Volume E-16: Documents on Chile, 1969
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Disciplinary Modernisation” in Chile and Argentina
A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Industrialisation and the Working Class: The Contested Trajectories of ISI in Chile and Argentina Adam Fishwick Thesis submitted for Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations University of Sussex July 2014 I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature ………………………………… UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX Adam Fishwick, DPhil in International Relations INDUSTRIALISATION AND THE WORKING CLASS: THE CONTESTED TRAJECTORIES OF ISI IN CHILE AND ARGENTINA SUMMARY Research on import-substitution industrialisation (ISI) in Latin America continues to portray it as an aberration of state-led development inevitably condemned to failure and held up as an example of the mistakes scholars and policymakers must avoid. In this thesis, however, I show that this misunderstanding of a “model” that lasted several decades and brought gains to a wide array of socioeconomic actors is due to an inability of leading approaches – those that focus on institutions, ideas, and class – to understand the role of labour. -
Cinco Crónicas Políticas De Chile Y La Primera Mitad Del Siglo Xx (1920-1952)
CINCO CRÓNICAS POLÍTICAS DE CHILE Y LA PRIMERA MITAD DEL SIGLO XX (1920-1952) Memoria para optar al Título Profesional de Periodista Autores: Camilo Esteban Espinoza Mendoza Franco Elí Pardo Carvallo Profesor Guía: Eduardo Luis Santa Cruz Achurra Santiago, Chile, 2015 ÍNDICE Introducción pág. 3 Presentación pág. 7 El viaje de Recabarren pág. 20 Marmaduke Grove: Tiempos de militares pág. 54 El León todavía ruge: El caso Topaze pág. 77 El Ariostazo pág. 114 El duelo Allende-Rettig pág. 158 Conclusiones pág. 199 Bibliografía pág. 204 Evaluación pág. 212. 2 INTRODUCCIÓN Chile, particularmente durante la vigencia de su Constitución de 1925, para muchos politólogos gozó de una estabilidad “excepcional” dentro de Latinoamérica, emprendiendo un proyecto modernizador en base al respeto de su sistema institucional sin mayores sobresaltos en el camino. Sin embargo, aquella visión suele pasar por alto la serie de quiebres que rodearon la instalación de dicha Carta Magna, así como el surgimiento y llegada al poder de líderes populistas y autoritarios, militares reformistas y antiliberales, tecnócratas con proyectos apartidistas frustrados, e incluso el primer presidente marxista electo en el mundo. Lo cierto es que en un contexto de guerras mundiales y guerra fría, el país se embarcó en un intento democratizador que buscó romper con el oligárquico Chile decimonónico. La idea central pasaba por incluir en su sistema político - por lo menos en la forma- a una serie de sectores sociales hasta entonces absolutamente ajenos a la toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, no existió una única forma de afrontar el desafío, ni un camino llano que diese continuidad política al proceso. -
Establishing Credibility: the Role of Foreign Advisors in Chile's 1955
This PDF is a selection from a published volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: The Decline of Latin American Economies: Growth, Institutions, and Crises Volume Author/Editor: Sebastian Edwards, Gerardo Esquivel and Graciela Márquez, editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-18500-1 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/edwa04-1 Conference Date: December 2-4, 2004 Publication Date: July 2007 Title: Establishing Credibility: The Role of Foreign Advisors in Chile’s 1955–1958 Stabilization Program Author: Sebastian Edwards URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c10659 8 Establishing Credibility The Role of Foreign Advisors in Chile’s 1955–1958 Stabilization Program Sebastian Edwards 8.1 Introduction The adoption of stabilization programs is usually a painful process, both politically and economically. History is replete with instances where, even in the light of obvious and flagrant macroeconomics disequilibria, the implementation of stabilization programs is significantly delayed. Why do policymakers and/or politicians prefer to live with growing inflationary pressures and implement price and other forms of highly inefficient con- trols instead of tackling the roots of macroeconomic imbalances? Is the prolongation of inflation the consequence of mistaken views on the me- chanics of fiscal deficits and money creation, or is it the unavoidable result of the political game? Why, after months of apparent political stalemate, are stabilization programs all of a sudden adopted that closely resemble others proposed earlier? These questions are at the heart of the political economy of stabilization and inflationary finance.1 In recent years the analysis of these issues has attained new interest, as a number of authors have applied the tools of game theory to the study of macroeconomic pol- icymaking. -
A History of Political Murder in Latin America Clear of Conflict, Children Anywhere, and the Elderly—All These Have Been Its Victims
Chapter 1 Targets and Victims His dance of death was famous. In 1463, Bernt Notke painted a life-sized, thirty-meter-long “Totentanz” that snaked around the chapel walls of the Marienkirche in Lübeck, the picturesque port town outside Hamburg in northern Germany. Individuals covering the entire medieval social spec- trum were represented, ranging from the Pope, the Emperor and Empress, and a King, followed by (among others) a duke, an abbot, a nobleman, a merchant, a maiden, a peasant, and even an infant. All danced reluctantly with grinning images of the reaper in his inexorable procession. Today only photos remain. Allied bombers destroyed the church during World War II. If Notke were somehow transported to Latin America five hundred years later to produce a new version, he would find no less diverse a group to portray: a popular politician, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, shot down on a main thoroughfare in Bogotá; a churchman, Archbishop Oscar Romero, murdered while celebrating mass in San Salvador; a revolutionary, Che Guevara, sum- marily executed after his surrender to the Bolivian army; journalists Rodolfo Walsh and Irma Flaquer, disappeared in Argentina and Guatemala; an activ- ist lawyer and nun, Digna Ochoa, murdered in her office for defending human rights in Mexico; a soldier, General Carlos Prats, murdered in exile for standing up for democratic government in Chile; a pioneering human rights organizer, Azucena Villaflor, disappeared from in front of her home in Buenos Aires never to be seen again. They could all dance together, these and many other messengers of change cut down by this modern plague. -
Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy. -
The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and The
The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970 A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Sebastian Hurtado-Torres December 2016 © 2016 Sebastian Hurtado-Torres. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty, and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970 by SEBASTIAN HURTADO-TORRES has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick Barr-Melej Associate Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT HURTADO-TORRES, SEBASTIAN, Ph.D., December 2016, History The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei’s Revolution in Liberty, and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970 Director of Dissertation: Patrick Barr-Melej This dissertation explores the involvement of the United States in Chilean politics between the presidential campaign of 1964 and Salvador Allende’s accession to the presidency in 1970. The main argument of this work is that the partnership between the Christian Democratic Party of Chile (PDC) and the United States in this period played a significant role in shaping Chilean politics and thus contributed to its growing polarization. The alliance between the PDC and the United States was based as much on their common views on communism as on their shared ideas about modernization and economic development. Furthermore, the U.S. Embassy in Santiago, headed by men strongly committed to the success of the Christian Democratic project, involved itself heavily in the inner workings of Chilean politics as an informal actor, unable to dictate terms but capable of exerting influence on local actors whose interests converged with those of the United States. -
Chile's Democratic Road to Socialism
CHILE'S DEMOCRATIC ROAD TO SOCIALISM: THE RISE AND FALL OF SALVADOR ALLENDE, 1970-1973. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History in the University of Canterbury by Richard Stuart Mann University of Canterbury 1980 ABSTRACT This thesis studies the Chilean experience of a democratic road to socialism, initiated with the election of Salvador Allende as president in 1970 and ending with his overthrow by the Chilean armed forces in 1973. The interplay of political, economic and cultural variables is considered and an effort is made to assess their relative significance concerning the failure of la via chilena. Allende's Popular Unity government was within the tradition$ of Chilean history since 1930: leftist electoral participation and popular support, respect £or the democratic system, state direction in the economy, ideological competit ion and the political attempt to resolve continuing socio- economic problems. Chile was politically sophisticated but economically underdeveloped. In a broader sense, th~ L:e.ft sought complete independence £or Chile and a genuine national identity. U.S. involvement is therefore examined as a continuing theme in perceptions 0£ Chilean history. The seeds 0£ Popular Unity's downfall were as much inherent in the contradiction between an absolute ideology and a relative political strength as in the opposition 0£ those with a vested interest in the existing system. Indeed, the Left itself was a part 0£ that system. Popular Unity went a considerable way in implementing its policies, but the question of power was not resolved as the political forces became stalemated. -
Mi Elección De 1932, Por Arturo Alessandri Palma 1 Mi Elección De 1932, Por Arturo Alessandri Palma
Mi elección de 1932, por Arturo Alessandri Palma 1 Mi elección de 1932, por Arturo Alessandri Palma Esta página forma parte de los Documentos históricos contenidos en Wikisource. Mi elección de 1932, por Arturo Alessandri Palma 1.- Carlos Dávila, que formó parte de un gobierno de hecho, asumió después solo el Mando. Dimitió para entregarlo al Coronel don Bartolomé Blanche, quien nombró Ministro del Interior a Ernesto Barros Jarpa. Ambos inspirados en el deseo de restablecer el imperio de la Constitución y la ley, entregaron el Mando al Presidente de la Corte Suprema. También dictaron un decreto llamando a elecciones presidenciales para el 30 de octubre de 1932. Igualmente, debería elegirse Congreso. Disolución del Congreso Termal, repudiado por la opinión. Blanche resistió las exigencias que hicieron mis adversarios, en orden a que la proximidad de las elecciones favorecía mi candidatura.- 2. Fui proclamado candidato a la Presidencia de la República por diversas agrupaciones y a ellas se agregó el Partido Radical. Ese partido era presidido por don Gabriel González Videla, muy joven entonces, quien resistió las peticiones y halagos que se le hicieron para que no me apoyaran los radicales. Acepté la candidatura en una carta en que indicaba mi propósito de formar un gobierno de amplia base nacional, para emprender la obra de la restauración. Triunfé frente a 4 candidatos; un conservador, un liberal-democrático, un comunista, y uno de los elementos avanzados.- 3. Organicé el primer Ministerio con ciudadanos de gran preparación y respetabilidad, que eran para mí una garantía de éxito en la cruzada de restauración nacional. -
Keeping the US Hand Well Hidden: the Role of the Church Committee in Rethinking US Covert Intervention in the 1970S
Keeping the US Hand Well Hidden: The Role of the Church Committee in Rethinking US Covert Intervention in the 1970s Julia Kropa A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN April 2, 2018 Advised by Professor Victoria Langland TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………………………..ii Timeline……………………………………………………………………………………iii Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter 1: US Covert Involvement and the Death of General Schneider…………………14 The Election of 1970 and Escalation of US Involvement…………………………16 Creating an Atmosphere of Overthrow……………………………………………26 The Aftermath of General Schneider’s Death……………………………………..37 Chapter 2: The Formation of the Church Committee……………………………………..42 The Origins of the Church Committee…………………………………………….45 White House Opposition to the Church Committee……………………………….59 The Committee’s Purpose for Investigating Assassination Plots………………….66 Chapter 3: The Church Committee Investigates Assassination Plots……………………..70 The Church Committee’s Investigation…………………………………………...73 The Investigation Reaches the White House………………………………………81 The Committee’s Interim Report and its Findings………………………………...91 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………96 Appendix 1……………………………………………………………………………….102 Appendix 2……………………………………………………………………………….107 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………...109 i Acknowledgments First and foremost, thank you to my advisor, Professor Victoria Langland, for her guidance and encouragement at every stage of this project from my initial thoughts to the end product. I would like to thank the LSA Honors Program and the History Department for generously providing funding for my research and writing. I am also thankful to my writing group, Maggie and Noah, for reading my many drafts and offering feedback at every step in the process. Many thanks to Emily for listening to me for a year and a half talking and brainstorming out loud, and for forcing me to always keep on working. -
A Challenge to Democratic Peace Theory: U.S. Intervention in Chile, 1973
A Challenge to Democratic Peace Theory: U.S. Intervention in Chile, 1973 by Carissa Faye Margraf Washington and Lee University Class of 2021 [email protected] In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Bachelor of Arts in Politics with Honors Thesis Advisor: Dr. Zoila Ponce de Leon Second Reader: Dr. Brian Alexander Lexington, Virginia Spring 2021 Margraf 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank those who have supported me throughout my academic journey. Without you, I would not be where I am today. To my family, I will forever be grateful for the hours that you allowed me to ramble about Chile and covert action as I refined my argument, and for the attentive nods and encouragement throughout this process. To my friends, thank you for the much-needed thesis breaks of badminton, movies, and check-ins after long nights. I would also like to thank my wonderful Thesis Advisor, Dr. Zoila Ponce de Leon, for her endless support and dedication, and my Second Reader, Dr. Brian Alexander, for his thorough feedback and enthusiasm. Finally, I would like to thank my mom, who we lost at the start of my sophomore year. While she is not here to experience these final moments of my time at Washington and Lee University, I am confident that she would be glowing with pride. Margraf 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS I: EVERY THEORETICAL CHALLENGE REQUIRES A CATALYST o Abstract o Introduction o Thesis II: METHODOLOGY III: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND o Democratic Peace Theory ▪ Origin ▪ Contents of the Theory ▪ Normative vs Structural Logic ▪ Debates of -
Marmaduke Grove Liderazgo Ético
l\{armadukeCrrrve t_ror'rizgr)lilcoÉ,. O 2003ivloira Brnèié Isaza litgistro cleI'ropir.d.rd In tclect ua l: 13i.':il I (Octrrlr rr, 20()lt ISBN:956-S130-05-5 ProdLrccirinGrti fica: Drrinka Brnci( Irnpresoerr (-hrlc t-n Idiciones Tierra \1ia I-tda Frrno,'far5lS (r316 Correoeleclrirnico: [email protected] .cl Prohibidala reproduccirinparcial o totalde la obr.rpor cualquieruredio, sin e\prcsaautorizacirin de 1aantora. --_------ Dedicntorin AI puelrloclùleno A ln-çjottnes ,qr'llrtrûclotl('s A lttshiins de Mnrntndukt Crott BlnrtcttEltnn, Rebecn Elt,irn, Atrn Rosn, y srrsftifos Jnlltcitlos: Annro, Hirtnn y Mnrtntlukc A su soltrirn Bertitn,hilo de lorge Crott A tttitnntlrt CnbrielnIsttznGroue tltrc cltls(rLtl t'otos y doctrtrtttrtostltl tio MûnnûLlukl Agradecinrientos A loshontbres y nntjeresmnV0rcs tle sLtLtftn, tlrL( ttLitt recutrLlûtt rt i\,4trttntluke Grot,atlentro r/r: srrs srrcùos, éticos t1 htnnnisttts, tluients nLtitrtos n ln historintlc Cltilt: melegaron rl nsontbrotle susinquitfn,ç iri3l/iûs tt rat'itiuortconmigo ln obrntle r:ste itien' Iistn,liderndelnntntlo ttsu tienrpto,nistico t1 t,isionLtrio. Séquc sus erocûciorl(s tltttllliù' rtin ln nirndnde ,Ttienes no Io cottocitrontl nsltirtttt,cottstctu:nt(s a utt mattlo ltotttsto' linryio,anL0r0s0 11trnnsTtttrt'nte Llueguie el.futuro,lel plntetn. Grncins l,0r slts cltll)(.rsû- cionescilidtts y emotit'ns,tlontfu d rtonltrttle Groi'e tlesTt(vlI ntil tcostle trttpnsntlo rtrt' ci o nnl ino lt, i tlnltlc. ,4 lrrls WrinsteinCrcnot,iclt, con nt'ecto, ytor nt cont,icciôrtqut estnoltrn deltitt sar ltulilicndny nportô,dcsde srr nsoniltro,ln nmistsd tlilIpitt'0ttd0nti utolttl,tcort stt ttlritirt. ALtc Alltut Ehrmnnn,con cnriùo,l'or'.srr ncotldtt (rtrnudinttriû û trticr(ttciltt, entrcgnû0,pnrtt lt Ttcrt'ecciôntlt,ln oltrn,-sts iluntitntlos contetttnrios Llu(' r('(ttcûtttnrltt nuest rns c x is t enciLts. -
Carlos Altamirano Ficha Proveniente De La Oligarquía 1
LA GRAN MALETA DE... CARLOS ALTAMIRANO FICHA PROVENIENTE DE LA OLIGARQUÍA 1 Su abuelo materno -fundador y director del Banco de Chile- era uno de los hombres más ricos de la época. Su abuela materna era hija de uno de los impulsores de las primeras salitreras del norte y, como tal, había recibido una buena recompensa económica. Su madre, una mujer llena de vida, divertida y con inquietudes sociales. Su padre, fue un hombre estricto y orgulloso -que si bien se “orregizó” (terminó muy usado en la familia Orrego para referirse a los más liberales)- era más bien autoritario y conservador, tanto en su vida privada como en la forma de administrar las tierras familiares. En ese “menjunje” de personalidades y de apellidos castellano-vascos, con claro sentido de su clase, nació en Santiago en 1922 Carlos Altamirano Orrego. Hizo sus estudios básicos y secundarios en el afamado Liceo Alemán, y como era de esperar, entró a estudiar derecho en la Universidad de Chile. La carrera recién comenzaba... Con el tiempo e inmerso en las circunstancias que le tocó vivir, se convirtió en uno de los políticos más odiados del Chile de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. CARLOS ALTAMIRANO con su madre, sus abuelos maternos y sus hermanos. “Nací el 18 de diciembre de 1922, poco antes de la muerte de Lenin. Vengo de la más retrógrada y patrialcal sociedad chilena”. Extracto de entrevista a CARLOS ALTAMIRANO realizada por Patricia Politzer durante su exilio en París en 1989. Otros La Gran Maleta de... en www.fundacionfuturo.cl LA GRAN MALETA DE..