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Home , Einat Wilf, Israeli Labor Party, Nadia Hilou, Stav Shaffir

FABIAN POLICY REPORT

REFLECTION AND RENEWAL

Where next for the left in ? With Natan Doron, Zahava Gal-On, , David Lammy MP, James Morris, Yigal Shtayim, Hannah Weisfeld and many others

Contents EDITORIAL 2 Shifting grounds Israeli politics has been viewed by British audiences almost exclusively Natan Doron through the prism of Israeli-Palestinian relations. Regardless of where a 6 How to fight a living standards election British member stands on the or which James Morris side of the Israel-Palestine conflict they position themselves, it is likely that most within the Labour family would be able to agree that the 8 Pride in the unit situation would be improved with a stronger democratic left in Israel. Zahava Gal-On Once the dominant force in Israeli politics, the left has experienced 9 Striking a balance a dramatic decline in popularity over the past two decades, spending Dermot Kehoe much of its time divided and/or in opposition. Indeed it can be argued that Israel’s left has not represented a coherent governing power since 10 Equality now the death of in 1995. Nadia Hilou There are now hints of a reversal in this trend and the 2013 elec- 11 No fear tion provides an important moment to reflect on the opportunities David Lammy MP and challenges facing the centre and broader left political movement in the country. On the one hand the increased their 12 The challenge and chance of the representation in parliament whilst fellow leftist party doubled Israeli peace camp theirs. But the election still returned a Netanyahu government. And Hagit Ofran whilst the rise of the centrist party Yesh represents a thirst amongst 14 Solidarity across boundaries Israeli voters for something new, party is by no means Emine Ibrahim a social democrat. This report seeks to broaden and deepen the British Labour party’s 15 In it together understanding of the political context in Israel and, in particular, the Hannah Weisfeld challenges and opportunities currently faced by the political left. It 16 The view from outside hopes to better develop the kind of shared political understanding and Yigal Shtayim analysis that helps parties of the left win power across the globe.

[email protected] Grateful acknowledgement is www.fabians.org.uk made to BICOM for supporting this publication. Special thanks to General Secretary, Toby Greene for all his help with Andrew Harrop the project. Deputy General Secretary, Marcus Roberts Like all publications of the Fabian Head of Editorial, Ed Wallis Society, this report represents not the collective views of the Society, Report Editors, Natan Doron, fabian society but only the views of the individual Sofie Jenkinson, 61 Petty France writers. The responsibility of the Printed by DG3, London E14 9TE London SW1H 9EU Society is limited to approving its Designed by Soapbox, 020 7227 4900 (main) publications as worthy of consider- www.soapbox.co.uk 020 7976 7153 (fax) ation within the .

© TamarLevine

1 / Reflection and Renewal © Ishai Parasol

2 / Fabian Policy Report Shifting grounds There is a paradox at the heart of the left in Israel today. It has largely won the public argument for the two-state solution, but politically the left has been weak and often in opposition. Natan Doron reflects on how Israel’s population, geography and politics have changed so dramatically that the left remains unsure how it can respond

Natan Doron is senior researcher at the Fabian Society

sraelis will not tire of telling you that in Hawks on the right and doves on the left. to small splinter parties – Israeli political Itheir country, left and right are set apart This is what the spectrum of left and right history is littered with such occasions.1 She depending on where they stand on the represents in Israeli politics. referred to the trade unions, the peace process with the Palestinians. In most democratic countries, voters movement of collective agricultural settle- Broadly, if you are on the left then you search for the socioeconomic agenda most in ments and social democratic policy as useful are firmly committed to a two-state solu- line with their interests and values. In Israel, tools in the early days of state building: tion and willing to concede on territory in voters must first find a party that represents order to make a solution work. On the left them on issues of peace and security. “The establishment of a socialist society you are also more likely to see the settle- The result is that parties referred to as was always subservient to the Zionist goal ments in the and, for some, the ‘left wing’ may have politicians that, to of building a sovereign state for the Jewish blockade against Gaza, as a major barrier to European audiences, look suspiciously right people. The establishment of a socialist any such solution. If you are on the right, wing on socioeconomic issues. This makes society in itself was never the goal“ then you believe in a ‘greater Israel’ that Israeli politics look very strange to outside encompasses large parts of the West Bank. observers. Others that I talked to in Israel took You are also likely to be less sympathetic I realised quite how strange this situation a different view – the Labor movement towards the inhabitants of both the Gaza was as I sat talking to – a former existed not only to establish the state of Strip and the Palestinian controlled parts of Israeli Labor parliamentarian who left the Israel but also to establish a model society. the West Bank. party in one of a series of splits that led Many of the pioneers of the movement fled

3 / Reflection and Renewal the Europe of the early 20th century and The first Israelis were largely Europeans Occupation they brought with them the contemporary fleeing a hostile continent in order to found The second important factor in understand- political demands of their day: democracy, a Jewish state. The hostility of Europe was ing the decline of the left and the rise of liberty, equality and justice. associated with the politics of the extreme the right in Israel is the occupation of the So clearly Einat Wilf represents only one right – it was therefore unsurprising that Palestinian territories that began in 1967. strand of thinking about what the Labor many Jews who came to what was then In particular, Israel gained control of East party, and what she calls Labor , British controlled Palestine had been affili- – the home of the old city and signified. But the fact that someone who ated with the socialist parties in Europe. of sites with huge religious significance to once represented the Labor party in parlia- Jews as well as Christians and Muslims. In ment holds these views demonstrates just many ways, this changed the focus of the how broad the tent of the party has been In Israel the experience Israeli defence forces. in the past. of the left teaches us From 1948 till 1967, Israel was a state that In many ways the past is a source of had maintained a strong military to defend comfort for the left. From the creation of that there is a difference its borders. From 1967, the experience of the state in 1948 until 1977, Labor and its occupation shifted the geography as well forerunners was always the biggest party in between winning the big as the politics of the country. It ultimately parliament and always provided the prime created a climate in which the right’s strand minister.2 But from 1977 Labor was either in public arguments on the of nationalism could flourish. The religious opposition or in a governing coalition with one hand and earning significance of East Jerusalem and the their main right-wing opponents the culturally significant expanses of land that party. It was not until the return of the party the credibility to govern Israel had occupied allowed the right in leadership to Yithak Rabin and his spell as Israel to appeal to a vision of a stronger and prime minister in the early 1990s that Labor on the other ‘greater’ Israel. once again represented a coherent party It was after 1967 that Israeli politics really of government. Rabin was assassinated in Once the state of Israel had been estab- began to polarise around what should be 1995 and since then, the party has been in lished, ‘Mizrahi’ Jews began to come from done about the occupied territories. The left almost constant decline, defined by infight- Arab and Muslim countries. These citizens advocated territorial compromise while the ing and factionalism. This decline became had had very different political experiences right advocated ongoing occupation. particularly pronounced when ’s to the Israelis who had come before them. brief time as a Labor prime minister was They were more religious, more socially and the paradox followed by the outbreak of the second conservative and favoured the family unit of the Israeli left intifada in 2000 – a period of heightened over the state as a source of support. These The third factor in the decline of the left was tension and violence between Israel and the new Israelis provided a growing block of the tension around the extent to which the Palestinians. voters for a right wing party of government Labor movement believed in social democ- But what happened that led to the rise to emerge. The first Likud prime minister, racy. This factor has grown in its significance of the right and the decline of the left in Menahcem Begin, worked hard to make as the centre ground in Israeli politics fol- Israeli politics? such voters a core part of his support base lowing Rabin has been towards a two-state Three factors take us a long way to in 1977, taking advantage of resentment felt solution. Indeed, as Hagit Ofran points answering this question. Israelis changed; among the towards the Euro- out in her article in this collection, even Israel’s geography and military approach pean ‘Ashkenazi’ elites that had dominated Netanyahu must bow to public opinion in changed; and in the midst of these pro- the state until then. endorsing a two-state solution. cesses, the Labor party has never developed In recent years around a million Russians This is the central paradox of the left in a distinct approach to the socioeconomic have moved to Israel. These Russian Israelis Israel today. It has largely won the public challenges facing the country. had only experienced the or argument on the two-state solution with This brings us to the strange paradox the chaotic semi-democratic politics that polls regularly showing a majority of Israelis of the Israeli Labor party. While the public has characterised Russia since the Soviet in favour of the creation of a Palestinian have become more left-wing in the sense Union’s collapse. Though Israeli Russian state. But politically the left has been weak of growing support for a two-state solution, voters overwhelmingly supported Rabin and often in opposition. the Labor party itself has become less and in the early 1990s, the collapse of Labor in To understand this paradox we must look less credible on the peace process. 2000 saw them gravitate towards the cur- at what happened in the late 1990s. Ehud rent prime minister Barak was the Labour leader and prime Demographics as well as the hawkish Soviet-born Avigdor minister in 1999. In 2000 the negotiations The Israeli electorate has changed beyond Lieberman. with the Palestinian Liberation Organisa- recognition since the founding of the state. The large numbers of new Israelis have tion (PLO) that Barak had led on collapsed. Israel’s population at the time that the state continually and significantly altered the The collapse of negotiations was followed was established in 1948 was just over a electoral dynamics of the country, provid- by what is known as the . million. By 1977 the population had risen to ing a more natural support base for the This period saw increased violence between over three and a half million. political right. Israel and Palestine, increased restrictions

4 / Fabian Policy Report on freedom of movement for Palestinians and the eventual resignation of Barak from his post as leader of the Labor party. Barak’s resignation followed a crushing election defeat at the hands of , the leader of Likud. In 2007 the Labor Party turned to Barak once again in search of someone who could be a credible prime ministerial candidate. As leader of the party Barak cemented a reputa- tion for being a tough and competent min- ister of defence in a . During this period he oversaw Operation Cast Lead – a military operation against Gaza that while seen within Israel as a military success also saw large scale damage and the deaths of just under a thousand Palestinian © Max Nathans civilians. In the 2009 elections Barak led the party to a disappointing return of 13 seats. justice relating to the contribution of the the economy. The truth in the last election is The party then descended into in-fighting ultra-religious in Israel. This is ground on that there did not appear a viable alternative before Barak split from the party in 2011. which a credible centre-left party should in prime minister to Benjamin Netanyahu. In many ways the departure of Barak theory be able to build a coherent vision for In Israel the experience of the left teaches from the Labor party provided an oppor- the country. us that there is a difference between win- tunity to take stock. In one sense, much ning the big public arguments on the one as the departure of Blair helped lessen the The art of renewal hand and earning the credibility to govern importance of Iraq in how UK voters viewed Israel has changed demographically, geo- on the other. This should serve to remind the British Labour party, the split of Barak graphically and politically almost beyond us in the UK that the left must constantly from the Israeli Labor party has created recognition in its 65 year history. The left reflect, renew and democratise to stay space for renewal. has faced constant renewal in the context relevant. The danger of not doing so is The 2013 elections in January make this a of such extraordinary changes. It is fair to that you allow your political opponents to useful moment to examine the left in Israel. say that success has been limited in the last define you. On the one hand, the Israeli Labor party two decades. As the social-democratic left throughout increased their representation in parliament The left in Israel now faces some monu- the world faces a series of challenges in whilst fellow leftist party Meretz doubled mental challenges as it seeks to rebuild and an age of austerity, there is much that the theirs. But the election still returned a become ready to govern again. Some of British left can learn from Israel and that the Netanyahu-led government. And whilst the these challenges will be familiar to the left Israeli left can learn from us. We must both rise of the centrist party (there is across Europe. It must develop a coherent engage in the process of renewal if we are to a future) represents a thirst amongst Israeli and attractive programme to address the once again earn the right to serve. F voters for something new, party leader Yair cost of living crisis that is undermining both Lapid is by no means a social democrat. the economy and social stability. The left Notes Lapid’s economic advisor Manuel Trajten- must also renew the way it does politics: 1. Israel’s voting system is a proportionally repre- berg has been touring Europe explaining the lack of a geographical link between sentative one in which all parties submit a national how a reduction in the size of the public members of the Israeli parliament and list of candidates and receive an allocation of seats based on their share of the vote. The permanence sector has been the motor of Israel’s success voters entrenches a type of politics that is of governing coalitions places less importance on in recent years. Evidence for such a view is very distant and technocratic. The parties party unity and as a result new parties form and scarce and more importantly Trajtenberg must make municipal government a more old ones decline according to very short timescales has little in the way of practical solutions important part of their overall strategy – a when compared to the UK. for Israel’s squeeze on living standards. step that it looks as if Meretz is already tak- 2. Technically the Labor party only came in to exist- Furthermore, as David Lammy notes in his ing as their leader Zahava Gal-On outlines ence in 1968 out of a merger between the workers party of the (known as ); the contribution to this collection, the state has in this report. Israeli Workers List () and the Labour Unity had a key role in fostering entrepreneurial But as expected, the left in Israel faces party (Ahdut HaAvoda). In reality much of the activity in Israel. some unique challenges. It must develop a personnel and indeed the leadership remained the Despite this mixed picture, the outcome coherent position on the peace process with same pre- and post-1968. For the purposes of sim- of the election confirms that with 11 fewer the Palestinians. It must also find a leader plicity the Labor party in this article will be thought seats in parliament, faith in Netanyahu is who can reassure the labour movement of of as indicating Mapai before the official founding of what is now called the Labor party in Israel. weaker than it once was. Furthermore, the the party’s social justice credentials but also election was dominated by debate about someone who can reassure voters of their Thanks to Alex Yakobson for his comments on early drafts living standards and questions of social security credentials as well as competence on of this article.

5 / Reflection and Renewal How to fight a living standards election James Morris is a pollster and adviser to both the Israeli and UK Labour parties. Here he reflects on fighting a living standards election in Israel and the lessons for the British Labour party in 2015

James Morris is a campaign pollster and strategist. A former speechwriter to Labour leader Ed Miliband and advisor at the Number 10 Strategy Unit, Morris runs Greenberg Quinlan Rosner’s London office and advised the Israeli Labor party during the 2013 election

f in the uk the ‘middle’ are being a forced choice between Labor, Likud and of coalition government meant Lapid could I squeezed, in Israel they are being crushed. (a centrist pro-two-state party), 47 publically state that he wasn’t running to be One in five working families with kids live per cent thought Labor the best party on the prime minister and hence avoid the kind of in poverty. The cost of housing rose 70 per ‘standard of living’ and 52 per cent thought scrutiny faced by Labor leader Shelly Yachi- cent in 10 years and now outstrips most them the best on ‘prices’. movich as she put her name down to make American cities. A country founded in part Eagle-eyed Israel-watchers will notice decisions on Iran, and Syria as well by idealistic socialists has the highest pov- two parties missing from that forced choice as the price of cottage cheese. Peace scored erty rate in the OECD. Even if you look at list: Beit Yehudi a nationalist and religious so low as a priority in part because people the 90th–99th highest earning percentiles, Zionist party, and Yesh Atid a party seeking had given up hope that it could be achieved, incomes are flat. You can guess where the to represent the secular middle class. It rather than because it wasn’t desirable. income growth was. turned out that the turbulence of a living At key moments, Labor’s campaign was Despite that, the conventional wisdom standards election would lift Labor, but lift overshadowed by the defection of former is that Israeli politics is all about peace these other parties even more. While Hat- leaders – hopefully something that won’t and security. However our first survey for nua – ’s muscular peace-focused happen to the British Labour party in 2015. the Israeli Labor party in the run up to the party – made no progress, the economy- Still, it’s not all parochial. In fact we are 2013 elections showed that things were focused Labor doubled its representation going to see more and more living standards going to be different. Israelis were nearly in parliament. But the parties that sailed elections in the next few years. As my col- twice as likely to prioritise the economy as furthest were Yair Lapid’s anodyne, middle league Stan Greenberg lays out in his book prioritise peace. class first, Yesh Atid and ’s It’s the Middle Class, Stupid!, progressive This looked like being good news for right-wing populist Beit Yehudi. parties around the world have consistently the Labor party. While Likud, Israel’s major Lapid’s success was partly a result of pa- failed to defend the interests of not just the center-right party and home of Netanyahu, rochial facts about Israeli’s geopolitical situ- poor, but also middle-income families. The led on issues around peace and security, in ation and electoral system. The inevitability link between macro-economic growth and

6 / Fabian Policy Report growth in people’s incomes broke at some ‘squeezed middle’ as central to his project Fine. But that’s not how voters see it. point around the turn of the millennium. shows exactly the right prioritisation. Voters are sceptical that the government Then the financial crisis hit. can boost wages at any great speed. They As Britain heads towards its own living 2. Once identified with the middle, buy that we need to be a high-skill economy standards election, there are lessons to be the left can gain from highlighting to avoid competing on wages with the rising learnt from the dynamics that played out in unfairness at the top economies to our east and south. But that Israel. I want to pick out four: Focusing on the middle doesn’t mean giving is an issue for the country, not for them as the elites a bye. Voters in Israel absolutely individuals. 1. Passion for the middle not bought into the idea that their struggles While the ‘cottage cheese’ protests were against the top were a symptom of stitch-ups at the top. about food, the issue that mattered most in Hebrew may be an older language than the However, when addressing the privi- the election was housing. Labor actually had English, but it hasn’t had the same time to leges of the elite it is important for politi- a very powerful message on housing with a evolve. Unused as a spoken language for cians to show that they are on the side of concrete plan to make a difference by releas- over a thousand years, it doesn’t have the the producers. People who contribute, pay ing public land to be built on, but it didn’t words we do. So, sensibly, Israelis borrow. their taxes, create jobs and so on are valued communicate it as well as it might have. And one of the words leftish politicians by voters who understand the need for Here in the UK in 2015, issues surround- borrow most is ‘tycoon’. a vibrant economy. The problem comes ing food, fuel and housing will inevitably be The facts are shocking. Half of the stock when the concentration of wealth and central. traded on the Israeli stock market is owned power tilts the playing field against ordinary by just 20 families. The share of wealth working people. A tax cut for millionaires 4. Answers must be serious and long- controlled by the country’s 10 largest com- may or may not be wise in and of itself but term as well as delivering help now panies is higher than in any other OECD it becomes a campaign issue when it is at The final lesson I want to focus on covers country. Under Benjamin Netanyahu’s neo- the cost of tax rises for people on middle everything that is not living standards. Vot- conservative economic policy, flat indirect incomes and lower. ers across much of the developed world are taxes like VAT have overtaken progressive There is also a lesson for the right here feeling terribly squeezed. They want action direct taxes like income tax as a source of too. Capitalism is about competition. Free- on living standards. government income, boosting the incomes market liberals should be just as incensed But that hasn’t made them forget about of the wealthy while hitting the poor. about concentrations of power as the left. everything else. In Israel they didn’t forget So yes, Israelis are angry with the tycoons That is not how it has played out in Israel, that the prime minister has to do more than and they rightly believe that the state has America or the UK but it is a space that manage the economy. They also need to made this extreme concentration of wealth some smart thinkers in the Conservative deal with the country’s security. While the and power a reality in their country. party are getting into. Unfortunately for economy trumped peace as a voting issue, it However, their political passion is not Britain, they don’t seem to have any influ- only tied with security. against the rich. It is reserved for a politician ence on Tory policy. Here in the UK the contextual issues are who they believe will fight for the middle less focused on security and more on other class. By a margin of 85:9 Israelis wanted a 3. For voters, living standards aspects of the economy. Voters want a living politician who would stand up for the mid- means prices standards answer that is also a debt answer dle class over one who prioritised standing The real inflation problem is not that it is too and a competitiveness answer. The same up against the tycoons. Simply switching high, but that it is too low. If it was higher is true in the US. Our polling consistently the order of sentences in a message, so the our debts would go away faster. Moreover, finds that short-term solutions and throw- middle class focus came before attacking according to the economists, looking for a ing money at problems rather than address- tycoons, added 10 points to its power. living standards answer in prices (of food, ing root causes does not help. Voters want to A politician fired up with anger against fuel, housing etc) is looking in the wrong know that plans will work in the long term. the top is compelling; one fired up by a place. The real problem is wages. passion for ordinary working people is one In Israel, salaries for people with degrees people will vote for. have fallen 7 per cent in real terms in the The Israeli election has important lessons The same is true here in the UK. While last decade. The official unemployment rate for progressive round the world. The focus railing against the 1 per cent, corporate nearly doubles when you take into account on living standards ought to be bad news avoidance and the rest is powerful stuff for people who have simply quit looking for for the right, but if and only if, parties of the NGOs seeking to create noise and build work or who are working part time when centre-left can show that they have the pas- their supporter base, voters are looking for they want full time – a problem that is sion and policy to do something about it. By something more from politicians. Robin particularly acute for women. In the US, getting the balance right between showing Hood is a great identity for a folk hero but productivity has doubled over the last 30 who you are for and what you are against, not a cabinet minister. years while wages have barely increased providing practical concrete policies on the You can’t win a living standards election in real terms (except for the top 1 per cent, key issues and locating it all in the context by simply being defined against the top. who saw incomes nearly triple). The excel- of economic seriousness, the left can get You need to be defined as being for the lent work of the Resolution Foundation back in power and win a mandate to create middle. Ed Miliband’s early adoption of the shows a similar pattern here in the UK. a more just, more rewarding economy. F

7 / Reflection and Renewal Pride in the unit Zahava Gal-On, the leader of Israel’s left-wing, social- democratic political party, Meretz,

explains why she believes a new © Dennis Hill

centre-left coalition can be built in vote in the local elections they should do so left wing parties in the election, I have no Israel and why it’s important for by associating change in their communities doubt that polls would show even higher the left to be proud with the change they want to see nationally numbers of people identifying as left-wing – parties should have a comprehensive and now. New members are coming to Meretz. coherent approach, not hide themselves In a recent recruitment drive in from the voters. we had 2000 join in just six weeks. This ou can’t talk about social justice in For Meretz this is part of a wider strategy was the same amount as we usually get YIsrael without talking about ending the to restore to the left what the Israeli army in a year. Perhaps more importantly, most occupation and you can’t talk about ending calls ‘pride in the unit’. The failures of the of these members are young Israelis who the occupation without talking about social peace process and the rise of Hamas in the are becoming politically active for the first justice. For too long the left in Israel has Gaza Strip after the disengagement in 2005 time. Students and first time voters are the been apologetic, even ashamed. This has to greatly demoralised the left. Right wing par- biggest sources of new members of Meretz. change. We in Meretz are the left in Israel ties waged a campaign to delegitimise the We are also tackling the way the left and we have been proud to say this. left as disloyal or extreme. Shelly Yachimov- is defined by the media. The political But if we avoid talking about the peace ich responded by trying to define Labor as a right in Israel have been very disciplined process then we cannot make a coherent centrist party, rather than being on the left. by always referring to politicians on the argument about social justice – this was left as ‘left-wing extremists’. As a result, the central failure of the Labor party in If Meretz is an extreme journalists started to adopt this language. the last election and it is what allowed We decided that it was not good enough Meretz to double its representation in the party then Likud, Benjamin to allow the media to be dominated by the Israeli parliament. Netanyahu’s right wing view that wanting to end the occupation The left must keep talking about the is an extreme position. Over the last year I links between social justice within Israel party, is an even more have met over 30 journalists and engaged and in our relations with the Palestinians. extreme party. The tide is them in a discussion about what it means When you think about the billions of dol- to be an extremist. If Meretz is an extreme lars spent by the Israeli government to starting to turn party then Likud, Benjamin Netanyahu’s maintain the occupation you get a sense right wing party, is an even more extreme of the injustice. I have some ideas about In Meretz we took a different approach. party. The tide is starting to turn. other ways in which we could be using this We should not feel embarrassed to be I believe that the next election in Israel money to advance social justice in Israel. passionate about social justice. We should is the best opportunity that we’ve had in a But politics is not only about how we re- not feel embarrassed about wanting to end long time to construct a centre-left coali- allocate money for social justice – we must the occupation. The right in Israel have a tion. Yair Lapid, Israel’s minister of finance also practice a politics that is more ground- slogan, ‘smolanim habayta’ that roughly and chairman of the Yesh Atid party, is a ed in people’s everyday experiences. That is translates as ‘leftists go home’ – but Meretz political chameleon – and one can eas- why Meretz has been placing an emphasis incorporated this slogan into its campaign- ily imagine his party joining a coalition on selecting the best candidates to run for ing material. We are calling with pride on of centre-left parties. Meretz doubled the local government. It may be unbelievable leftists to come home – and that home is number of parliamentarians it has in the to a UK audience but Meretz is almost the Meretz. last election. I believe that we can double only party to run local candidates under Even before the election, with all the our number again at the next election. We its party name. The other parties in Israel damage done to the brand of the left will have to work hard but we are building rename themselves for local elections to over the last few years, our polling found a home for the left. F sound non-party political (for example that nearly 20 per cent of Israelis defined ‘the movement to change ’ is how the themselves as leftists, as opposed to centre Zahava Gal-On is leader of the left-wing Labor party runs in that city). When people or right. After the growth in support for Meretz party

8 / Fabian Policy Report seats in this year’s general election, and Fatigue with the familiar political parties was overtaken by another former TV an- and faces, and the yearning for something chor, the telegenic and popular Yair Lapid, new, is a threat to all the major UK parties whose newly formed Yesh Atid (there is a at the next general election. Though the future) party got 19. What explains Lapid’s issues and setting are different, Britain also rise, and what does it mean for the left in has its own non-political politician wooing Israel and in the UK? the middle class, in the form of Nigel Far- Striking a balance There is a very mixed assessment by those age. Though Britain’s first-past-the-post on the Israeli left of what Yair Lapid and Yesh system will prevent Farage sweeping into Fatigue with the familiar Atid means for their agenda. He is regarded a government role, like Lapid or Bennett, political faces, and the yearning by many as a populist figure with conserva- the UKIP leader is proving adept at con- for something new, is a threat to tive instincts, who will not ultimately stand necting to voters with ‘common sense’ talk all the major UK parties at the up for anything the left believes in. On the on the issues the major parties have been other hand he represents an alternative to uncomfortable getting to grips with. The next general election. The Israeli Benjamin Netanyahu and has taken votes results of the Israeli elections were a force- elections showed why we need and seats from the right, and brought with ful illustration, if any were needed, of the to keep talking to swing voters him into the (Israeli parliament) need to keep talking to middle-class swing in language they identify with, some new left-leaning MKs (member of voters about the issues that irk them and in argues Dermot Kehoe Knesset) open to speaking up for the peace language they identify with. process and other progressive causes. At the same time, the challenges that Either way, Lapid did a better job than Lapid has faced in his first months in of- any other candidate of tapping into the fice offer another important lesson. The n the wake of the social protest move- issues that provided the political energy of popular messages that get you into office Iment which swept Israel in the summer the social protest movements – the middle do not necessarily serve you well once you of 2011, its Labor party looked poised to be classes’ sense that they were being ripped get there. A key slogan for Lapid in his the main beneficiary. The shift in the politi- off by tycoons and did not see fair return campaign was ‘Where is the money?’ Even cal agenda away from issues of security to for what they put into the state through after assuming the post of finance minister issues of socio-economic fairness and op- their taxes and their army service. in the new government he was still playing portunity appeared a perfect fit for Labor’s Lapid also benefitted from the universal the anti-political campaigner. He fired out new leader – a former political fascination with the new and a much discussed Facebook post on the TV journalist who built her reputation in untainted. ‘New politics’ was one of the need for officials in the finance ministry to parliament championing social issues. buzzwords of the election, and he built stop poring over spreadsheets and think Shortly after becoming leader she was a diverse list of candidates who had not about the average middle-class working riding high in the polls and was predicted served in the Knesset before. It was not mother, ‘Ricky Cohen’, and how to make to win over 20 seats. It was therefore disap- only Lapid that benefitted from the desire her life easier. pointing for Labor that it reached only 15 for fresh faces. Naftali Bennett’s Jewish The stark reality of the public finances, Home party, and to some extent Labor – however, forced Lapid to pass a budget whose list included young leaders of the which seemed to do the opposite of all he social protest movement like promised: taxes raised, budgets for ser- – also increased their vote. A remarkable vices cut, and left Ricky Cohens all over the 47 out of the 120 members of the Knesset country with less money in their pockets. have never served before. When Lapid gives the defence that he did But it was Lapid’s headline issue not know the state of the finances until he – bringing about equality in national entered office, members of the public want service by drafting the ultra-Orthodox to know why he had not done his home- who are currently exempt – which best work. Lapid has time to turn his fortunes captured the mood of the volatile middle- around, but his trust with his voters has class electorate. It is an issue the major taken a major knock. parties have neglected for generations, Striking the difficult balance between not wanting to alienate potential ultra- articulating a message which chimes with Orthodox coalition partners, and Labor the public mood, but which does not create was more reticent when addressing it in the unrealistic expectations that cannot be met election. In contrast to Lapid’s appealing in government, will be a key challenge for rhetoric, Labor’s economic plans, which Ed Miliband going into the next election. F included proposals for expanding public spending, left the electorate nervous about Dermot Kehoe is the chief executive for whether Labor could be trusted with the BICOM and a former Programme Director at

© TheeErin public finances. the Fabian Society

9 / Reflection and Renewal main primaries to select the party list, then women working would bring in significant why would Jewish members not vote for an amounts of tax revenue for the state. Israeli Arab also? A new drive for equality will come from I decided to compete for a place on the the next generation of Israeli Arabs. They party list alongside the Jewish candidates. are young and have been educated in No one had ever done this before: Ora Israel. They are citizens of Israel. They have Namir, the Labor party’s welfare minister absorbed the democratic values of Israel Equality now at the time, told me I was brave to run head and they have learnt about equality. They to head with ministers and other senior will see the gaps in outcomes for Jews and Nadia Hilou tells her story from members of the party, and stressed that she Arabs and will want to close them. They becoming the first Israeli-Arab didn’t mean it as a compliment. will not compromise and nor should they. woman to go to university in But I eventually succeeded in winning a But it will be the Labor party that will Tel Aviv to becoming a Labor place in the Knesset as part of the Labor represent the most important opportuni- list and served from 2006 to 2009. From ties for changes to be made. The Arab party politician and why she still within parliament, and now from without, parties have no influence. Not because continues to fight for equality I have fought for equality for Israeli-Arabs. they are bad but because they are always I am quite clear that the biggest challenge in opposition, and do not participate in ne- facing the state of Israel at the moment is gotiations to form coalition governments. the status of the minorities. When we look Playing a role in the opposition in the affa has been the centre of Palestinian at the numbers doing well at school, the Knesset, as the Arab parties do, is impor- Jculture and commerce for hundreds of numbers going to universities, the num- tant and a significant part of the democratic years and is where my family have lived bers getting jobs in the public and private system, but it is not enough. What is neces- for many generations. It is here, where we sectors, we see huge gaps between Jewish sary to achieve equality is gaining control were one of the few families that stayed Israelis and the Arab minorities. of policy within the government. after our town was absorbed into the state The solution has to be a political one. Perhaps the saddest thing about Labor’s of Israel that I became the first Israeli-Arab Since Rabin, no government has put the is- failure in the last election is that for the first woman to go to university in Tel Aviv. Soon sue of equality at the heart of its programme. time in its history it has not one Israeli-Arab after, I began my journey into politics as a We have 9000 unemployed Israeli Arab member of parliament among its ranks. The organiser representing fellow female graduates. 60 per cent of Israeli-Arab party looks set to divert a lot of energy inter- social workers. Along with my comrades in children live under the poverty line. nally over the coming months as it rebuilds we organised childcare to help other These levels of inequality are under- after the election. The future for the party Israeli-Arab women who wanted to work mining Israel’s economic as well as social may be unclear but I am determined that we and went from supporting tens to support- progress. A recent OECD report singles do our best to recruit campaigners for social ing hundreds of Arab women. out two groups that are underrepresented justice and strong advocates of Israeli-Arab When Yitzhak Rabin became the leader in the labour market to an extent that it is equality. We will need them to help address of the Israeli Labor party for the second harming GDP growth: Arab women and the problems facing this country. F time in 1992 I felt compelled to move from the ultra-orthodox Jewish community. We community organising to party politics. are not speaking about small numbers. Nadia Hilou is a former Labor party member Rabin was the first prime minister who A 10 per cent increase in Israeli-Arab of Knesset (Israeli Parliament) was very clear about equality for Israeli Arabs – this showed immense courage on his part. But the momentum of the peace process also gathered pace under Labor and Rabin. And it was then that I felt that I could no longer be an observer of party politics. I had to try to influence the process of furthering equality for Israeli Arabs as well as advancing the peace process. The Israeli Labor party has always ensured through a quota system that there would an Israeli-Arab representative in a realistic position on the party list for Knes- set elections. Arab members of the party would vote for that representative. But I felt uncomfortable with this as, for me, it meant compromising on what I took equality to represent. Since Israeli-Arab members of

the party vote for Jewish candidates in the © Ron Shoshani

10 / Fabian Policy Report Britain need not mimic this approach: it is not desirable to reintroduce national service nor it is it advisable to wait for the arrival of a million highly educated for- eigners that zealously endorse the values and cultural underpinnings of our country. But it isn’t just a constant existential threat No fear and the sudden influx of new immigrants that made the ‘start-up nation’ possible. It The British Labour party can build is the right form of governance that meant its own version of Israel’s start-up Israel could take advantage. nation, argues David Lammy What struck me on my trip to Israel last October was n 1984, israel was in the midst of that the politicians, civil Ieconomic abyss. Inflation rates averaged © Ron Shoshani 450 per cent over the course of the year, servants and entrepreneurs there was a banking crisis and investors all have something in that their bill will solve absolutely every were hastily evacuating their money. But problem, fill every gap and answer every by the mid-1990s it was profiting from the common: no fear of failure. question. Can you imagine hearing this tech boom and today Israel has the highest Or to put it better, they had from the despatch box: number of companies listed on the NAS- no fear of failing for the DAQ after the USA and China (despite “We are not sure when this programme having a population of just 7.8 million). right reasons will break even, if at all. We are certain The ‘start-up nation’ has done plenty to that many – in fact most – of these invest- earn its moniker. Without a banking sector capable of ments will fail and the money invested Those combing the Israeli statute book financing private sector expansion, it was will be squandered. But I hope that in time for the secret to becoming the most inno- the state that invested into its own venture – how long I don’t know – we will have vative and entrepreneurial nation on earth capital fund (‘Yozma’). 20 years on from created an environment where creativity needn’t look far for easy explanations. the government’s initial $100m investment and finance will be fused together, each The two great drivers of Israel’s economic (which has since leveraged billions more spurring the other in a virtuous cycle of success have been the armed services and from private finance), Israel now com- innovation and investment. Only then will immigration. As the country began to mands more than double the amount of we thrust Britain to forefront of the global come to terms with the economic crisis of venture capital investment per head than economy and create jobs and prosperity for the 1980s, army engineers and scientists the USA and eight times that of Britain. decades to come”. were laid off and left to use their skills in Similarly, a culture of consistently invest- civilian life, which led to an abundance ing in research and development (R&D) What struck me on my trip to Israel last of talent in the private sector. Moreover, (at a rate of five per cent of GDP, double October was that the politicians, civil serv- national service throws young Israelis in that of Britain) did not develop without the ants and entrepreneurs all have something the most formative periods of their lives Office of the Chief Scientist, a government in common: no fear of failure. Or to put it into high-pressured, high-responsibility agency. This office is the one that provides better, they had no fear of failing for the environments before they’ve even had a structured support to inventors by provid- right reasons. There is an acceptance that chance to enrol into university. Ethical ing seed money for their ideas, absorbing the state can – when used in the right way – or not, there’s no denying that this rite risk and exposing them to investors. be the great enabler of growth and that you of passage has been the hotbed for in- To those of us that believe the state can can ‘pick winners’ of sectors and succeed. novation, with the army’s intelligence unit be an accelerator, rather than a handbrake, Before the Labour party can dream of a (Unit 8200) playing the role of Cupid to to economic growth, there is a temptation Yozma fund and government backed R&D many of Israel’s most successful business to simply copy and paste these policies to subsidies, we have to achieve a consensus relationships. the table office in the House of Commons. with the entire political class on what pub- Of equal importance was the arrival of But which government has the courage lic spending can enable. Just as Clement almost one million Jews from former Soviet to admit to what such a growth agenda Attlee did not try to re-lay the Western Wall bloc countries after the collapse of com- entails, which leader has the resolve to brick-by-brick when he promised to build munism. Not only did this population spurt stick by it in barren times and which media a ‘New Jerusalem’, the modern Labour boost demand as the working age popula- organisation would tolerate it? In Britain, party must lay the foundations of our own tion of Israel increased by 15 per cent, those our entire political culture is ensnared not ‘start-up nation’, not construct a replica. F that arrived were highly qualified with 60 only be short-termism but by the need per cent boasting at least one degree. for ministers to appear utterly convinced David Lammy is MP for Tottenham

11 / Reflection and Renewal The challenge and chance of the Israeli peace camp There has never been a greater readiness for peace. The left must connect the hope from the social protests to public faith in the two-state solution, writes Hagit Ofran

Hagit Ofran runs the Settlement Watch program at movement in Israel www.peacenow.org.il

y political journey began when participate in the primaries so that I could who saw hope in the chance to make peace MI was discharged from the army in influence the makeup of the parliamentary with our Palestinian neighbours while on 1995. Yitzhak Rabin was the prime minister. Labor party in Israel. the opposing side were those who only The vote in the Knesset (Israeli parliament) This was how I became active in what feared the consequences of doing so. on the Oslo accord (the interim agreement is called the Israeli left but what I prefer The second intifada (Palestinian word framework setting out terms of future peace to call ‘the peace camp’. During the early for uprising) ripped up the playing field. with the Palestinians) went down to the 1990s the peace camp was one half of an Just when we were closest to peace, ter- wire, decided by just one single vote. What extremely polarised political climate in rible violence interrupted. Fear and anger shocked me then was that two Knesset Israel. The right wing found parliamentary removed any sentiment of hope among the members from Rabin’s Labor party voted representation in the Likud party – today peace camp. Ariel Sharon was elected as against the Oslo accord – this was a vote headed by Benjamin Netanyahu. The peace prime minister and the failure of hope was against the peace process. camp was led by the Labor party. The confirmed when the Labor party joined his I joined the Labor party to try to stop dividing line between the two sides was coalition. By joining a government led by it ever coming so close again. I wanted to clear – on the one side there were Israelis one of the most aggressive leaders of the

12 / Fabian Policy Report right, the Labor party contributed to the de- People who do not want to occupy and the failure to take the brave actions toward struction of the peace camp. , a control Palestinians. But while this is true, it renewing the peace process. leading Labor figure and Nobel peace prize is clear that the Israeli public lacks all faith Against this background the right has winner, was appointed foreign minister in in the Palestinians’ capacity to agree any sought to repeatedly and explicitly del- Sharon’s government. Those of us who had peace. This despair is what gives rise to the egitimise the peace camp in Israel. Organ- been so hopeful in the peace camp looked right-wing rhetoric which dominates Israeli ised and well-funded right-wing pressure on in desperation as Peres explained to the politics. The overwhelming feeling is de- groups consistently publish breakdowns world that Israel had no partner for peace. fined by recurring expressions of despair in of funding sources for peace organizations The implication was that fighting the Pales- the bars and cafés of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem: and paint them as ‘foreign agents’ if any tinians was the only option available to the ‘we tried negotiations and got violence’; ‘we money comes from outside of Israel. These Israeli people. tried withdrawing (from Gaza) and we got campaigns play into the politics of fear and What was a politics of two opposing rockets’; ‘we have no choice but to continue exploit the space created by the conflict camps dissolved under a unity government the occupation’. When it comes to peace psychology in Israeli public discourse. that pursued a politics of fear and aggres- with the Palestinians, Israelis seem to sug- This conflict psychology is defined by the sion towards the Palestinians. The political gest ‘it’s them, not us’. characterisation of us (Israeli Jews who consensus that Israeli had no partner for want peace) and them (the Palestinians, peace went unchallenged. who don’t want peace). It seemed that, to all intents and pur- As soon as there is This cynical framing by the right in Israel poses, the right had won the struggle for the leadership which will leaves the message of the peace camp as hearts and minds of Israelis. one pitched in favour of the Palestinian But despite their dominance in parlia- bring an agreement, the opponents to peace – and in this way the ment, the right cannot claim to have won right seeks to paint the peace camp as that struggle. The Israeli public has, in majority of the public fundamentally unpatriotic. many ways, shifted left in its attitude to the But I am optimistic in our ability to over- peace process since the capitulation of the will support it come the politics of fear. The problem is the Labor party in the mid 1990s. Support for cultural psychology of conflict – the roots of a two-state solution has grown and polls How should the peace camp respond to Israeli identity are still about peace. But to consistently show a majority of Israelis (and this? I believe that we must argue that peace tap into this the peace camp must forge a Palestinians) supporting the two-state solu- is possible but that it depends on us to a new language and politics that paints Israeli tion and the concessions it demands. greater extent than most Israelis are willing and Jewish identity as one constantly striv- Political consensus in recent years to accept. This is a very difficult message to ing for justice and peace. If we do it properly has moved to reflect this. In 2008 Ehud sell. It’s difficult because it calls into ques- we can create pride in this identity. Crucially Olmert, the right-wing former mayor of tion the true will of Israelis for peace. This we can look to do this without being seen as Jerusalem, led negotiations which promised challenges a core component of how Israelis those who always criticise Israel. If success- concessions the right would never have like to view themselves – as people of a ful then the peace camp will be able to affect envisaged offering; Olmert himself had peace seeking nation. real change. But there can be no doubt just vehemently opposed former prime minister In the context of Netanyahu’s continu- how hard this challenge will be. Ehud Barak when he tried in 2000. The ing place at the head of the government, I feel there is room for optimism. The shift in Olmert’s stance represents just one the result is that the peace camp is almost Israeli public today is ready for peace. As example of a widespread phenomenon constantly pushing difficult and negative soon as there is leadership which will bring in Israeli politics. Even Netanyahu today messages. It’s a purely oppositional stance an agreement, the majority of the public openly states his support for a two-state that sees us reeling off a list of reactive will support it. The last elections have given solution. He does this not because it is what slogans: ‘The occupation is wrong’, ‘The the peace camp some breathing room. No the right believes but because this is what settlements are wrong’, ‘Israeli policy is longer a marginal few but a significant the Israeli public wants. wrong’. The public increasingly identifies number of Knesset members from centrist Here lies the central paradox of the left in the messages of the peace camp as a mes- parties support peace. The social justice Israel: the political decline coupled with the sage that Israel is wrong. In a country as protests of summer 2011 were, in my view, triumph of majority support for a two-state patriotic as Israel, this is difficult. People an example of this Israeli identity residing solution. This is the great opportunity and don’t want to be told that they live in a within large parts of the population: Israelis challenge of the Israeli peace camp. On the country that is governed by decisions that who care about justice, who care about what one hand Israeli political discourse is more are fundamentally wrong. Accepting that happens here, who aren’t despairing of poli- right wing, racist and angry than ever before Israel could end the conflict but is choos- tics and who don’t think that our destiny is while on the other hand there has never ing not to do so is a very difficult thing in others’ hands. been a greater readiness for peace. for Israelis to hear. It is far easier to listen Our challenge is to connect this identity Israelis see a willingness to make peace to those who lay the blame at the shores to what is apparently the most challenging as a basic and fundamental aspect of their of Gaza and the heart of the West Bank. subject – returning to public faith in the identity: Israelis see themselves as good Blaming the Palestinians solves the conflict two-state solution and the possibility for people. People who want peace, not war. between the crisis of Israeli identity and peace. I believe it is possible. F

13 / Reflection and Renewal damage feelings of solidarity between two peoples whose future must take a com- mon path if we are to see any semblance of hope in a conflict, which often appears as though it will remain intractable for another generation. I am a second generation Cypriot Turk Solidarity across and the Cyprus question is another stale- mate which has plagued the same corner boundaries of the world for over 50 years. The tragic events of 1963 and 1974 British trade unions must be a have meant that one side of the conflict critical friend to the Israeli and has faced an international trade em- Palestinian Labor movements – on bargo since the unilateral declaration of issues of boycotts and beyond – on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Yes, international law was broken in 1974 the path to meaningful solidarity, and yes, the UN must not recognise the argues Emine Ibrahim redrawing of international borders – these are facts beyond question if we are to be making credible arguments for credible solutions. However, in reality what has the or the last few years one of the most trade embargo achieved for the possibility Fcontentious issues within the trade of peace beyond continued political, cul- union movement has remained the boy- tural, social and economic isolation? This cott of the (General Federation manifests itself in a paranoia and a sense of Laborers in the Land of Israel). It is no of victimhood that fails to recognise the surprise that every year at Unison national same sense of injustice on the other side. © Ali Wade delegates conference we see a clamour of These are not the dynamics under which well-meaning branches from across the communities can effectively foster and ism. No nationalist phenomena are the regions coming with carefully pre- maintain meaningful solidarity with each natural bedfellow of internationalism and pared speeches to show solidarity with the other. During the recent Cypriot banking Zionism must be challenged on exactly the long-suffering Palestinian people. What is crisis many Cypriot Turks lacked empathy same terms. really positive and reassuring is that there for the Cypriot Greeks, as a result of the Those of us who are opposed to the is always a good strong debate with valid limited solidarity they have felt since 1963. boycotts of the Israeli Labor movement impassioned and well argued points made Many of us on the left challenged this and must seek constructive ways forward. If we by both sides. called for sensitivity during the collapse. believe that boycotts damage and obstruct Are we actually having a debate about However, it takes a huge leap for the the possibility of effective dialogue on Israel and Palestine and are we disagreeing majority to take this position. But it’s often both sides of the Middle East conflict, the about the need for justice for Palestinians? the biggest leaps which reap dividends for answer is no longer to simply attempt to The answer is no, but this debate goes right peace and progress. have the motions voted down. The trade to the heart of how the left, and indeed The argument can be levelled that our union movement must begin a programme , attempts to engage with its most international work should, by its nature, of gradual reengagement and this should important ideological underpinnings, the oppose nationalism and one cannot and start by activists and grassroots delegates concept of internationalism and solidarity. should not disagree with this. However, calling for the commissioning of reports Trade unions do a lot of good interna- let’s take stock of the debate, step back and into the future path of international work tional work justified by the principle that really analyse how this rhetoric is actu- within our movement. The questions we ordinary working people have more to ally played out on street corners and in the must begin asking are: what can we do share with each other then the respective meeting rooms of the left. We are often too and how can we help? We cannot with any social, economic and cultural elites of the tempted by the simplistic arguments about meaningful impact say what we believe nation states they identify with. An Israeli the Middle East conflict that are lazy and is the right answer. The answers remain school teacher and a Palestinian school do not challenge us into making that big- solely with the Palestinians and Israelis. teacher share the same hopes, fears and, ger jump toward a different and far more British trade unions must be a critical most importantly, economic obstacles. balanced narrative. friend of the Israeli and Palestinian Labor Under challenging conditions these obsta- We must also never treat any form of movement, which could be the one of cles are more profound for the Palestinian. nationalism as unique and peculiar to the most important contributions they However, the simple argument being made any ethnicity and somehow more sinister. can make. F here is that boycotts and divestment can Jewish nationalism is no different to my punitively punish and at the same time experience of Turkish and Greek national- Emina Ibrahim is chair of Redbridge Unison

14 / Fabian Policy Report In it together Within the UK Jewish community there is a growing sense of urgency around the necessity to forge an agreement with the Palestinian people, and an increasing discontentment with the notion that being a friend of Israel means supporting all the government says and does, writes Hannah Weisfeld © Kara Newhouse

ven before the establishment of the a weakening of the bond. However this is a to Israel is the lack of a political agreement Estate in 1948, diaspora Jewish com- misinterpretation of a desire to create a new with the Palestinian people. munities and Israel have always been in means of expression of love and support for was launched in May 2011 to partnership. And no community has been a country the community cares deeply about. give a voice to this growing feeling, and to historically more important than British provide the community with a broader un- Jews. Home of Chaim Weizmann, the first For the majority of derstanding of the conflict. An educational , birthplace of the Mon- and campaigning organisation, it has at its tefiores and the Rothschilds, the Jewish people, who are concerned core the notion that diaspora Jews must do philanthropists who made the early days of by a 46-year-old occupation, all they can to support a two-state solution. statehood financially and politically viable: There are, of course, those who believe British Jews have played a crucial role in seeing that there is a that this new type of relationship with Israel’s short life. healthy debate inside Anglo- Israel is problematic. They argue that Since Israel’s independence 65 years debating the issues in public plays into the ago, Anglo-Jewry has stood shoulder-to- Jewry, and of course Israel hands of those that have nefarious motives shoulder with her. Often in the face of war itself, is crucial for their criticism of the Jewish state. And and terrorism, the community has sent of course there are some whose criticism of volunteers, financial assistance, and cre- Many members of the community are Israeli government policy is in fact a thinly ated communal institutions whose role it taking heed of the strong words coming veiled criticism of the concept of a Jewish is to make Israel’s case to the wider world. from voices inside Israel and the interna- state itself. But for the majority of people, 95 per cent of British Jews have visited tional community about how little time is who are concerned by a 46-year-old oc- Israel and 90 per cent believe it to be the left to make a two-state solution a reality. cupation, seeing that there is a healthy ancestral home of the Jewish people. There They wish to talk about the impact the oc- debate inside Anglo-Jewry, and of course is no doubt the bonds are firmly in place. cupation has on Israel itself, and to confront Israel itself, is crucial. For there is a great And yet, over the past few years, there the day-to-day reality of life in the West difference between supporting the right of has been a shift in this relationship. Within Bank for the Palestinian people. The days of Israel to exist and supporting the policies the UK Jewish community a growing sense support for Israeli government policy being of any one government. And both Jews and of urgency around the necessity to forge synonymous with support for the very exist- non-Jews alike can express their concerns, an agreement with the Palestinian people, ence of a Jewish state are seen by growing criticism, and desire to see a just and vi- and an increasing discontentment with the numbers to be a thing of the past. This type able resolution to the conflict, all within notion that one’s primary role as a friend of relationship may have been appropriate the context of supporting the security and of Israel is to express support for all that in the early days of statehood, and at mo- survival of the Jewish state. F the government of the day says and does, ments where Israel’s very existence was un- have been catalysts for this change. There der immediate existential threat. But today, Hannah Weisfeld is director of Yachad, the are those that wish to label this change as many believe that one of the biggest threats UK’s pro-Israel, pro-

15 / Reflection and Renewal © Sasha Kimel

The view from outside The tools that citizens are using to advance human rights in Tel Aviv and beyond are evolving. As a descendant of refugees and a social activist at the heart of Israel’s protest movement, Yigal Shtayim writes on why the formal political process is not always the best way to effect the change we want to see in the world

Yigal Shtayim is an artist and activist living in Tel Aviv

love the state of Israel and I consider Aviv, I felt fed up. An article published in deportation from Israel.’ Within 24 hours I myself to have leftist sensibilities. I’ve the newspaper by former Knesset it had become a group with thousands of always been in constant conflict between member detailed how Israel’s angry and determined members, generating patriotism and pacifism, torn by the moral immigration police were set to search in a sudden media buzz. There was broad cov- polarisation between the essence of Is- closets and attics of Israeli homes for the erage in the Israeli media, and even CNN rael and its actions. Only this, it seems, can children of migrant workers. These children showed up. These few moments of fame explain the fact that I am opposed to the were then to be deported. I couldn’t believe earned me the status of a social activist in occupation, but I served in the army; that what I was reading. the name of human rights. I am an independent artist, but that I was Without much thought, I took the des- My inbox collapsed due to the number ignoring my surroundings; and that at the perate step of many a would-be revolution- of people providing details of accommoda- age of 45, I finally woke up. ary and formed a radical group on Facebook, tion where they intended to provide refuge In August 2010, a year before the registered under the name: ‘The group to for the children along with their parents. outbreak of social justice protests in Tel hide 400 children of foreign workers facing Interior minister Eli Yishai sounded stressed

16 / Fabian Policy Report when he blurted out during a live interview deeply into Israeli society and the mass me- guess that with such a family history it would on national radio that he had received a list dia than the ‘Group of 400’, which has since be sad if I could not empathise with people of 400 rebellious citizens who were plan- been almost forgotten. The Marak Levinsky fleeing their homeland when it was burning. ning to hide the 400 children. I hooked up venture has become an emblem for social Of course we took a lot of poison and with older organisations operating in the initiatives which empower citizens to stand fire from right-wing elements in power, as field – after all I was the new kid on the up and do something. well as from the southern neighbourhoods block – and we held a demonstration with For more than 500 days we have man- of Tel Aviv, and of course in the virtual town 10,000 people, triggering campaigns which aged daily shifts in the park to distribute square: Facebook. There were many who strengthened activists, increased pressure food and clothing for hundreds of refugees did not like the assistance we were giving on decision makers, and shook Israeli public who were unemployed and arrived from to the new poor people in the southern opinion out of its apathy. prison (where they were held after crossing neighbourhoods of the city. A Knesset Then in January 2012 I reached the most the border into Israel) with few clothes and member from the ruling right-wing Likud dramatic turning point. Amidst the fervour sometimes barefoot or only with flip-flops. party – – stood on a stage in the created by the protest movement, symbol- We were refused assistance from the mu- town square and shouted words that are ised by the chant “the people demand social nicipality, who had earlier that year closed unthinkable to Jewish ears: “The Sudanese justice”, a law was enacted which broke the soup kitchen for Africans. But we got are cancer.” No wonder that a molotov the camel’s back. Among a succession of help from aid organisations including the cocktail was then thrown at a nearby kin- undemocratic laws enacted by the previous Cross and connected with older Israeli dergarten for refugee children. This terrible right-wing government, the low point for organisations who were here long before act led volunteers from Marak Levinsky me was a law which criminalised refugees us, and together with them and the help to establish an organisation that focuses arriving at Israel’s border, eliminating the of Facebook, directed this whole system in exclusively on supporting kindergartens for universal concept of ‘refugees’ and replac- open and closed groups. refugees – an appropriate response to those ing it with a word which sounds bad in all who discriminates against children because languages: ‘infiltrators’. It was against all of the colour of their skin or civil status, and logic, and I believe contrary to Jewish his- Even in Israel, who deny refugee status to refugees. tory, culture and conscience. where people do not But all this has not led me to become a In response, I called for a demonstration politician. I was invited by the left-wing on Facebook, without co-ordination with tend to rise up … there Meretz party in Tel Aviv to participate in the the police – a common event during the primaries to stand for municipal elections, protests – and a few hundred people came is an answer to the and at first I agreed. Meretz is the party I to the city square. The road quickly became have voted for since I had the right to vote blocked, and as I was relaying events to lazy question: what can I but I could not, in the short time I spent journalists who could not be bothered to do, when the state and thinking about the idea of running for city come themselves, I photographed a woman council, see how this could be a tool to holding a sign reading “Your grandmother the municipality ignore advance human rights in Tel Aviv. was an infiltrator.” When I posted the photo I know how it can work theoretically. You the next day, the woman, Orly Feldheim, the problems? could, for example, see to it that all munici- tagged herself, and so I found a partner in pal soup kitchens stop closing their doors a new initiative. We decided to provide hun- All the Israeli media, and many from to hungry refugees. But it’s likely the state dreds of thousands of hot food dishes and around the world, have come to witness this will undermine any attempt to guarantee tonnes of clothing for hundreds of refugees phenomenon: Israelis bringing food and the refugees human rights in the city, while being deposited from government buses in clothing from all over the country. At first thousands are imprisoned without trial for south Tel Aviv. they questioned how long we’d last, but after up to three years. Beyond that – if I’m already But from what budget? There was no 500 days, the answer is no longer in doubt: doing some good in the field – what good budget. Also no offices. No kitchen. No cars. until there are no more refugees in the park. is it for me to sit in meetings at the town We used a combination of home cooking Even in Israel, where people do not tend to hall with a pen sticking out of my pocket? offered spontaneously by members of the rise up, perhaps because most of us passed Even swift municipal legislation will not public and collections from restaurants and through military service, there is an answer bring immediate equal rights, bakeries. The mobilisation was exhilarating. to the question: what can I do, when the state security or baby food. Tonnes of equipment flowed into my studio and the municipality ignore the problems? So, after two years of activity I have and people started cooking and bringing What made me do all this? I guess there returned, perhaps more rational, to the their pots to Levinsky Park in south Tel is significance to the fact that like most Jews, starting point. I am looking at the Israeli Aviv. Others collected from restaurants and I am a descendant of refugees. I am the first political system from the outside again and bakeries every day and brought food to the child of my family born in Israel after who considering what a strange and ineffective park in shifts, where we provided up to 850 knows how many generations. My parents tool it is and how the Jewish refugee lesson meals in a single evening. and older brothers were born in Chile and has not been adequately learnt. Again I am The group we created, ‘Marak Levinsky’ Ecuador, my grandparents were born in Ger- an outsider, and here I feel comfortable, (Levinsky Soup), embedded itself more many on one side and Russia on the other. I until the next time. F

17 / Reflection and Renewal 18 / Fabian Policy Report