Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013
Aucun flocon de neige dans une avalanche ne se sent jamais responsable. - Voltaire To intervene or be neutral, to investigate or entertain; Persistence and changes in the professional ideals of Nordic journalism students 2005-2013.
Jan Fredrik Hovden, [email protected] Department of Information Science and Media Studies, University of Bergen
Rune Ottosen, [email protected] Department of Journalism, Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences
Abstract In the last decade, the Nordic countries have experienced a series of transformations of journalists´ working life and job markets analogous to those in many other western countries. Through a series of large-scale surveys of Nordic journalism students in 2005, 2008 and 2012 (including in total 4665 respondents from 30 institutions in five countries), this paper focuses on these young journalists´ adherence to traditional journalistic ideals in times of change, and the roots of these ideals. After discussing some methodological challenges in national-comparative studies of journalistic ideals, two analytical parts are presented. In the first part, the major differences between the ideals of Nordic students are extracted using correspondence analysis, and then studied in relation to a range of supplementary characteristics of the students at national, institutional and personal level. Following that, the same analysis is repeated separately for four Nordic countries, thus studying to what degree the overall Nordic differences also are relevant to understand intra-national differences, which suggest some common determinants for adherence to the ideals. Second, the differences between the countries and apparent changes in the period 2005-12, including but not limiting ourselves to journalistic ideals, are discussed in more detail, and considered in light of changes in the personal, institutional, national and trans-national levels.
I. Times of change, changing journalistic ideals? The Nordic media market is under pressure, mainly due to general problems in the European finance market and the problems within EU. The consequences for the Nordic EU- members, Sweden, Finland and Denmark has been more noticeable, but as member EEA (EØS) states, Iceland and Norway are also affected. In troubled times media policy are also under pressure. Traditional common Nordic values, linked to a strong Public service in broadcasting and government press support system, is under debate (Flisen, 2010). The media market is essentially an international market, and huge international conglomerates controls an increasingly bigger part of this market (Pickard & McChesney, 2011). The scandals related to corruption and phone hacking linked to the Murdoch- company in UK has raised serious issues of the darker side of media power (Watson & Hickman, 2011). When we last conducted our Nordic survey of journalism students in 2008, the British company Mecom bought a group of Norwegian local newspapers. A controversial business model and a harmful practice of moving resources and profit from successful Norwegian newspapers angered the journalists (Ottosen & Krumsvik, 2008). Similar debates occurred in Denmark when Mecom approached the Danish markets. But things happens quickly in the media market: Mecom
- 1 - Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013 is now history and A-pressen with the LO (The Norwegian trade unions) as the major owner bought Edda (the Norwegian branch of Mecom). Even though the purchase was controversial due to limitations in the right to cross-ownersip, it was accepted by Norwegian regulating authorities in the spring 2013. Amedia (former A-pressen) now finds itself as an owner of a group of traditional conservative newspapers. Their ownership interest in the Norwegian commercial channel TV2 at the same time was bought by the Danish company Egmont. Danish owners in the largest commercial company in Norway? Many were worried. But let’s face it: the media capital is international and it belongs to a global economy. Take Schibsted as example. The biggest player on the Scandinavian market with 7400 employees in 27 countries is Norwegian based, but a huge part of the stocks are controlled by finance company and banks in USA and UK. The Schibsted company has increased its control of the Nordic media market by buying important Swedish newspapers like Svenska Dagbladet and Aftonbladet. Jens Barland, in his PhD dissertation, uses the development in Schibsted as an example on how increased market power for the biggest corporations and how increased commercial intensity has affected journalism (Barland, 2012, p. 2). Historically, newspaper economy has been based on income from sales and advertisements. This way of thinking has been challenged by Schibsted by establishing the classified ads webpage finn.no as a separate company, taking all the profits from advertisments market unavailable for the journalistic part of the business model. At the same time, they cut hundreds of jobs in the newspapers they control in all the Scandinavian countries to prepare for new digital investments. The trade unions were furious, and blamed the company for betraying traditional values in the Nordic publistic tradition, with balance between the level of profits and respect for the integrity of the news room (Dagens Næringsliv, Feb 15th, 2011). The owners pointed to the realities of the market. In the four years that has passed since the last survey, we have also experienced a general economic crisis in the media market with huge losses in the circulation on traditional newspaper. Lower sales of newspapers and a dramatic fall in the advertisement market has been followed by cost saving and cutbacks in staff and removal of journalist positions. Gunnar Nygren has through his research pointed out that changes in the media market in direction of multimedia platform has the base in traditional newspapers (Nygren, 2008). In Iceland and Denmark, the increase in free newspapers has changed the newspaper market dramatically with potential implication of the role of journalists (Schultz, 2007). The future journalist will be expected to have professional knowledge in all platforms (Ottosen and Krumsvik 2008). One sign of this is the reduction in the total number of journalists. In Norway, for the first time since the Second World War, there has been a reduction in the number of members in the Norwegian trade union of journalists (www.nj.no). This background suggests an unpredictable future for the Nordic journalism students. Will they get jobs? What kind of future is expecting them? A crucial issue we want to investigate is how these changes are having an impact on their journalistic ideals.
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II. Trans-national studies of professional ideals: methodological troubles
Ideals - for whom? In the research literature on journalistic ideals, the focus has normally been on journalists´ adherence to general ideals or tasks for the profession like neutrality and objectivity, setting the political agenda, provide entertainment and relaxation etc. (for some influental studies in this vein, see Johnstone, Slawski, & Bowman, 1976; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996) 1. For example, Weaver et. al (2007) ask American journalists “… how important you think a number of things are that the news media do or try to do today”. In the surveys of Nordic journalism students we will present below, we similarly ask them to what extent they think similar ideals ought to be part of the role of a journalist. These kind of general questions do, however, run into a number of methodological problems, where two are particularly worrisome. The first is that such general questions likely increase the chance of impersonal and stereotypical responses (see Foddy, 1993) - that instead of saying what is their own views, journalists say what they perceive to be accepted to be the “the correct answers” in the journalistic culture. The second problem is that such questions presuppose an universalistic ideology - that all forms of journalism can be meaningfully rated on a uniform scale from lower to greater importance, which is a belief which varies in the profession (see e.g. Hovden, 2012). A more realistic view, we think, is instead that journalists - and journalism students - can entertain both general and particular ideals for the profession simultaneously: one might believe, for example, that a talk-show host should be less investigative and more entertaining in their approach to a politician than a news journalist should, and that the general task for journalism in society is important, but not necessarily a personal demand on oneself. This does not mean, however, that asking journalists/students of their general ideals for journalism is meaningless: as shown in the above studies, and as we also will demonstrate, there are important statistical variations in their adherence to such ideals which reveal crucial differences in their view of the role of journalism in society. It does mean, however, that it appears fruitful to combine an investigation of journalism students´ ideals with more particular and personal aspirations, which we will do by including other aspects of their journalistic orientations in the analysis, like their preferred future place and theme of journalistic work.
National comparisons, national problems Whereas much empirical research on the professional ideals and aspirations of journalists and journalism students earlier was focused on a single nation (e.g. Delano & Henningham, 1995; Johnstone et al., 1976; Scholl & Weischenberg, 1998; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986, 1993; Weibull, 1991; Weischenberg, Malik, & Scholl, 2006), with some exceptions (in particular, (Splichal & Sparks, 1994) and, later, (Weaver & Wu, 1998)), the increasing internationalization of journalism research and ease of conducting surveys and statistical analysis have lead to a proliferation of national-comparative studies of both journalists and journalism students (see e.g. Hanitzsch & Berganza, 2012; Hovden, Bjørnsen, Ottosen, Zilliacus-Tikknanen, & Willig, 2009; Sanders, Hanna, Berganza, & Sanchez Aranda, 2008). Overall this is undoubtedly a positive development, remembering that for both Max Weber and Emilé Durkheim comparative research (both historical and national) was seem as the via media between complexity and generality which made sociology possible2. While these studies have no
1 Of other Nordic studies of this kind, see (Hovden, 2010; Melin-Higgins, 1996; Thurén, 1988; Weibull, 1991; Windal, 1975).
2 For a discussion of the relative position of Weber and Durkheim, see (Ragin & Zaret, 1983).
- 3 - Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013 doubt provided us with major insights into the variability and commonalities of journalists´ professional orientations, however, the grander ambitions they display appears often marred by a concerning lack of concern of well-known methodological problems of national comparisons through survey methods. The first problem is the equivalence of survey questions. Walter Benjamin (1923) famously wrote: "Any translation which intends to perform a transmitting function cannot transmit anything but information–hence, something inessential." Even if we do not believe that national comparisons are impossible, it is important to stress that when comparing nations we also usually also comparing translated questions which might be lexically but not necessarily semantically similar, given that connotations varies culturally (in our case, both in terms of a national, common culture and a specific journalistic culture). How could, for example, the world "neutral" have the same connotations for a journalist in USA as "neutre" for a French journalist, given that French journalism, in the words of Pierre Albert (cited in Benson, 2005) traditionally have been more a journalism of expression than a journalism of observation, and the countries very different experiences of World War II?3 And do we really know that such differences are not important also in countries with more similar societies and journalistic traditions? Do hlutlaus [neutral] in Icelandlic really mean the same as puolueeton in Finnish? Do even a neutral rapportør in Danish and nøytral rapportør in Norwegian [a neutral reporter], in their close linguistic similarity (the Scandinavian languages are mutually intelligble) give rise to the same journalistic connotations? This problem appears grossly underappreciated in current journalism research. Secondly, while the later trans-national studies of journalists have improved somewhat the still prevailing Western- and large-nation bias in journalist research (a tendency to focus on USA and the largest European states), there are still a major tendency to gravitate uncritically towards national-level comparisons, an imbalance that Stein Rokkan in political science more than forty years ago termed whole-nation bias: "… most comparisons have been limited to institutional or aggregate statistical data for each nation as a unit and have tended to neglect highly significant variations .." (Rokkan, 1970). In their hurry to reach their final ambition - to compare national journalistic systems - comparative journalism researchers are - if not in words, then by their research design - often forwarding two arguments: The first is that journalism is, inside a country, basically a shared culture, and second, that the important differences (and thus, explanations for these differences) are to be found on national level. These are both problematic, as national-level studies have uncovered large intra-national variations in ideals, in regard to types of journalistic work, centre-periphery, gender, social background e.t.c. (see e.g. Hovden, 2012) 4. The same problem goes for studying journalism students, where national comparisons are usually made by aggregating students from very different types of institutions, with different specialisations (e.g. TV versus newspaper journalism) and courses. Also, one must not forget that when we are comparing journalists from different countries, we are never only comparing different journalistic systems, but also different societies. For such reasons, political scientists often choose to focus on regions within a country than between very different countries, as it becomes difficult to separate the causes in the multitude of differences which usually separate two countries (c.f. Lijphart, 1971). While these problems can to some
3 This problem is accentuated by the usual slipshod nature of survey translation in journalism research, which - in contrast to the strict linguistic quality procedures of surveys like ISSP and ESS - usually are done by journalist researchers themselves.
4 To paraphrase Bourdieu´s critique of public opinion (1993), it is here useful to remind oneself that in one important sense national journalistic opinions do not exist: the sociological reality we are dealing with is always multidimensional, it is a myriad of individual differences in journalistic ideals and opinions, and aggregating these data to averages are, at best, a problematic sociological object.
- 4 - Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013 degree be lessened through the use of multivariate analysis, one can never control for every variable, and this suggests that there are some comparative advantages also to be found in studying similar regions when studying journalistic ideals. A third, related problem regards sampling, and here journalism researchers are in a much worse position than those who want to compare the general population of countries. Who counts as a journalist or not is not clear-cut in any country, not only because of the very varying degree of professional organisation, but also because journalism as a profession is marked by a distinct lack of borders, both in the requirements of formal skills and education, and also in institutional membership (e.g. bloggers, academics and free-lance authors etc.). This problem is usually managed in two ways. The first is by focusing on random samples of national professional organisations. The major problem here is not only the widely varying success of national journalistic professional organisations, but also that journalist "is not a scientific research object, but essentially a lay term, a folk concept rooted in various extra-scientific practices and needs for definition and labelling" (Hovden, 2008), and that the question of who “is” a journalist or not - is the fundamental nomos (law/struggle) of the journalistic field (Hovden, 2008). What might be regarded as a journalist thus varies both historically and nationally, determined by the dominting groups in the field, regardless of the nature of the work considered (for example, PR workers are not allowed to be members of the Norwegian journalist organisation, but no such restrictions are found in the other Nordic countries). Also notable is that such random samples often are accompanied by arbitrary additional filtering5. The Global Journalist (Weaver & Wu, 1998), for example, is clearly comparing quite different groups in the different countries, all gathered under the term "journalists". A second sampling strategy is some form of strategic sampling, by selecting journalists from "similar" institutions - types of news organisations in case of journalists (c.f. Hanitzsch & Berganza, 2012). This, however, involves judgements which are clearly not less problematic (is BBC the "same" institution as RAI, PBS or Russia´s VGTRK?) When comparing journalism students cross-nationally we are obviously encountering very similar methodological problems. First, it is in many cases hard to see clear borders between “journalism studies” and other, similar studies (e.g. documentary film studies, media studies, information/PR studies) which often lead to jobs of a journalistic nature in their work, if more often outside traditional journalistic organisations. Second, if one is strategically sampling only one or a few of the many journalism educations in each country, the variety of the institutions in terms of age, the number of students, specialisation, regional placement and educational profiles makes it hard to evaluate their comparability (e.g. do the The Danish School of Media and Journalism best equal Reykjavik University´s journalism programme or the journalism studies in Akureyri?). An additional problem when analysing trends over time is that the often varying response rates of the schools at different years (a common feature of real-life data) makes aggregated national trends often quite unreliable (as trends might be due to the different mix of the above factors).
III. The data and analytical strategy By comparing journalism students in the Nordic countries, we are - in the international perspective of things - comparing very similar societies and journalistic systems (as suggested by Hallin & Mancini, who not only sees them as belonging to the same type of media system (the
5 E.g. in the case of Weaver and Wilhoit (1986), all freelancers, most people working in magazines, all working in the specialist press, all photographers and camera operators and everyone working in the non-English press (including the large Hispanic press) were excluded from the sample. For a more detailed discussion of Weaver´s study and the problematics of sampling journalists, c.f. (Hovden, 2008) chapter 2.
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Democratic Corporatist model), but also to be form a distinct, close cluster within that model (Hallin & Mancini, 2004). While clearly doing a what political scientists term a between-systems approach, this similarity of the Nordic countries means that the study also have element of a within-system analysis. In addition to shedding more light on the variance within what is often seen as relatively similar journalistic systems, this design makes it easier to make comparisons, and see how similar process in journalism (digitalisation, job market, education etc.) impact´s the journalism student´s ideals and ambitions in each country, and also the potential to provide more complex explanations of the possible causes of - and changes in - journalistic ideals and general trends in this period.
The data The data used in this paper are based on three web questionnaires administered to a selection of Nordic schools of journalism in 2005, 2008 and 2012. In total, 4674 students from 30 institutions responded to the surveys, a response rate of 51%6. In 2005 and 2008, 19 and 18 schools in Norway, Denmark, Sweden and Finland was surveyed. In 2012 the number of participating schools was raised to 25, including two schools from Iceland. All first-year students were surveyed in 2005, in 2008 and 2012 every student were surveyed. The participating institutions, population, sample and overall response rates are given in table 1 below7. The questionnaires8 were translated to each of the five major Nordic languages, and contained over sixty questions covering a wide array of subjects including social recruitment, motivation for studying journalism, preferences regarding future journalistic working life, views on the role of journalism in society, attitudes toward the profession, journalistic ideals, media use and ideas about what traits are most important for journalists 9.
6 Note that even if the total response rate for each year is relatively stable (varying from 45 to 53%), the response rates varies much between institutions and the year of their sampling. For example, of the 25 institutions surveyed in 2012, eleven had a response rate between 50 and 85%, seven between 50 and 40%, three between 40 and 30%, and four below 30%. What then, explains the large differences in response rates? Our general procedure was to get complete lists of email-addresses from the institutions, which was then used for a direct email with an invitation letter and the link to the survey. Students which did not answer was then reminded with new emails up to six times over the following two months. Brief orientations were given to the students beforehand on-site by members of the Hovdabrekka research group or local teachers. The lowest response rates appear among the schools which refused us access to the student´s email addresses, and instead distributed the link to the survey in the way they seemed fit (Haaga-Helia, Tammerfors and Turku (F), Odense (D) and Lund (S)). This combination of general invitations and the lack of selective reminders is commonly associated with low response rates (Dillman, 2000). The second major negative factor was the unreliability of many of the lists of email-addresses given us: First, in many cases the lists contained names of people who were not in fact active students (either because they had quit, or in case of the first-year students, because they had accepted the invitation to become a student, but had later changed their minds and never turned up). Second, and a even bigger problem, is that with the proliferation of learning management systems (LMS), students and schools are now much less dependable on email-contact, and probably for this reason less concerned with updating the email-lists (this, of course, varying greatly from school to school and LMS to LMS). For a more detailed summary of the response rates, see http://hovdabrekka.wordpress.com/the-surveys/.
7 In addition, some comparative data from a similar survey of the Norwegian students in 2000 will be included in some of the tables. For an introduction to these earlier surveys of Norwegian students, see (Bjørnsen, Hovden, & Ottosen, 2007).
8 The questionnaires can be downloaded from the projects web site at http://hovdabrekka.wordpress.com/the-surveys/. An English translation of the 2012-survey can be found at http://wp.me/aNLnS-36 .
9 The 2005 and 2008 questionnaires were close to identical, the 2012 was somewhat reduced in length and included some new questions.
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Table 1. The Nordic journalism student surveys 2005, 2008 and 2012.
Finland Sweden Norway Denmark Iceland
TOTAL SAMPLE (28 institutions, N=4615) Institutions included in Uni. Helsinki U Gothenburg HVO, HiOA, UiS, UiB, UiN, DSMJ, U. Roskilde, Syddansk U. Uni. Akureyri*† the sample Uni. Jyväskylä U Stockholm* Gimlekollen, BI☩, NKF†, Bjorknes Uni. Reykjavik*† Uni. Tammerfors U Sodertörn☩ ☩, Samisk hs.† Uni. Turku*† U Kalmar*☩ Haaga-Helia*† U Umeaa*† U Lund*† U Uppsala*† Mid. Sweden U Year 2005 2008 2012 2005 2008 2012 2005 2008 2012 2005 2008 2012 2012
Sample size (N) 63 245 189 74 573 297 287 511 537 179 854 747 60
Female (%) 56 71 81 64 65 62 57 60 64 58 52 52 67
Master student (%) 0 33 20 0 9 2 0 1 2 0 14 26 45
Mean age (years) 23,4 24,9 25,8 22,6 24,1 24,6 23,3 22,8 23,2 26,2 25,3 25,4 30,0
*=Not surveyed in 2005. †=Not surveyed in 2008 ☩=Not surveyed in 2012.
Analytic design In regard to the previous discussion, it should first be noted that rather than making a strategic sample of journalism educations, we have aimed for a more complete10 sample of the relevant Nordic institutions who are providing practical journalism training - if not always with the same success in each country (the list appears most complete in Denmark, Norway and Iceland). Second, while we will discuss some trends and differences between the countries in the final part of the paper, we are reluctant to use aggregated data to “represent” the nations in the statistical analysis, as we believe this approach - as suggested earlier - are bound to introduce all kinds of errors into real-life data. As a methodological rule, we will treat the nation as only one variable on par with other attributes of the individuals (doing what in Hopkins and Wallerstein´s terms a multi-national but cross-individual / cross-institutional analysis instead of a “one nation- one case” approach11): Our aim is here not only on the comparison of countries, but also on understanding changes the underlying conflicts between various ideals and how these are connected to other types of differences - nationally, institutionally, individually, including their type of institution, their career aspirations (place of work and journalistic beat), their ideas on what is important to learn and what they see as important personal traits for a good journalist. In the following, we will explore differences in the Nordic student´s journalistic orientations in two parts. In the first part, the major differences between the ideals of Nordic students are extracted using correspondence analysis, and then studied in relation to a range of supplementary characteristics of the students at national, institutional and personal level. The same analysis is then repeated separately for four Nordic countries, thus studying to what degree the overall
10 We need to stress that we are not comparing every Nordic journalism student. First, whereas we have been able in each country to sample the largest and oldest vocational schools of journalism training at an university level, it is some variation to what degree the smallest schools of this kind is included (e.g. the list is close to complete in Norway, Danmark, and Iceland, but less so in Sweden and Finland). There is also some changes in the selection of schools between the time of the surveys (e.g. in Norway, two schools of journalism was discontinued between 2005 and 2008). Second, the ambiguity of the profession and the variety of educational pathways to a job as a journalist means that many semi-journalistic educations - e.g. film studies, media science, PR - which in many cases lead to journalistic type jobs are not included. Finally, note should be given on the large national differences between the journalism schools. For example, in Denmark all vocational journalism education was until the late nighties done at Danmarks journalisthøjskole, which is still numerically dominant, wheras in Norway journalism education, if similarly originating in a school driven by the profession (Journalisthøyskolen, which was later incorporated into the Oslo University College), was largely decentralised into a number of “district universities” [Distriktshøyskoler] in the seventies. Some schools have specialised in particular forms of journalism and media, other less so, c.f. (Bjørnsen, Hovden, & Ottosen, 2009).
11 Cited in (Lijphart, 1971).
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Nordic differences found before also are relevant to understand intra-national differences, and in this way suggesting some common determinants underlying the adherence to the ideals. In the second part, we will discuss changes in the journalistic ideals and orientation in the period 2005-12 for some selected journalism schools, also adding some data on the student´s views on various threats to a free journalism in their countries. In the final part of the paper, the differences and changes in the students journalistic ideals and orientations are discussed further in light of institutional factors (social recruitment, changes in the educational programs), national factors (both general changes in society and more specific changes in the national media markets and job markets for journalists) and transnational factors (e.g. changes in journalist work following digitalisation).
IV. Journalistic ideals, Nordic spaces
The Nordic space of journalistic ideals The problem with conceptual equivalence of survey questions to journalists in trans- national comparisons was noted earlier. This problem is a good argument for analysing such data using some kind of reductive statistical technique (which can summarise the information on many variables). In our case, we will use multiple correspondence analysis for this purpose (MCA) 12. MCA is a statistical technique which Bourdieu has used many times in his analysis of social spaces and fields, most famously in Distinction (1984). It is a specific form of Geometric data analysis (GDA), closely related to principal component analysis (PCA), and aims to optimally represent a large set of categorical variables (modalities) and individuals as two superimposed clouds of points in a low-dimensional space. The distances are computed on the basis of the chi2- differences between attributes of the total set of modalities which form the basis of the statistical construction. Both MCA and PCA “looks” for underlying dimensions (factors in MCA, components in PCA) which explain most of the variance in the matrix, which is then usually represented in a two-dimensional Cartesian plane (the “map of correspondences” in MCA). While this procedure obviously means the loss of some nuances, we will argue that reductive techniques are particularly apt for the realities of cross-national survey research, as it is better able to bring out the structural information while ignoring the noise. In the questionnaires, the Nordic journalism students were asked: “Here are some assertions regarding the professional role of the journalist. What is your opinion of these? A journalist ought to regard himself as ...”. The students then rated different assertions from “very much agree” to “very much disagree”, of which we have selected 16 for analysis (table 3). They were then recoded into dummy variables (agree very much vs. other) 13.
The main oppositions A MCA of the dataset (figure 1) suggest four underlying dimensions which oppose the Nordic journalism students in this period in their answers to the professional ideals: The first axis (not shown) simply divides the students according to their propensity to cross of many versus
12 For a short introduction to the methodology, see (Brigitte Le Roux & Rouanet, 2010)
13 The reason we have chosen to only provide statistics for the category of “very much agree” to the ideals (a dummy coding, which also forms the basis of the MCA) is simply because the students tend to agree to most ideals presented, so that the important distinction (statistically and analytically) appears to be between those who say that they wholeheartedly agree and those who do not, and not between supporters and opposers. For typical critical/investigative ideals, often more than 80-90% agree (wholeheartedly or somewhat), and even more controversial ideals like “being neutral” and “educate consumers” are an ideal to which 60-70% agree to in some form. In this way, using this simple dummy coding do not result in a great loss in the variance to be explained.
- 8 - Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013 fewer ideals as “very important”. Whereas this is statistically the most important dimension (as it explains most of the variance in the table), it does not appear have much analytical importance and will be ignored in the following analysis, as it is not clearly related to any observable characteristic in the data14. The second axis (the horizontal in figure 1) opposes the students in a manner close to Johnstone, Slawski and Bowman´s (1976) well-known separation between an “participatory role” and “neutral role”: students on the left side more often mentions as very important ideals of criticising injustice, scrutinise the powerful, stimulate the public to new ideas, influence public opinion, defend individuals against injustice and contribute to inter-cultural understanding , whereas the students on the right side more often say as important being a neutral reporter of events, give objective information, mirror common opinions and being free from all interests, in other words a adherence to a role of spectators vs. a role of participant. We will term this the intervention-neutralism/objectivity axis. The third axis (vertical) is first and foremost linked to the question if providing recreation is a very important journalistic ideal, where those who agree with this also tend to agree to mirroring society and bring forward various opinions as important, which is opposed to classic investigative ideals (criticising injustice, defend the individual and scrutinise the powerful). Even if this axis also has elements of separating ideals of the press related to a well-functioning public sphere versus more private ideals, we will term this the investigative-recreation axis15.
14 There are two explanations which may account for this lack of correspondence between axis 1 and other characteristics. The first is that this tendency reflects a personal response-style in surveys (that some people tend to agree strongly to any Likert-type question). The second, and in our view more important, is that the axis do not really reflect a clear opposition, as the opposites of this axis - to rank every ideal or no ideal as very important - in essence amounts to the same thing, i.e. in a lack of prioritising of the ideals. Note that this is quite normal procedure when analysing this kind of data with MCA (c.f. Brigitte Le Roux & Rouanet, 2004, p. 219).
15 The fourth axis, in contrast, opposes male and female students, in particular in regard to the ideal of "telling the truth regardless of consequences". As the last axis is not statistically significant, however, the ensuing analysis will be restricted to axis 2 and 3.
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Figure 1. The space of journalistic ideals (MCA), axis 2-3. Nordic students 2005, 2008 and 2012. Total sample, N=3794.
INVESTIGATION NEWSPAPER / NEWS AGENCY Göteborg (S) Reykjavik(I) CRITISIZE INJUSTICE Swe(male) News agency DEFEND INDIVIDUALS SWEDEN-12 SUFFERING FROM INJUSTICE Swe(Female) INVESTIGATE THE POWERFUL Gimlekollen(N) Volda(N) Stavanger(N) NORWAY-08 Bergen(N) Bodø(N) Helsinki(F) Society/politics MidSwedenU(S) TELL TRUTH REGARDLESS Fin(Female)Tampere(F) Parent journalist OF THE CONSEQUENCES NORWAY-12 Int.conflicts“A sense of justice” FINLAND-12BE FREE FROM ALL INTERESTS Nor(Male) “Understand society” Regional newspaper Ice(Male) Nor(Female) Crime BE A NEUTRAL REPORTER National newspaper ICELAND-12 FACILIATE PUBLIC“Compassion” DEBATE Accidents/distastersGIVE OBJECTIVE FACTSIce(Female) Prev. paid journ exp. Jyväskylä(F) INTERVENTIONISM Oslo(N) >24yrs SIMPLIFY COMPLEX ISSUES Akureuri(I) Father master degree SWEDEN-08 FINLAND-08 Umeaa(S) NEUTRALISM/OBJECTIVISM NATIONAL MEDIA Fin(Male) LOCAL MEDIA <23yrs Father bach./no high. edu dim 2 (10.1%) Inherited capital+ -.5 Nat.radio Dan(Male) Local radio/TV .5 Inherited capital- Charismatic ideology Economy National TV Sports Meritocratic ideology CONTRIBUTE TO Roskilde(D) “Creativity” DENMARK-12 Turku(F) INTERCULTURAL UNDERSTANDING Culture “Efficiency” Dan(Female)DJH(D) Magazine Stockholm(S) “Cheekiness”Odense(D) DENMARK-08 STIMULATE THE PUBLIC Entertainment Consumer affairs Iceland Health/personal NKF(N) Sweden PR TV production “Charm” Denmark
Finland Norway
) “Knowing what sells” % 7 . 7
(
3 EDUCATE CONSUMERS m i d
INFLUENCE PUBLIC OPINION 5
-. MIRROR SOCIETY FORWARD OPINIONS
PROVIDE RECREATION RECREATION PR / MAGAZINE /BROADCASTING
Notes: Active categories in bold type. Schools´ position and indicator for country / gender is based on 2012-data. Position of country and their overall confidence ellipses are based on the sub-sample of nine schools: Tampere and Jyväskylä (F), Gothenburg and Sweden Mid University (S), Oslo and Volda (N), DMJ and Roskilde (D) and Akureyri (I). Eigenvalues and explained inertia axis 1-4: .2187 (22%), .0991 (10%), .0738 (7%), .0655 (6%). Stata 12.0, normalisation=principal, method=indicator matrix. Additional statistical properties are given in table A1 in the appendix.
Interpretation of supplementary variables When looking at how a students´s position in this space of ideals is typically related to other characteristics (the supplementary points), we should first note some national differences: Finnish and Icelandic students tend more often than other students to say that being objective and neutral are very important ideals, whereas the Norwegian students are more likely to not agree to this. The Danish students, in contrast, are overall less likely to agree to ideals related to participatory, neutral and investigative ideals, and are thus placed closer to the pole of recreation, whereas the Swedes in 2008 occupied somewhat of a middle position in this space, but in 2012 appear to be more oriented towards “investigative” ideals. In regard to gender, year of study and country, the overall differences are not major - if considered on a variable-by-variable basis. A multivariate interpretation, however, their importance become more pronounced - and complex. For example, even if there is overall no significant overall differences between the sexes at the Nordic level in this map, and males and females within each country overall tend to have quite similar answers, their differences varies a lot in regard to specific questions. E.g. regarding the question of neutrality as an important ideal, females in Iceland and Norway more often agree to this ideal than males do, but it is the other way round in in Finland and Denmark (and no such differences in Sweden), illustrating that there is no simple bivariate relation between gender or country and journalistic ideals.
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Another notable feature is that differences between the schools are larger than differences between countries: students at older universities, which are usually more academic in scope with more focus on theory and less on practical skills, tend to place themselves further from the right/neutral (and often also the lower/recreational) pole of this space, compared to other, more vocational schools in the same country (e.g. students from Helsinki (F) have more in common than students from Oslo (N), Roskilde (D) and Stockholm (S) than with students of Jyväskylä (F) or Tampere (F)). Furthermore, as these differences are also very notable even in first-year students surveyed in their first weeks of study (figure 2), the differences cannot simply be explained as an outcome of pedagogical practices or informal socialisation at these sites, but must also be sought in the characteristics of the students who are attracted to and able to enter these studies 16.
Figure 2a. The space of journalistic ideals (MCA), axis 2-3. The position of Nordic first-year students from 15 schools in 2005, 2008 and 2012 (supplementary points). X
INVESTIGATION Gothenburg12 ,5 Volda08 Gothenburg05 Bodø05 MidUni05 MidUni12 Tammerfors05 Jyväskylä08 Roskilde08 Tammerfors12 Oslo08 Bodø12 Bergen12 Stavanger05 Gimlekollen12 Helsingfors12 Gimlekollen05 Stavanger08 Stavanger12 Gothenburg08 Bodø08 Oslo12 Helsingfors08 X INTERVENTIONISM dimension 2 ( 9,9%) Akureyri12 NEUTRALISM/ Bergen05 X DMJ12 Tammerfors08 OBJECTIVISM -1 Bergen08 Oslo05 1 Volda05 Volda12 Helsingfors05 Roskilde12 Roskilde05 Gimlekollen08 Stockholm08 MidUni08 DMJ08 Stockholm12 Jyväskylä12 -,5 dimension 3 ( 7,4%) Jyväskylä05 RECREATION DMJ05
X
16 For example, in Norway the older state university colleges and the university-based programmes seem to recruit students with a somewhat higher social background than the private colleges and business schools, and the two oldest and largest state-governed schools of journalism– Oslo and Volda University College – also appear to provide a higher chance for access to the most prestigious national/city newspapers (for Oslo-students) and jobs in NRK, the national public broadcaster (for Volda-students), not only compared to other journalism schools, but also compared to alternative paths into journalism, suggesting that having a prestigious journalism education is an important form of capital for new entrants in the journalistic field, if less so for the highest positions (c.f. Hovden, 2008, p. 85).
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Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013
Figure 2b. The space of journalistic ideals (MCA), axis 2-3. The position of Nordic first- and second / third-year students from ten schools in 2012 (supplementary points).
Reykjavik 2-3y dim3 Goteborg 2-3y Goteborg 1y
Volda 2-3y -,5 Jyväskylä 2-3y MidSweden 1y
Helsinki 1y Reykjavik 1y Helsinki 2-3y MidSweden 2-3y Akureyri 2-3y Oslo 1y Oslo 2-3y Akureyri 1y ,5 dim2 -,5 Volda 1y DJH 1y Roskilde 1y DJH 2-3y Roskilde 2-3y
Jyväskylä 1y ,5
The students who adhere most clearly to the investigative type of ideals not only display stronger links to the profession - they more often have parents who are journalists, have done paid journalistic work before starting their studies, and are also more likely to say that they want to become a journalist (only 28% of the Nordic students in 2012 was "completely sure" of this). They also appear with the clearest affiliations to the traditional ideal-type of a journalist: more often than others, they prefer to work in newspapers with traditional "hard news": politics, society, crime, international conflicts e.t.c., and see knowledge of society and a sense of justice as key characteristics of a good journalist. They are contrasted to students with a preference for broadcasting and regular magazines, and even more clearly, with students who prefer to hold jobs in PR or TV/film production. While in no sense differing dramatically from the "traditionalists" (e.g. whereas 70% of those who wanted to work in a national newspaper in 2012
ùÄ ú said that "investigating the powerful" was a very important part of a journalist´s role, 61% of those who preferred magazines and 55% of those national broadcasting said the same), they are marked by a relatively stronger interest in lifestyle-type content, culture and entertainment (including sports), and more often agree to "charm", "knowing what sells" and "cheekiness" are important traits in a good journalist. The interventionism-neutralism axis appear to follow another logic. First, a leaning toward neutralism and objectivity is more common in students who want to work in local press or local broadcasting, and is also negatively linked to having a father with a master degree, e.g. an indicator of having a dominated habitus (Bourdieu, 1984). Not surprisingly, given the social dimension, those leading towards a participatory role for journalism also are more likely to see "charisma" as a more important trait for a journalist than "efficiency". In sum the two axes appears to represent two quite different kind of oppositions. The horizontal axis, the intervention-neutralism / objectivity axis appears to be linked first, to different national journalistic traditions - a Scandinavian tradition (Sweden, Norway, Denmark) vs. Finland (and possibly Iceland), and second, to class, in the way that it opposes dominant and dominated habituses. The vertical axis, on the other hand appears to be mostly linked to different professional
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The homology of national spaces So far we have identified some important differences in ideals among the Nordic journalism students, and their links to certain features of the students and their institutions.The question remains, however, of the generality of these patterns: are they only valid at a Nordic level, or can we observe similar patterns - structural homologies - also inside the different countries? By repeating the MCA with the same variables, but this time separate for each country, we can affirm the first notion: more or less, the oppositions we identified in the previous trans- national MCA are generally repeated inside each country (table 2). The second axis in all countries involves some kind of opposition between the ideals of neutrality and objectivity vs. more participatory / intervening ideals, if with some differing weights to the ideals involved (e.g.. in Norway the later appear to more involve ideals related to ideals of investigative and critical journalism, and less related to the perhaps more intellectual* ideal of influencing the opinion). The third axis similarly always opposes ideals of recreation (and also usually, the ideal of consumer guidance) to some ideals of investigative / critical journalism (the public scrutiny of the powerful, a journalism without regard for the consequences, the fight against injustice). The supplementary variables suggest a similar underlying logic at work, but also offers some nuances. A tendency for neutralism (figure 4a-b) is in most countries usually most common among first-year students, in those with a preference for local media or national broadcasting, who are more interested in working with culture news than in society / politics news, and those with father with lower educational credentials. A preference for investigative ideals, on the other hand, is more common among males in every country (and with the exception of Norway, more common in 2012 than in 2008), it is more common among older, 2nd/3d year students with some previous paid experience from journalism, among those who mark themselves more interested in social/political news than culture, would prefer to work in a newspaper (figure 5). This analysis brings some nuances our earlier analysis: while the investigative axis are clearly related to job preferences in journalism, there is also a gender logic at work. In particular, the investigative-recreational axis tend to oppose male and female students inside each country. Furthermore, it is clear that differences in the students habitus (Bourdieu, 1984) is not restricted to his aspect, as a preference for intervention (vs. neutralism) is usually related to students with having relatively higher class backgrounds. The robustness of these findings 17 are shown not only by the way they are repeated in each country, but also by that very similar links between habitus and journalistic preferences have been found in earlier analyses of Norwegian journalism students and journalists (Hovden, 2008, 2010). Thus very probably, the taste for intervention (vs. non- intervention) in journalism reflect differences in a certain type of confidence which is at least some part social in origin (one is reminded of the fact that avant-gardes in art are often marked by privileged social backgrounds (Bourdieu, 1996). Note, however, that our statistical analysis in
17 Also c.f. table A2 in the appedix, which provides a statistical interpretation of the same data from the traditional statistical dialect of regression analysis.
- 13 - Paper NordMedia, August 8-11, Oslo 2013 this paper is very coarse in the regard to the question of habitus, which has been analysed in more nuance elsewhere18.
Table 2. The space of ideals. MCA, total and separate for four countries, active categories. Absolute contribution for axis 1-4. Journalism students of Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Finland 2005, 2008 and 2012 (full sample, N=3738). Percentages.
Axis 1 AXIS 2 AXIS 3 Axis 4 Interventionism(+) vs Neutralism(-) Investigation(+) vs Recreation(-)
Total Total Fin Swe Nor Den Total Fin Swe Nor Den Total
Active categories (only “yes” categories shown) % Absolute contribution (only explicative categories shown)
Critisize injustice in society 2 1 2 3 3
Stimulate to new ideas and thoughts 2 2 1 1
Be a neutral reporter of events 2 −5 −3 −5 −7 −6 3 2
Mirror common opinions in society 2 −1 −1 −3 −4 −1 −3 −3
Investigate the powerful in society 2 2 1 2
Explain complicated events to the public 2
Be free from all interests in society 2 −2 −4 −5 4 1
Provide recreation −5 −2 −5 −3 1
Objectively report news and facts 2 −4 −2 −3 −3 −5 2
Influence the public opinion 2 1 1 2 −2 −1 −3 −3 3
Tell the truth regardless of consequences 2 2 6
Be a spokesperson for local opinions −1 −7 −1 −1 1
Contribute to intercultural understanding 3 2 1 2 2 1 −1 −1
Educate the consumer 3 −3 −3
Faciliate public debate 2 1 1 1 1 1 −2
Defend individuals from injustice 3 1 5 1 1 2 1 −1
Notes: Only “yes”-categories are listed (=”very much agree” to the importance of the ideal), and numbers are only given for categories with an absolute contribution over average for the axis (=explicative category). Cf. Jambu (1991, p. 286). -/+ indicates position on the side of the axis (following the logic of figure 1). N and eigenvalues (proportion of explained variance) for axis 1-4: Finland (N=434) .210/.107/.084/.074, Sweden (N=770) .221/.104/.076/.070, Norway (N=1133) .232/.100/.078/.066, Denmark (N=1401) . 193/.111/.077/.066.
18 In an analysis of Norwegian journalism students in 2000, it was for example found that “ … One opposition which follows the social hierarchy … which also separates those wanting to work in the national versus in the local media ... is the relation between on the one hand, a belief in personal talents, in the charismatic ideology (which Bourdieu has suggested is a common disposition in groups with success in the school system), and on the other hand, in the belief in journalism as basically a set of practical skills, which can be learned through practice, a belief (or hope) which is more common in those recruited from the lower classes. [Also ...] students with the most privileged social backgrounds tend to conceptualise the public as a distant mass, placed below the journalist, which provides them with information but otherwise feels little connection, students from the (relatively) lower classes are more bound to see themselves as a part of the public, and feel stronger the obligation to facilitate public debate and contribute to mutual understanding. In a somewhat middle position in this space, we find those students who feel more comfortable with a role of representing the public ... This basic opposition, between identifying and not identifying with the public, is related to another difference, of on the one hand feeling the need to have compassion with ordinary people, on the other hand, the felt need to have “a certain cynicism with people”, the necessity of breaking some eggs when making the journalistic omelette. As this opposition follows the same vertical dimension of higher and lower social backgrounds, this forms an interesting parallel to Bourdieu’s’ distinction between pure and barbaric taste. … It seems not unreasonable to suggest that the relations of a journalist to their sources is similarly related to in their habituses, as a taste for a “barbaric journalism” versus a “pure journalism”, the latter a journalism for its own sake, disregarding the consequences, and which seems to suggest a link between sharing the illusio of a social field (which will, by definition be a defence of its internal values vis-à-vis other social logics) and privileged social upbringing. In this context, we should also note the working classes’ greater adherence to an ideology of journalistic neutralism.“ (Hovden, 2008, p. 95)
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Figure 3. The space of journalistic ideals, axis 2-3. MCA separate for each country. 2005, 2008 and 2012. Full sample, N=3738.
FINLAND SWEDEN ,5
,5 freeallinter - freeallinter defendindivi defendindivi - - faciliatepub - objectiveinf - critisizeinj investgpower- - neutralrepor faciliatepub - neutralrepor intercultund intercultund - - simplifyexpl- critisizeinj -
objectiveinf 0 educonsumers telltruthreg
0 - investgpower - - simplifyexpl- - - - stimulatepub------telltruthreg- - educonsumers - - - - -,5
stimulatepub
-,5 forwardopini recreation mirrorsociet -1 dimension 3 ( 8,4%) dimension 3 ( 7,6%) -1 recreation mirrorsociet -1,5 forwardopini -2 -1,5 -1 -,5 0 ,5 1 -1 -,5 0 ,5 1 dimension 2 (10,7%) dimension 2 (10,4%) NORWAY DENMARK ,5 neutralrepor 1 defendindivi investgpower faciliatepub mirrorsociet - - objectiveinf critisizeinj critisizeinj telltruthreg simplifyexpl- - - - intercultund - ,5 investgpower 0 - - defendindivi - freeallinter - simplifyexpl------faciliatepub - 0 - - objectiveinf stimulatepub stimulatepub- - - telltruthreg - educonsumers -,5 freeallinter - neutralrepor forwardopini - intercultund - -,5 forwardopini dimension 3 ( 7,8%)