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The Real Lessons of Ulster by Dean Godson
Issue 140, November 2007 The real lessons of Ulster by Dean Godson The Northern Ireland conflict is now fought over the lessons of the Troubles. One apparent lesson is that only extremists can make deals stick. But perhaps the real conclusion is that the late-colonial British did not properly study their own history Dean Godson is research director of Policy Exchange and a contributing editor to Prospect. His biography of David Trimble, Himself Alone, is published by HarperCollins Why should anyone still care about the Ulster Unionist party, the Orange Order or, for that matter, Northern Ireland itself? The UUP, the ruling party for the first half century of Northern Ireland's existence, from 1921 to 1972, is about as healthy as Ariel Sharon--nominally alive but, to all intents and purposes, a goner. The Orange Order seems destined to enter one of its extended periods of quiescence, such as it went through in the 19th century. Even the novelty of Ian Paisley's danse macabre with Martin McGuinness has attracted less attention in Britain than might have been expected. The reasons for this apparent indifference to the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact by the Lagan aren't hard to fathom. Northern Ireland isn't news any more because the second IRA ceasefire is now a decade old. And many in Northern Ireland believed all along that mainland opinion only ever cared about the ending of full-scale violence. With vast amounts of British taxpayer and EU money still flooding into the place, Ulster seems to have reverted into its complacent, parochial, pre-Troubles self. -
Troublemaker Or Peacemaker? Margaret Thathcer and Northern Ireland
DUBLIN BUSINESS SCHOOL DBS School of Arts DANIEL COATES – 1727725 TROUBLEMAKER OR PEACEMAKER? MARGARET THATHCER AND NORTHERN IRELAND THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE BACHELOR OF ARTS (HONOURS) SUPERVISOR: DR. MICHEÁL Ó FATHARTAIGH 25 MAY 2016 1 Abstract The aim of my thesis is to highlight the events in Northern Ireland before; during and after Margaret Thatcher’s Premiership and answer the question was Margaret Thatcher a peacemaker or a troublemaker in terms of Northern Ireland? Did she speed up or slow down the Peace Process in Northern Ireland. There will be an introduction to Thatcher before going into the first chapter. The first chapter will focus on Anglo – Irish relations before Thatcher’s premiership focusing on how the troubles came about leading right up to Thatcher’s election in 1979. The second chapter will look at some events in northern Ireland during her first term in office focusing on for example, the Hunger Strikes of 1980 and 1981, Bobby Sand’s death and what followed in terms of support for Sinn Féin, Ireland’s stance on the Falklands war and how Thatcher reacted to that, The third chapter will focus on the Brighton Bombing, the Anglo- Irish Summit and the Anglo – Irish Agreement. The final chapter will focus on The Unionist reaction to the Anglo – Irish Agreement and the situation in Northern Ireland towards the end of Thatcher’s premiership and mentioning the Peace Agreements in the 1990’s under John Major (Thatcher’s successor) and Tony Blair’s Labour government and did she influence these peace agreements? The conclusion will just be a summary of what was said in each chapter and talk about the Iron Lady’s overall legacy in Northern Ireland. -
The Independent Bar of Northern Ireland – Past and Present1
The independent Bar of Northern Ireland – Past and Present1 Sir Anthony Hart It is a pleasure and a privilege to have been invited to speak to the Wales & Chester Circuit about the Northern Ireland Bar. It was suggested that I might say something about the nature of practice in Northern Ireland, but before doing so I would like to say a little about the history of the Northern Ireland Bar because that has had a great bearing on the way we operate. I say ‘we’ because I was called to the Northern Ireland Bar in September 1969, and although I was called to the Bar by Gray’s Inn in 1975, practised exclusively in Northern Ireland before I became a county court judge in 1985. So for the greater part of my professional life my experience has been of observing the Northern Ireland Bar in action as a practitioner and as a judge. Northern Ireland is the smallest part of the United Kingdom, covering 5,356 square miles with a population of 1.682 million, compared to Wales which covers an area of 8,030 square miles and a population of just under 3.1 million people.2 The Northern Ireland Bar is the smallest, and notionally the youngest, of the three independent Bars that form part of the legal system of the United Kingdom. Although it came into existence as a separate Bar in October 1921 when the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 relating to the judicial system of the new Northern Ireland came into force, it sprang from the pre-partition Irish Bar, and to the present day reflects some of the unique characteristics of the Irish Bar as it was before 1921. -
A Very Funny Place
A VERY FUNNY PLACE Imagining Identity and Conflict in Northern Ireland’s Museum Scene A Master Thesis by Dennis van der Pligt A Very Funny Place Master Thesis: A Very Funny Place: Imagining Identity and Conflict in Northern Ireland’s Museum Scene Date: December 5, 2020 Program: Human Geography (Conflicts, Territories and Identities) MSc, Radboud University Nijmegen Instructor: Dr. Olivier T. Kramsch Student: Dennis van der Pligt, s4133625 E-mail: [email protected] Phone number: +31 6 1227 3002 Front cover image was made by the author. The sign stood outside an establishment on Bedford Street, Belfast. 1 A Very Funny Place Contents Preface & Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ 3 I. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 5 i. Research Question & Context .......................................................................................................... 5 ii. A New Troubles Museum? .............................................................................................................. 7 iii. Other Projects: The Military, Society & Art ................................................................................. 8 II. Theories & Methods ...................................................................................................................... 11 i. Basic Definitions ........................................................................................................................... -
Collection: North, Oliver: Files Box: 14
Ronald Reagan Presidential Library Digital Library Collections This is a PDF of a folder from our textual collections. Collection: North, Oliver: Files Folder Title: Terrorism: US-British (03/25/1985-05/15/1985) Box: 14 To see more digitized collections visit: https://reaganlibrary.gov/archives/digital-library To see all Ronald Reagan Presidential Library inventories visit: https://reaganlibrary.gov/document-collection Contact a reference archivist at: [email protected] Citation Guidelines: https://reaganlibrary.gov/citing National Archives Catalogue: https://catalog.archives.gov/ WITHDRAWAL SHEET Ronald Reagan Library Collection Name NORTH, OLIVER: FILES Withdrawer DLB 12/29/2006 File Folder TERRORISM: UNITED STATES-BRITISH (03/25/1985- FOIA 0511511985) F02-071/3 Box Number 14 COLLINS 29 ID DocType Document Description No of Doc Date Restrictions Pages 31550 LETTER HANNAY TO JOHN POINDEXTER 1 3/25/1985 Bl R 4/10/2012 F2002-071/3 Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)] B-1 National security classified Information [(b)(1) of the FOIA] B-2 Release would disclose Internal personnel rules and practices of an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA] B-3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA] B-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial Information [(b)(4) of the FOIA) B-6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA) B-7 Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA] B-8 Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of financial institutions [(b)(B) of the FOIA] B-9 Release would disclose geological or geophysical Information concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA] C. -
CHAPTER 5 Inter-Communal Assassinations and the British
CHAPTER 5 Inter-communal assassinations and the British Dress Since the early l970s, British media coverage of Northern Ireland has focused almost exclusively on violence and its aftermath. However, given that over 2,500 people have been killed and many thousands more injured as a consequence of the continuing crisis in the North, that this particular dimension of the Irish conflict should have attracted so much media attention is perhaps hardly surprising, and, to the extent to which this coverage contributes to our understanding of violent conflict, even desirable. Yet, as we have seen in Chapter Two, rather than aiding our understanding of the conflict in the Six Counties, much of this coverage has been criticised as being superficial in nature, and exceptionally limited in focus. While the violence of the IRA and other republican groups has tended to dominate the headlines and the editorial columns, violence emanating from other sources, most notably from the state, has largely been ignored or underplayed; so much so, some commentators have argued, that the casual observer of British media coverage could be forgiven for concluding that violence in the North was the sole prerogative of republican groups)' The scenario of violence implicit in the British media's coverage of Northern Ireland noted in several studies, in which the IRA is presented as its principal source and the security forces and the Protestant community its principal victims, is, when viewed in the light of statistical evidence, highly misleading. As we have seen in Chapter Two, away from the publicity that has so often been given to the IRA and its activities, statistics on violence in the North reveal that the security forces and loyalist paramilitary groups have between them accounted for nearly 1,000 of the 2,304 deaths recorded up to July, 1983.(2) -246- -247- Nowhere, perhaps, is the scenario of violence suggested by the British media in its coverage of the Northern Ireland conflict more misleading than when it comes to the subject of violence against civilians. -
CO I\I Fl 0 ENT'{~L PRONI CENT/1/10/86A ( '" E.R
cc: PS/Secretary of State (B and L) - M PS/Ministers (B and L) M PS/FUS (B ~ M PS/I'tr Bell f1r Marshall (L) 1'1r Blelloch f1r Angel (L) - M Mr Chesterton (L) - M Miss MacGlashan ';, ' f1r Wyatt UUP ANNUAL CONFERENCE 1. At the annual conference of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUp) i n Glengormley on 23/24 October (which I attended as an observer) the rank and-file decisively repudiated a bungled attempt by the leadership to commit the Party to a recognition that no acceptable form of devolved government could be obtained and that integration should therefore be pursued as a first option. The devolution/integration argument has pre-occupied the UUP since Molyneaux's decision in late 1979 not to attend CGNI,and led to a rowdy and inconclusive debate at the Party's 1980 conference, but an open test of strength between the two factions has previously been avoided since the formal aims of party policy include both a Stormont-style devolved assembly and "local government reform". The latter demand is compatible with devolution if it is taken to mean t he restoration of some powers to the 26 existing local councils, bl1t incompatible if it is read in the integrationist sense as a call for an upper tier of local government - ie a regional authority or county council for the whole Province which would effectively preclude the return of Stormont. The UUP' 8 poor showing in the May local elections was widely blamed on the Party's indecisive image. as a result of this uneasy compromise, and contributed to a general feeling that the time had come to stop papering over the cracks. -
The Fortunes of the Legal and Medical Professions During the “Troubles” - Presentation to the Northern Ireland Medicolegal Society - October 14 2014 Philip Mcgarry
Ulster Med J 2015;84(2):119-123 Northern Ireland Medicolegal Society Lecture The fortunes of the legal and medical professions during the “Troubles” - Presentation to The Northern Ireland Medicolegal Society - October 14 2014 Philip McGarry Accepted 28th January 2015 Provenance: externally peer-reviewed. The seed for my presentation emerged from Mr Justice Ben The IRA said: “He was collaborating with the British War Stevens’ eloquent Presidential address last year. In thanking Machine”. him I reflected that we have taken for granted how, after 1969, while much of civil society failed to function, lawyers The Irish Times said: ‘He restored the confidence of many and doctors maintained the highest professional and ethical members of the minority in the judicial process. He awarded standards, with many developing national and international damages to 16 people against the Army for mistreatment. He reputations. Most crucially, law and medicine never jailed Ian Paisley.’ compromised themselves by acquiescing in the divisions At 8.50am Resident Magistrate Martin McBirney (fig 2) was which have riven our community. at breakfast. A gumnan came round the back of his house Against a background of incipient chaos, doctors and lawyers and killed him. He was a friend of Louis McNeice and TP performed their duties with integrity and impartiality, Flanagan, whose painting, ‘Victim’, is in his memory. providing a bulwark against breakdown. THE LEGAL PROFESSION Unlike doctors, lawyers were directly targeted by paramilitaries. On 11 October 1972 Resident Magistrate William Staunton (fig 1) was leaving his daughters at St Dominic’s School on the Falls Road. A motorcycle drew alongside. -
The Belfast Agreement
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 22, Issue 4 1998 Article 2 The Belfast Agreement David Trimble∗ ∗ Copyright c 1998 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Belfast Agreement David Trimble Abstract Jim Molyneaux and Ian Paisley, the then unionist leadership, began this process in 1987 when they gave alternative proposals to Tom King, the then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. The Brooke talks ended in apparent failure in November 1992, but from a unionist perspective, in fact made significant progress. There was a period in 1993 when it appeared that the British government was receptive to unionist urging to implement the “strand one committee report.” Despite these doubts, we in the Ulster Unionist Party remained in the talks when Sinn Fein, the political wing of the IRA, was admitted in September 1997. The last decade had also brought a change in unionist attitudes. In the 1930s, there was a serious ”back to Westminster” movement within the Ulster Unionist Party. They were content at that, even if they could only participate vicariously in British politics. This reflects the unionist view that the relevant context is the British Isles as a whole, which was an integrated political entity until partition in 1921. Although other parties had played a part in the discussions, at the end it came down to the SDLP and the Ulster Unionist Party. Moreover, we were well aware that any safeguards would be equally applicable to defend unionist interests. Since then one Ulster Unionist Assembly member has defected to the anti-Agreement unionists. -
Michael W. Stitt QC
“THE PRICE OF LIBERTY?” By Michael W. Stitt QC THE INTERNAtiONAL ACADEMY OF TRIAL LAWYERS DEAN’S ADDRESS APRIL 10, 2010 PHOENIX, ARIZONA A Publication of the International Academy of Trial Lawyers “THE PRICE OF LIBERTY?” PREPARED AND DELIVERED BY MICHAEL W. STItt QC ON APRIL 10, 2010 at THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE INTERNatIONAL ACADEMY OF TRIAL LawYERS 1 Mr President, First Lady, Fellows of the Academy, special guests and friends. It is an honour to be standing here as Dean of this great Academy. I am deeply conscious of the historic significance of theD ean’s Address and I hope that this morning’s presentation is a worthy successor to those that have gone before. It was shortly after receiving the news of my admission to the Academy that the sleep disturbance began. I had a recurring dream; I would walk into the opening night reception (keeping an eye out for a surprise attack by the heavy hors-d’oeuvres – whatever they were) and plucking up all my courage would approach one of our number. He was 6’4” and 240 lb – he looked down at me; he stretched out his hand and said: “Hi Mike, I see you are from Ireland. What’s your biggest verdict?” This was reassuring; he was actually interested in my practice – so I told him. He stared at me and gradually a smile appeared followed by outright laughter; he called over his friends and their impossibly good-looking spouses and said: “Listen everyone – this is Mike from Ireland and his biggest verdict is …” The laughter echoed around the room, I backed off and made my escape through a door marked “Emergency Exit”. -
In Northern Ireland: the Irish Linen Memorial 2001-2005 Lycia Danielle Trouton University of Wollongong
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2005 An intimate monument (re)-narrating 'the troubles' in Northern Ireland: the Irish Linen Memorial 2001-2005 Lycia Danielle Trouton University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Trouton, Lycia D, An intimate monument (re)-narrating 'the troubles' in Northern Ireland: the Irish Linen Memorial 2001-2005, DCA thesis, Faculty of Creative Arts, University of Wollongong, 2005. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/779 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] An Intimate Monument An Intimate Monument (re)‐narrating ‘the troubles’ in Northern Ireland: The Irish Linen Memorial 2001 – 2005 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Creative Arts University of Wollongong Lycia Danielle Trouton 1991 Master of Fine Arts (Sculpture), Cranbrook Academy of Art, Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, USA 1988 Bachelor of Fine Arts (Hons) (Sculpture), Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA 1997 Licentiate Teacher’s Diploma (Speech and Drama) Trinity College London 1985 Associate Teacher’s Diploma (Speech and Drama) Trinity College London The Faculty of Creative Arts 2005 ii Certification I, Lycia Danielle Trouton, declare that this thesis, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Creative Arts, in the Faculty of Creative Arts, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. ‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐ Lycia Danielle Trouton Date ________________ iii Figure 1: Australian Indigenous artist Yvonne Koolmatrie (left) with Diana Wood Conroy, 2002 Adelaide Festival of the Arts, South Australia. -
Extradition Law and Practice in the Crucible of Ulster, Ireland and Great Britain: a Metamorphosis? by Bruce Warner
Conflict Quarterly Extradition Law and Practice in the Crucible of Ulster, Ireland and Great Britain: A Metamorphosis? by Bruce Warner INTRODUCTION The cases of Gerard Tuite, Dominic McGlinchey, Seamus Shannon and, potentially, Evelyn Glenholmes, are milestones as regards Anglo- Irish relations in the difficult area of extradition between Eire and the two constitutent parts of the United Kingdom — Ulster and Great Bri tain. Some would say these cases represent a notable step forward in the application of the principle aut dedere, aut judicare (extradite or pro secute) to Irish Republican 'terrorists,' while others would insist that these same cases contain an odious reversal of Ireland's historical policy of granting asylum to Irish 'patriots.' To understand and appreciate fully the significance of these deci sions, it is initially necessary to outline the Irish and British positions on the extradition of fugitive political offenders. This paper then considers the practical application of these positions following the renewal of civil conflict after 1969. The effect of the 'flanking movement' contained in the extra-territorial legislation of 1976 is detailed while other suggested solutions to the extradition problem such as an all-Ireland Court are covered briefly. The period after 1981 is examined, particularly in rela tion to the aforementioned cases. Conclusions drawn from these cases along with the recent signing of the European Convention for the Sup pression of Terrorism (ECST) by Ireland provide some signposts regar ding the future direction of extradition among the three parties. BACKGROUND PRE-1969 The Irish Republic occupies as peculiar a place in British political culture as does Ulster in its relationship to Eire.