black

5 music video, Die Antwoord created created Antwoord Die video, music Naaiers Julle Fok blackness. , Die Antwoord members have often presented themselves as as themselves presented often have members Antwoord Die , Billing Top boxer Mike Tyson against a reporter in 2002 (methmatix69 2009); this this 2009); (methmatix69 2002 in reporter a against Tyson Mike boxer black drummer played by musician Daniel Isele; he wears Isele; he wears played by musician Daniel drummer a black appears as 3 flesh is visible. Die Antwoord’s long stare-down at the tourists as they pass Antwoord’s long stare-down at the tourists Die flesh is visible. (Die Antwoord 2011a), to explain to US viewers the use of the word “faggot” during during “faggot” word the of use the viewers US to explain to 2011a), Antwoord (Die Faggot

man in real life), man in real we’re looking at you too. You don’t belong here.” In this moment Die Antwoord returns Die In this moment don’t belong here.” You too. we’re looking at you - fur massively a (including face warped grotesquely a with appears Hi-Tek instance, for Naaiers Julle Fok — It is worth noting that just before the premiere of the of premiere the worthis before just that noting It

racechange uses homophobia as an anchor to locate to anchor an as uses homophobia racechange in each Die Antwoord video different people play the character of DJ Hi-Tek, including Hi-Tek, DJ of character the play people different video Antwoord Die each in In infamous an raps He 2011b). Antwoord (Die Ninja by nigga” “my called is and lips) gigantified and brow rowed by launched tirade homophobic video, response a second, gay; himself is Hi-Tek DJ first, points: two on centers Ninja, by spoken explanation, The rap. Hi-Tek’s bitch.” his it made and word that taken “He’s him: over power any has longer no “faggot” word the claims he in language homophobic of use self-conscious the then, response, this In Blogger Jean Barker notes that although the musical work of DJ Hi-Tek is done by by done is Hi-Tek DJ of work musical the although that notes Barker Jean Blogger This first shot of Die Antwoord in the bright cityscape immediately makes signifiers of race immediately in the bright cityscape Antwoord shot of Die This first The transvestism used to mock Lady Gaga (who identifies as bisexual) also others her here The transvestism used to mock Lady Gaga it seeks to deflect Die Antwoord’s own culpability in trafficking discourses that are potentially offensive to the to offensive potentially are that discourses trafficking in culpability own Antwoord’s Die deflect to seeks it US consumer. interview2011 a with Beginning with by populated primarily Town Cape of area Afrikaans-speaking poor, a Flats, Cape the in residing masculinity. It posits a reclaiming of selfhood through the specter of male rape (making the word his “bitch”). “bitch”). his word the (making rape male of specter the through selfhood of reclaiming a posits It masculinity. of alignment its temper to video the in made is attempt No past of analysis yet area, this interviewers) from by directly coming as presented is often (and itself presents group problematic extremely are representations true.not is this that such underlying politics The shows projects music for area relocation a as historythe considering Flats Cape the of apartheid.during urbs Making The – The heavy the highlighting by Boom’ Boom notion this reinforces further video Of” “‘Fatty locals, the with interacting themselves stage Die Antwoord video. the filmed they where area the in population tradi- a doing woman a of movement observing by “spiritual” the moves dance wild their for inspiration taking “Zef!” camera: into the shout who excitedly children local black of group a by endorsed being and dance, tional 2012c). (noisey white white 3. 4. 5. a white robe and mask evocative of the Ku Klux Klan, with phrases like “care,” “joy,” and “faith” “faith” and “joy,” “care,” with phrases like of the Ku Klux Klan, and mask evocative a white robe his slowly beating Gaga as it passes, stares at the van carrying He too them. scrawled across (oblivious to Gaga to the van, the camera turns back When cadence. ominous steady, drum in a to open for me.” “I should get them scene) announces: and danger of the the absurdity blackbody alongside one another Yo-Landi’s Ninja’s whitebody and and nation hypervisible: black as does Hi-Tek’s of racial crossing, foreground the notion since they are the only bodies, to Lady Gaga and her bodyguards’ This in turn calls attention ones whose white at us like pieces of local see you looking “We as if to say: the group, by seems to alienate color By to open for her tour. read into Gaga’s invitation for the group the exoticizing gaze they as at once oblivious, Americanness they locate US Valleyspeak, stylized assigning the singer her marks Gaga and her coterie’s whiteness The charged encounter . and white sheltered, xenophobic, as incisive within this fantasy South Africa, a move that allows Die Antwoord to ­ Die a move that allows Africa, fantasy South as incisive within this ensconced residents of the area position themselves as . as non-white critically, and, African, ironically South

(a and concomitantly heterosexualizes the South African city; Yo-Landi and Ninja in turn become Yo-Landi African city; and concomitantly heterosexualizes the South soon appears in a through their dress (Yo-Landi sexualized as hypermasculine and -feminine camera while movements (she will later shake her backside at the revealing cheerleader outfit), (“I whip my and lyrics waving around his penis), Ninja will use arm movements to simulate the members of then, In this first racechange, rap”). dick out an piss on all dis horrible fokken Antwoord align themselves with an imagined non-white Die

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140 Bryan Schmidt wall, anchoringcolouredness to around themaleasasexualicon. Imitationsofcoloured a thoroughlypatriarchal, exoticized, andsexualizedspaceinwhichthewomenliterallyrevolve an imaginedshamanicritual. The choreographycitesthefantasyofatribal “dark continent,” sashay aroundhiminacircle, ecstaticallytwistingtheirhipsandwavingarmsasifpartof ing agrassskirtseeminglymeanttoevokegeneralizedresonanceofindigeneity rative forthevideo forth betweenthesetwoaesthetics. While theSouth African Cityoperatesasthespaceofnar ters inthe Voodoo Lounge, andthemajorityofvideoischaracterized byflashesbackand dancing intheSouth African Citysuddenlytransform mid-movement intoblackbodycharac- amounts toaracechangeintheaestheticitself. Throughout themusicvideo, whitebodyfigures sperse shotsofthedark Voodoo LoungewithshotsofthebrightSouth African Cityinwhat primitivist imageryinthissetting, Ialsowanttohighlight themannerinwhichtheyinter and South Africa istenuousatbest, andsothe “Voodoo Lounge” namediscursivelyyokes the ern citywouldrevealawild, “native” corebeneaththeurbanveneer. Any linkbetween Voodoo exoticizes Die Antwoord’s imaginedSouth Africa bysuggestingthattotakean x-rayofamod- indigeneity thatappearsasahidden dimensionofSouth Africa. Paradoxically, thisconstruction ing thantheSouth African City, the Voodoo Loungepresentsahypersexualizedconstruction of undercurrent. Paintedwith primitivisttropesandthesiteofevenmoresexuallyevocative danc- x-ray qualityofthe Voodoo Loungemarksthedarkspaceaswhatliesbeneath, ametaphysical While Ninjarapsstraightouttothecamera direction byRogerBallen), Ninja, Yo-Landi, andotherdancersappearpaintedinfullblackbody. has ametallicblack-and-whiteaestheticthatgivestheeffectofanx-rayorphotonegative(art ing techniquesthatrapidlyandrepeatedlycutbetweenthetwo. Inthe Voodoo Lounge, which [noisey 2012c]), whichisjuxtaposedtothebright “South African City” throughtheuseofedit- ality andaffixingsignifiersofheteronormativevirilitytonon-whiteness. imagined (center). (Screen grab Schmidt) of Bryan courtesy Figure 3. “The Voodoo Lounge” in In additiontothewaythatDie Antwoord paircoloured The videolatermovestothedark “Voodoo Lounge” setting(namedthisbythegroup white United States, buttheydosobypejorativelyaligningwhiteness withhomosexu- — the locationinwhichitsentireplottakesplace this antiquateddepictionoftribal Africa. Fatty Boom Boom by Die Antwoord (2012). Ninja in a grass skirt — shirtless, groundedinapowerfulpose, andwear gangster graffitilinethebackground gangster symbolswithsexualized, — the contradistinctive — the ­ dancers - - - Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 141 by Die Antwoord (2012). (Screen (Screen (2012). Antwoord Die by Boom Boom Fatty by Anton Kannemeyer (2008). (© Anton Anton (© (2008). Kannemeyer Anton by Gynecologist Black Figure 5. Figure grab courtesy Bryanof Schmidt) grab Africa) South Gallery, courtesy Stevenson Kannemeyer, Figure 4. A gynecologist (Kagiso Lediga) works on Lady Gaga (Herman Botha, Botha, gynecologistA 4. (Herman Figure Gaga Lady on works Lediga) (Kagiso From Ooop”). “Ally aka a species of king cricket prevalent in South Africa that locals a species of king cricket prevalent in South — - a 6 a — bodies in woman

South African art-

Die Antwoord reveals this once again in the “‘Fatty Boom Boom’ – The Making Of” Making The – “‘Fattythe in again once this Boom’ Boom reveals 2012c). (noisey Antwoord video Die the understanding to integral videos, but music their to addenda simply not are videos these Clearly group’s semiotics. The final racechange that I The final Although this scene does not white white 6. doctor furrow- drawing of a black ing his brow and wearing a look that treads the line between deep concentration and bitter anger as he works between the stirrup- spread legs of a white with a serene countenance. with a serene countenance. Kannemeyer’s work is known for challenging the assumptions that Africa has entered a post­ South racial era by highlighting the In the case of and imaginaries (Hirsch 2012). prejudices, continued valency of racial histories, Africa blacks Gynecologist Kannemeyer illustrates the irony that in contemporary South The Black

will discuss takes place during will discuss Lady in the song. an interlude scurrying through after Gaga, enters the dangerous city streets, gynecolo- the office of a black her feet in stir back, Lying gist. the doctor she whines as rups, just been “I’ve examines her: First having the weirdest day. there’s I get hijacked and now going on something really weird I might have I think down there. The doc- picked something up.” when tor continues his work, he screams out and suddenly, recoils his hand in shock and pulls out a The doctor reaches his hand back in, splatter of white goo flies onto the wall. mucus-covered insect squealing, doctor as the black “Oh my God!” pathetically: Lady Gaga cries out “Parktown prawn.” call a simply looks at her in astonishment. include blackface/body or white- it still constitutes a face/body, racechange by creating a visual composition intentionally meant and white to pose black country to a homogenized exotic a homogenized exotic country to imaginary. contradistinction to one another. contradistinction to one another. The scene recreates an art piece by Anton Kannemeyer entitled ist Gynecologist (2008), The Black Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27September 2021

142 Bryan Schmidt vice requiresthemtostiflebitternessthatpersistsfrompastoppression(McMahon2011). ual promiscuity, portrayal ofracialboundariesoperatesbyrepresentingtheUnitedStatesthroughimpliedsex- also onceagainotherswhiteness byaligningitwithforeignandsexualdepravity;thegroup’s serves them. Through LadyGaga’sunfortunaterun-inwiththeParktownprawn, Die Antwoord as partoftheapatheticupperclassandnon-white power inneoliberalexchangerelations. The scenesymbolicallyidentifiesthewhite meyer’s painting, Die Antwoord castsherasthecustomer continue tofindthemselvesin­

face bybothwhite While Gubar’sconceptionofracechangesallowsforthepossibilitynonracistusesblack- The Politics ofBlackface inSouth Africa effects ofthecolonialprojectinwhichUSwasintimatelyinvolved. terms ofmaterialinequitiesandlackcontrolwithintheglobaleconomysigns coloured subjectstheydepictoftenfacegreatobstaclestoenactingtheirownracialprojectsin since theiremployofracechangescarriesconsequencesinaSouth Africa inwhichtheblack neity andheterosexualvirility. Inallthis, Die Antwoord’s ownwhiteness shouldnotbeforgotten, whites asfeminized, sexuallydeviantothers, whilealigningnon-whites withSouth African indige- they cantravel, materializingracialpositionalities. InFatty Boom Die Antwoord poses boundaries. Ontheother, tocreatethisspaceartistsmustfirstlocatethepolesbetweenwhich possibility ofracialmutabilitybycreatingaspaceforthetraversingsupposedlyrigid the dimensionsofhowdeviceseemstowork. Ontheonehand, racechangesperformthe ter andblackfacemakeupremainedofconsiderablesignificance totheCapecolouredsandonly which continuestoday(Brühwiler2012:130). Benjamin Brühwilernotes: “The Cooncharac- to South Africa), andthisbeganthetraditionof the KaapseKlopse, theCapeCoonCarnival, “Coons” (appropriatingthetermfromracialslurused inUSminstrelperformancesbrought running throughthestreetsdressedandmade-upasblackface minstrels. They calledthemselves coloured effect onthelocalnon-white population. The blackfaceminstrelsyformbecame astaplein Virginia Jubilee Singers, agroupofblack though thereweresome African andCreoletroupesas well. Inthe1880s, OrpheusMcAdoo’s inspired mostlywhite other andthelocalKhoiSan(Thelwell2013:68;Brühwiler2012:129). These initialtroupes ulations fromIndonesia, India, Madagascar, SriLanka, andMalaysiawhohadmixedwitheach minstrel troupesbegantoarriveinaCape Town thatwasveryraciallydiverse, withslavepop- Brown’s BandofBrothers, andcontinuingsteadilythroughoutthe1850s’60s, white dimensions ofitsengagement. highlights thevideo’sethicaltensionsandprovidesacrucialperspectiveontransnational of itinFatty Boom . The fraughthistoryofblackfacewithintransatlanticcolonialismboth medium ofblackfacewithinSouth African historyproblematizesDie Antwoord’s deployment torically situatedandthereforecarryethicalimplicationsintheircontexts. Situatingthe 7. By placingLadyGagainthesamepositionasanonymouswhite use of the bug is meant to paint her sexuality as grotesque or depraved often deployedConsidering the sexual imagery in Lady Gaga’s own music videos, it seems as if Die Antwoord’s gas Gaga’s point is that if you...‘bite’ with the prawn: “[T]he run-in unfortunate too much, you’re gonna get In a video responding to criticism about These arenottheonlywaysthatracechangesoperateinFatty Boom, buttheyillustrate The rootsofSouth African blackfacelieintheUnitedStates. Beginningin1848withJoe [bugs] up your...‘tutu’” here (noisey as 2012b). an I allusion take to the venerealinsect imagery disease. entertainment, includingaNew Year’s Daytradition thatfeaturedcoloured Capetonians 7 andthusaffixesheteronormativityto “authentic” South African identities. and South African minstrelperformancesthathadsimilarly racistovertones, non-white service towhites, andthattheprofessionalenactmentofthisser artists, sheiscarefultoillustratethatallracechangesarehis- Fatty Boom Boom, US minstrels, cametoCape Town andhadaprofound

Ninja explains the significance of Lady cryptically South African astheseethingworkerwho — the onepresumedtohold — a kind of slut-shaming. woman fromKanne­ — ­ US citizen lingering US gog- and - Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 143 - - becomes through rappers actu- do so without knowing do so without knowing —

as in the United States, and (following Cole’s analysis of Cole’s analysis and (following States, as in the United and would jubilantly claim “I am a Coon” claim and would jubilantly —

the history of the word and its acceptation in the United States; to them it just connotes and its acceptation in the United States; the history of the word (2007:2) singing. dancing and satin [costumes], enjoyment, Year New fun, “sports,” of its Antwoord’s use of blackface in the service Die Just as in 19th-century minstrelsy, Notably, the Cape Coon Carnival recently changed its name to the Cape Town Minstrel Town to the Cape Coon Carnival recently changed its name the Cape Notably, transformed and came to sig- was totally “Coon” the understanding of Africa, In South festivals; the great majority Year and the main mask in the New nify the main character of those who use it Transmitting over the Interwebs over Transmitting Flow Die Transnational Antwoord’s where the group members generated their Africa, Antwoord is based in South Although Die Normal, initial acclaim through appearances at music festivals and other satirical projects (Max since the group’s inception its performances Corporation), Constructus Maxnormal.TV, Antwoord’s self- Die for instance, their website, On increasingly operate on a global scale. Antwoord n.d., (Die Afrika” “dark dangerous depths of description notes that they are from the audi- the description clearly addresses an international Although tongue-in-cheek, “About”). of ence (rather than a local one) and does so by playing into the traditional colonial imaginary nation- African Antwoord utilizes their South Die “dark continent.” Africa as the mysterious using tropes such as ality as a way of maneuvering within an international cultural market, and regional and indigenous imagery to gain currency in the dialect performance, tribal beats, music that inherently separates the Euro-American mainstream from that “global” genre of ally embedded in the poor areas shown in the group’s videos are unable to do so. This reiter the group’s videos are unable to do so. ally embedded in the poor areas shown in wherein the culture of non-whites ates the historical trend attendant with colonization While it may not be so easy to assert that upon by whites. and capitalized broadcast, controlled, in the US con- with the same knee-jerk condemnation attendant “This is blackface minstrelsy!” African culture certainly does not deem it the history and position of blackface in South text, free of hazard. But if it is clear that blackface’s history and general functionality in South Africa is vastly dif- Africa general functionality in South But if it is clear that blackface’s history and US consum- should ethical concerns that are legitimate for ferent than in the United States, African artists who utilize blackface in performance? Of South ers guide our scrutiny of white era for both the “postracial” invocations of a new course they should; despite incessant media politics are globally ubiquitous and characterized by resil- racial Africa, United States and South exploitation. and oppression, ient trends of violence, entrenchment of potentially harmful representa- own racial project risks the projection and Africa fits And while not all blackface in South interpreter. through a white tions of non-whites Boom Boom should make clear that my reading of Fatty into the template of racist minstrelsy, to further the group’s aesthetic and political proj- the video still relies on racial stereotypes Antwoord seems extremely well financed and is situated Die as Haupt notes, Furthermore, ect. many of the non-white By contrast, to mass-market its own image (2012:118). mance practices” (2012:130). He argues that the entrenchment of blackface among the non- entrenchment of blackface He argues that the (2012:130). mance practices” today) owes survives in that country the reason the form Africa (and in South population white with US blacks of transnational solidarity an expression consciousness,” “diaspora to a in the the blackface performed Thus, (139). and racial oppression sense of dislocation the shared black Carnival was not anti- Cape Coon of its racist significations alto- theatre) blackface itself has been drained Ghanaian concert party Africa. gether for many in South - despite its racist ori “Coon,” since the word clear why this was done, It is not fully Festival. As Denis-Constant Africa. in South does not carry the same signification gins in the US context, Martin notes: since the end of apartheid has it lost most of its relevance and been replaced by other perfor and been replaced lost most of its relevance of apartheid has it since the end Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27September 2021

144 Bryan Schmidt entalize countriesintheglobalSouth. capitalize oninternationalconsumptionpatternsthatoftenfetishizenon-white ect ofrepositioningwhiteness Antwoord” (Feeney2012). Thus, thegroup’sbroadcastingofZefcultureactsnotonlyasaproj- only thingpeopleintheUSknowaboutSouth Africa isNelsonMandela, District9, andDie cally standforthecountryasawhole. As theynotedinanEntertainmentWeeklyinterview: “The saries ofSouth African culture, awarethatinthegazeofUSconsumertheymetonymi- Lady Gaga Die Antwoord wassignedwithInterscope, themassivemultinationallabelthatalsorepresents is basedinLos Angeles. Lynch, HarmonyKorine)andartists(Alexander Wang) intheirmusicvideos, andtheirmanager “Live”). Furthermore, thegroupisknownforcollaboratingwithUSfilmdirectors(David formances inItaly, England, France, andRussia, butnoneinSouth Africa (Die Antwoord n.d., ­internationally; theirmostrecenttour, whichtookplaceinthesummerof2013, featuredper which is “foreign” andother(“The West” vs. “The Rest”). Die Antwoord primarilyperforms which thegod-fearing mustdefendthemselves. Whether weread thisasanaudaciousslapin that shootslikeagun. This barbcastsUSpopmusicasaninvasiveandunholy beastfrom pasted overtheheadsofahydra thatisbeingfoughtoffbyDesmond Tutu whowieldsabible African Cityfeaturespicturesof USartistsNickiMinaj, , andPitbull, theirfaces Vanilla Ice, the “Rumble intheJungle,” andDieHard; agraffitointhebackground of theSouth by nomeanstheonlyUScultural referenceinFatty Boom;itslyricsreferenceEminem, outside South Africa inordertosucceedontheinternational culturalmarket. LadyGagais of thelocalculture. Die Antwoord positionthemselvestotheUSvieweras possessingthe “exotic” spiritualvitality flailing movements. Byself-locatingwithinthisspiritualized, non-white, South African cityscape, their blackbodyandwhitebodycostumesforthevideo, theyproceedtoenacttheirownerratic, Hi-Tek character). Immediatelyafter, Ninjaand Yo-Landi takethewoman’splace;dressedin ing whatappearstobeageneric “traditional” religious dance(todrumbeatsplayedbytheDJ kind ofaspiritualplaceforsomeweirdreason.” As hesaysthis, thevideoshowsawomanenact- scene suggestsinFatty Boom. Later, thisbecomes moreexplicitasNinjanotes: “Africa’s tuality thatexistswithinitscontemporaryinfrastructure ward avisionofSouth Africa asawelcoming, raciallyegalitariancountry, onewithavitalspiri- Africa.” Feeling almostlikeatourismpromotion, thisintroductionseemsgearedtoprojectout- “We areallpeople. Whiteandblack. walking throughtheCapeFlatsstreets. Finally, anotherblack a soundscapeofisiZuluchanting. This continuesasothercamerashotsshownon-white with slowcamerashotsdepictingablack manprayingamidstthebackdropofJohannesburgand Antwoord – ‘Fatty BoomBoom’– The MakingOf” video(noisey2012c), forinstance, begins the non-South African consumer(andoften, specifically, theUSconsumer)inmind. “TheDie ular andalsocrucialcomponentsofthepresentationtheirart, clearlyseemtobemadewith African exportsmustplayintoahypothesizedglobalimaginaryofwhatSouth Africa shouldbe. occurs intheculturalsphere, withDie Antwoord’s workillustratingtheextenttowhichSouth responds toforeigninterestsratherthanthoseofitsownpeople(2012:10). This samedynamic tors. The threatofcapitalwithdrawalbytheseinvestorsmeansthatthegovernmentultimately national sovereigntyhasbeenincreasinglysubordinatedtothedemandsofforeigninves- the adventofneoliberaleconomicpoliciesinSouth Africa hasledtoapoliticalsituationwhere Following MichaelHardtand Antonio Negri’sanalysisinEmpire Certainly, thegroupmembersseemtorecognizeandrevelintheirperceivedimageasemis- And priortobeginningtheirowndistributioncompanyinNovember2011, ZefRecordz, However, thisconstructed energymustalsobecombinedwithimagerythathasavalence As anexample, Die and Antwoord’s “explanation”“making of” videos, whicharehighlypop- — the plotthickens! within South Africa, italsoinvolvespositioningitsparticipantsto Black and white. We aretogether. Let’srush...let’srushto — not unlikewhatthe Voodoo Lounge man announcestothecamera: (2000), Haupt notesthat culture andori- residents - Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 145 based especially — by Die Antwoord (2012). (Screen grab grab (Screen (2012). Antwoord Die by Fatty Boom Boom Boom Fatty courtesyBryanof Schmidt) Figure 6. Lady Gaga, played by Herman Botha (aka Ally Ooop), in a replica of of replica a in Ooop), Ally (aka Botha Herman by played Gaga, Lady 6. Figure from dress” “meat the - - as problematic or even revolting, US media and capitalist interests have US media and capitalist interests revolting, as problematic or even —

To illustrate the way such analyses help us to make sense of the rhizomatic cultural networks illustrate the way such analyses help us to make sense of the rhizomatic cultural networks To - the international con expectations by must play into certain Antwoord that Die If we accept US cultural imperialism crystal- Boom Boom is the fight against Fatty A major thematic of vasive and influential modes of culture and, Western racism in to lose the chance on the other, of understanding the different ideological work done by racial Die (1997:43). representation” and tak- Antwoord’s employment of blackface and blackbody images is undeniably complex, technologies ing a close look at how the mode operates in their work illuminates contemporary from questioning a cultural product’s validity Shifting the conversation of racialization. “racist”) to one that seeks to on narrowly defined criteria (such as whether or not we deem it and historicity poses a viable alternative to this neocolonial project, understand its positionality, adjudication. like to return to the quarrel between Lady Gaga and I would in today’s hyperconnected world, after Twitter Subsequent drama between the stars played out on and Antwoord. Die Web Culture and Power Web Despite the overwhelming con- demnation of blackface in US such images persist, culture, and globalization has incal- culably complicated how and to what purposes artists con- struct and deploy such images. “simply As Susan Gubar notes, to ignore cross-racial masquer ades because they are psycho- on the one logically damaging is, to miss an opportunity to hand, examine one of the most per Die Antwoord vs. Lady Gaga Lady vs. Antwoord Die a major role in shaping the playing field on which the group operates. After all, it was US min- After all, operates. the playing field on which the group a major role in shaping US consum- and today, Africa in the first place, strel troupes that brought blackface to South relations that drive the contemporary economy of ers are intimately entangled in the capitalist Antwoord’s sales. as well as Die signs, - their project has conse and that market, on the global cultural to gain currency sumer in order US it then be inferred that could formation, African racial the sphere of South quences within for Antwoord, Die formation? Does power on this very racial exert a soft cultural consumers for the purposes of playing into the primitivist tropes of their music videos activate the instance, to at least in part, use blackface, international consumers? Does the group cultural imaginary of pleasure of viewing the other? capitalize on these consumers’ to the megastar by opening for request for the group to subordinate itself lized in Lady Gaga’s States, was heavily influenced by the United African music Haupt notes that South her tour. through non-local aesthet- African cultural expression South which effectively interpolated Antwoord’s imagery Die even if US cultural critics view Significantly, ics (2012:6). its use of blackface the face of US pop music or as a tongue-in-cheek ribbing to tickle US consumers, it makes visi- it makes to tickle US consumers, a tongue-in-cheek ribbing US pop music or as the face of exporter. as consumer and cultural Africa both cultural reach into South ble the US Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27September 2021

146 Bryan Schmidt this veryactofcreation. form asitrelatestotheartistandlocalpopulation, aswell astheconsumer’sownculpabilityin of whatblackfaceproducesintermsrace, gender, class, andsexuality, thehistoricityof allow foreasy, nonreflexiveassessmentofcultural offerings. Suchapositionignoresthetexture critics ofmediahavecometotakeforgranted tion andlocomotionrootedininternationalculturalflows. Antwoord canuse. Thus, thelocaleffectsofFatty Boomasaracialprojecthavefounda- it totheglobalstage, andthereforemanagethediscoursestechniquesthatgroupslikeDie risks ofsuchperformancesshouldbeclear. USconsumersexercisepoweroverwhat actsmake that theperformersofDie Antwoord standinfornon-whites blackface performanceinSouth Africa arenominallydifferentthanintheUnitedStates, given tivist spirituality, andheterosexualitytonon-white identities. Although thehistoryandethicsof feminized outsiderstoSouth Africa, whilesimultaneouslyaffixingelementsofvirility, primi- fixed, essentialone. Theiruseofracechangesaspartthisprojectpositionswhite identitiesas project, onethatassertsamobile, performative, contingentconceptionofracethatopposesa tators helpconstructthestageonwhichDie Antwoord’s racialprojectperforms. events andultimatelycontrolthenarrative. Inthisway, USconsumers, bloggers, andcommen- Lady GagaandDie Antwoord, socialmedia(withtheirunevenpowerdynamics)magnifythe because manyofthemareownedbycorporatemonopolies” (2012:118). Intheconflictbetween adds thatmany Web 2.0toolsarestillundertheaegisofcommercialmassmedia, “not least and radio, inordertoempowerindependentmusiciansandtheirfansalike,” however, hequickly about thepowerofsocialmediatobypassgatekeepingfunctionsmassmedia, suchas TV As Hauptwrites: “It istemptingtolaud[Die Antwoord’s] risetofameasasuccessstory, atale place wherepowerconsolidatesinmateriallywealthycountriesandwell-resourcedinstitutions. field; theymustultimatelymaneuvertheirinterestsinaccordwiththedemandsofamarket- ing themselvestoaninternationalaudience, forthemostparttheydonotcreateplaying the considerablewebresourcesofInterscope. Although thegrouphassomeagencyinmarket- 141 thousand Twitter followers, 984thousandFacebook “like”-ers, andnolongerhasaccessto illustrate thatnetworksofpowerstillfunctionunevenly. Die Antwoord, forinstance, hasonly tural consumerstoaccessSouth African productionswithrelativeease, LadyGaga’stweets relegated theSouth African grouptothelowerrungsofculturalladder. mand shewieldsinthesamevirtualnetworksthatbothallowedmetoaccessDie Antwoord and Twitter followersand61millionFacebook “like”-ers. Indoingso, shesubtlydisplaysthecom- Antwoord’s ownbackyardandreferencingthe “little monsters” onizing ideologyatwork;sheparadesherculturalpowerbyassertingpopularityinDie “i finkufreaky aired Die Antwoord

tle monster. WE GOT IT” (Ladygaga2012a;Ladygaga2012b). “i guessitsnotagoodideatotellsomeoneyou’refan. nevermind!wegetit, you’renotalit- 9. 8. These pointsspeaktotheneedofcomplicatinghard-and-fast rulesliberalconsumersand Die Antwoord’s useofblackfaceinFatty BoomhaslocalstakesasaSouth African racial While theinternethasenabledgreaterglobalconnectivity, creatingthepotentialforcul- u... plus we don’t have prawns in our private...” (DieAntwoord 2012). Die Antwoord’s own Twitter response to Lady Gaga: “lady... even tho u r ‘larger’ than us... we still cooler than has around 40 million hits on YouTube. A reference to Die Antwoord’s most popular music video 8 butyoudon’thaveahit. hundredthousandtIcketssoldinSA. #thatmyshit” and Fatty Boom. Gagafiredbackatthegroupwithapairofangrytweets: — rules suchas “blackface isneverOK,” which I Fink U Freeky (2012). As of 4 January 2014, the video on aglobalstagethere-racializing

— 9 Gaga’sresponsesrevealacol- her namefor41million Die Antwoord’s Racial Project 147

www.slate.com/blogs 17 October. Slate, www.youtube.com/watch?v=1xwKQ71BDW0 www.youtube.com/watch?v=1xwKQ71BDW0 . 7 November. http://vimeo.com/31741727 (5 January 2014). http://vimeo.com/31741727 (5 January 7 November. . . 7 November. http://vimeo.com/31730747 (5 January 2014). http://vimeo.com/31730747 (5 January 7 November. . Naaiers Julle Fok Faggot www.youtube.com/watch August. 3 . Version) – Enter the Ninja (Explicit Antwoord Die . Cape Town: . Cape Town: Media and Film Music, in Post-Apartheid Static: Race and Representation

42, 1 (Summer):83–88. 42, Journal Dance Research (5 January 2014). /24-Facts-Die-Antwoord-20100204 Tyler Falola and Toyin eds. African Identities, and Performance Music, In and the Gold Coast.” Town Cape Routledge. York: New 125–43. Fleming, (Autumn):183–215. 2014). /tension.html#live (5 January 2014). ?v=cegdR0GiJl4 (5 January http://blogs.phoenixnewtimes.com/uponsun/2012/10/the_new_die_antwoord 17 October. Blogs, Times _video_pro.php (5 January 2014). http://music-mix.ew August. 4 , Entertainment Weekly more.” the art of video-making and fights, (5 January 2014). .com/2012/08/04/lollapalooza-die-antwoord/ http://animalnewyork.com/2012/did-die-antwoords-new-video-just-get-away-with 16 October. -blackface/ (5 January 2014). Press. /browbeat/2012/10/17/_fatty_boom_boom_die_antwoord_video_literal_and_figurative_blackface_video .html (5 January 2014). HSRC Press. _medias/U7d3zo_DCM_Chronicles.pdf (5 January 2014). (5 January 2014). observart.wordpress.com/2011/11/02/exhibition-review-yuskavage-and-kannemeyer/ (5 January 2014). /watch?v=AIXUgtNC4Kc (5 January 2014). References Archives.” and Methods, Texts, as African Bodies Becoming: State of Perpetual “A 2010. Awam. Amkpa, www.channel24.co.za/Music/FeaturesInterviews . Channel 24 Antwoord.” “24 Facts: Die 2010. Jean. Barker, in Arts and Diaspora Consciousness Popular Africa: America and “Blackface in 2012. Benjamin. Brühwiler, 1 Critical Inquiry 23, for Signs.” Taken Wonders Africa: West “Reading Blackface in 1996. Catherine. Cole, Indiana University Press. Bloomington: . Theatre Ghana’s Concert Party 2001. Catherine. Cole, 2 (T218):7–12. TDR 57, of Blackface.” “Routes 2013. Davis. Tracy and Catherine, Cole, http://dieantwoord.com http://dieantwoord.com/tension.html#about, “Live.” “About,” Die Antwoord. n.d. Die Antwoord. 2010. Die Antwoord. 2011a. Die Antwoord. Die Antwoord. 2011b. https://twitter.com/DieAntwoord. 9:50 pm. 17 October, post, Twitter 2012. Antwoord. Die Phoenix New Probably.” Guys. You Probably Isn’t Racist Video Antwoord “The New Die 2012. Troy. Farah, Antwoord talk about breaking up street Africa’s Die “Lollapalooza interview: South 2012. Nolan. Feeney, Animal, with Blackface?” Away Just Get Video Antwoord’s New “Did Die 2012. Marina. Galperina, Oxford University York: New . American Culture in Face Black White Skin, Racechanges: 1997. Susan. Gubar, University Press. MA: Harvard Cambridge, . Empire 2000. Antonio Negri. and Michael, Hardt, This “Is And Aisha. 2012. Blackface? That Harris, Is a Problem?” Haupt, Adam. Adam. 2012. Haupt, Art in America, January:103. Exhibition review. Kannemeyer.” “Anton 2012. Faye. Hirsch, https://twitter.com/ladygaga. 1:52 pm. 17 October, post, Twitter 2012a. Ladygaga. https://twitter.com/ladygaga. 1:58 pm. 17 October, post, Twitter 2012b. Ladygaga. http://criticalworld.net/cw . Critical World of Kaapse Klopse.” “Chronicles 2007. Denis-Constant. Martin, http:// 2 November. , observart and Kannemeyer.” Yuskavage “Exhibition Review: 2011. Henry. McMahon, April. 12 Reporter.” vs. Tyson “Mike 2009. methmatix69. www.youtube.com 16 October. Video).” ‘Fatty Boom Boom’ (Official Antwoord – “Die 2012a. noisey. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351 by guest on 27September 2021

148 Bryan Schmidt http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/suppl/10.1162/DRAM_a_00351. To view supplementalmediarelatedtothisarticle, pleasevisit Thomas, Aaron C. 2013. Personalcorrespondencewithauthor. Thelwell, Chinua. 2013. “The Young MenMustBlacken Their Faces.” TDR57, 2(T218):66–85. Steyn, Melissa. 2001. ‘WhitenessJust Isn’t What ItUsed To Be’: White IdentityinaChangingSouth Africa . Scott, Claire. 2012. “Die Antwoord andadelegitimisedSouth African whiteness:apotentialcounter- sabc3topbilling. 2011. “Top BillingInterviewsDie Antwoord’s Yo-Landi Vi$$er.” 11July. www.youtube Posel, Deborah. 2001. “What’s inaName:RacialCategorisationsUnder Apartheid and Their Afterlife.” Omi, Michael, andHoward Winant. 1994. RacialFormation intheUnitedStates:From the1960sto1990s. noisey. 2012c. “Die Antwoord – ‘Fatty BoomBoom’– The MakingOf.” noisey. 2012b. “Die Antwoord Responds To Comments About ‘Fatty BoomBoom’– The People Vs – Albany: StateUniversityofNew York Press. narrative?” .com/watch?v=wFGiOqFxE7M (5January2014). Transformation 47:50–74. Second Edition. New York: Routledge. /watch?v=YuGa0wfKfho (5January2014). (Episode 10).” 24October. www.youtube.com/watch?v=m2hq9HEtKRU (5January2014). Critical Arts: A South-NorthJournal ofCultural andMediaStudies26, 5:745–61. 13 November. www.youtube.com