MEXICO THE STATE AND INDEPENDENT ORGANIZATIONS: THE CASE OF THE 1977 NATIONAL UNIVERSITY LABOR DISPUTE Ursula Eva Stephanie B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILmNT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology Ursula Eva Stephanie, 1979 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY April 1979 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name : Ursula Eva Stephanie Degree : Master of Arts .t Title of Thesis: Mexico - The State and Independent Organizations: The Case of the 1977 National University Labor Dispute Examining Codttee : Ch airpe rs on : Dr. Michae 1 Kenny ~rof%AlbertoCiria Sezoiid Siiprvfsor Date Approved : 7 . wlq PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multip!e copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. T it i e of Thes i s/Project/Extended Essay Mexico, the State and Independent Organizations: the Case of the 1977 National University Labor Dispute Author: (signature) Ursula E. Stephanie ( name 1 April 19, 1979 (date) ABSTRACT This study focuses on Mexican independent working and middle class movements which sprang up in the 1940s when the Mexican governments concen- trated on a program of industrialization via an import-substitution program. This program was accompanied by an inflationary process, by the freezing of salaries and wages, and by the creation of strong corporative organizations, which discipline and ccmtrol the working masses. The main assumptions underlying this study are that the Mexican Fevolution of 1910 did not change the political, social and economic sys- tem significantly, but rather reoriented capitalist development; it certainly did not create a democratic system; and it did not break its dependence on imperialist centers. Furthermore, popular discontent is manipulated through social refons, some militants are coopted into the state apparatus via lucrative positions, and when neither cooptation nor social reforms are effective the state employs its repressive apparatus. The five case studies under consideration show how this pattern develops and how it runs its course to its logical conclusion. The most important post-revolutionary independent movements have been taken into consideration, starting with the railroad workers' protest of 1958-1959, the medical movement of 1964-1965, the popular explosion of 1968 and the electricians' discontent of 1976. The emphasis was on develop- ing a pattern of similarities and differences and how the movements have progressed in dealing with the confrontations with the state. The University labor dispute of 1977 was an outgrowth of the previous eruptions of discontent, but it superseded its precursors in terms of organization and pli tical awareness. The 1977 University movement is the main focus of this study. It shows all the characteristics of the previous popular demonstrat ions in that its members fought for better working conditions and higher wages to make up for loss of purchasing power due to inflation and the devaluation of the peso. But when the movement demanded the implementation of demo- cratic procedures both within the university and the one-party dominated society at large, the state felt compelled to send 12,000 granaderos to occupy University City. The conclusions drawn were that the Mexican political system cannot tolerate a democratic opening without relinquishing the power of the official party whose undisputed head is the President of the Republic, and that the government employs repression against any threats to its hegemony. Moreover, no sector in society is ixnmune to repression. Even though the governments may prefer cooptation and concev~i~~~sfirsi;, iii the kist instance, militant peasants, workers, as well as middle class groups have not escaped the state ' s repressive powers. I wish to thank my supervisor, Marilyn Gates, for her useful sugges- tions on how to improve this thesis. I also wish to extend my sincerest thanks to my second supervisor, Alberto Ciria, for the challenging questions he posed and his patient readings of my thesis drafts. Research for this thesis would have been very difficult without the assistance of the UNAM's Centro de S studios Latinoamericanos, and in parti- cular without the friendly help of Arnaldo ~Grdova,who not only provided me with recently published material but also helped me define my thesis topic. For clarification of many cmceptual approaches I am deeply indebted to my Bolivian friend, Graciela Toro Ibdez, and my Peruvian friend, Ricardo ~iaz~hivez, who both lived in exile in Mexico City in 1977. A very special thank you goes to all those belonging to or supporting the STUNAM, who helped me struggle through the morass of confusing inf or- mation emanating from the media with regard to the conflict at the UNAM. !T!heir wish for anonymity makes it impossible for me to thank them by name. Errors in the presentation of the information and its interpretation are solely my responsibility. THE MEXICAN REVOWTION IS DEAD. IT HAS BEEN DEAD FOR A LONG TIME, AND WE HAM' T EVEN NOTIBD . Che Guevara TABLE OF 'CONTENTS APPROVAL ii ABSTRACT iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v QUOTATION vi INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I: HISTORICAL SETTING The Porfiriato, 1876-1911 The Civil War, 1910-1917 The constitution of 1917 The Reconstruction of the State, 1917-1934 The Consolidation of the State, 1934-1940 The Maturity of the State, 1940-1977 CHAPTER 11: STATE, CLASS AND CONTROL The State and Political Power The Transformation of the Social Classes Social and Political Control CIIAPTER 111: THE STATE AND POPULAR PROTESTS The Railroad Workers, 1958-1959 The Doctors, 1964-1965 The Student Movement, 1968 The Electricians, 1976 CHAPTER IV: THE UNIVERSITY UNION MOVEMEIJT Prelude to the Conflict Enter the Union of the National University's Workers The Strike Repression The Aftermath CHAPTER V: BALANCE OF THE CONTROVERSY CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSIONS EXPLANATORY FOOTNOTES GLOSSARY OF ACRONYMS BIBLIOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION This thesis deals with a neglected but very important aspect of post- revolutionary Mexican society : the increasing discontent and protest of working and middle class Mexicans. This discontent expresses itself in the rejection of institutianalized methods of control and domination of the masses by state bureaucracies, such as peasants and workers, as well as middle class confederations, all of which are vertically integrated into the official political party -- Partido FWmlucionario Institutional (PFU , Institutianal Revolutionary Party) . The movement is generally character- ized by its demands for democratization, independence from state bureau- cracies and autonomy with regard to decision-making within particular organizations. In the context of this thesis independent movements are defined as all those movements operating outside the institutionalized framework designed by the state and pressuring the government to reevaluate its political philosophy and its methods of social control and domination. Whether successful or not, these movemnts leave an impact on the social, political and economic make-up of Mexican society, which even repeated repression cannot erase. The movements generally start within a nucleus of workers or professionals who have specific grievances, usually of an economic nature, and accelerate into strikes with sharp political overtones supported by a wide variety of unions, political parties, and sympathizers from the population. The most important post-revolutionary independent movements have been taken into consideration, starting with the railroad workers' protest of 1958-1959, the medical movement of 1964-1965, the popular explosi-on of 1968 and the electricians ' discontent of 1976. The emphasis was on develop- ing a pattern of similarities and differences and how the movements have progressed in dealing with the confrontations with the state. The Uni- versity movement of 1977 was an outgrowth of the previous eruptions of discontent, but it superseded its precursors in terms of organization and political awareness. The most systematic attempt at identifying independent movements has been made by Evelyn Stevens in her book Protest and Response in Mexico (1974), in which she analyzes the impact the railroad workers' protest, the doctors' strikes, and the student movement had on the state's increasing hard line vis-a-vis these eruptions of discontent. Her research focuses on communication and behavior and her assessment reduces the political signi- I ficance of these protests to the traditional machismo of the Mexican male. The strong, domineering and intransigent government is seen as suffering from a severe case of machismo, always in a better position because of its monopoly on public force . Outstanding with regard to independent movements is Antonio Alonso ' s book El movimiento ferrocarrilero en &xico, 1958-1959 (1972), in which he analyzes