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Unscreportlibyanov2011eng1.Pdf
Le Bureau du Procureur The Office of the Prosecutor SECOND REPORT OF THE PROSECUTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT TO THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL PURSUANT TO UNSCR 1970 (2011) INTRODUCTION 1. On 26 February 2011 the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1970 (2011), referring the situation in Libya since 15 February 2011 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and stressing “the need to hold to account those responsible for attacks, including by forces under their control, on civilians.” 2. Paragraph 7 of the Resolution invites the Prosecutor to address the Security Council within two months of the adoption of this resolution and every six months thereafter on actions taken pursuant to this resolution. The Prosecutor first briefed the United Nations Security Council on 4 May 2011. 3. This second report provides a summary of the activities of the Office of the Prosecutor undertaken to implement Resolution 1970 (2011), including: a. The request to issue arrest warrants for Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi (Muammar Gaddafi), Saif Al‐Islam Gaddafi, and Abdullah Al‐Senussi. b. Cooperation, and c. The ongoing investigation. 1. THE REQUEST FOR ARREST WARRANTS FOR MUAMMAR MOHAMMED ABU MINYAR GADDAFI (MUAMMAR GADDAFI), SAIF AL‐ISLAM GADDAFI, AND ABDULLAH AL‐SENUSSI 1.1 Notice to the United Nations Security Council 4. In its Resolution 1970, the Security Council rejected ʺunequivocally the incitement to hostility and violence against the civilian population made from the highest level of the Libyan government,ʺ and considered ʺthat the widespread and systematic attacks currently taking place in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya against the civilian population may amount to crimes against humanity.” 5. -
The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
Discussion Paper: Libya and R2P and Regime Change
Thinking About Libya, the Responsibility to Protect and Regime Change: A “Lessons Learned” Discussion Paper Robin Collins October, 2011 This discussion paper on the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine in Libya is intended to stimulate dialogue among members of the World Federalist Movement – Canada (WFMC) and other R2P advocates. We begin with the assumption that there was a real need for the international community to respond to the threats and behaviour of the Libyan government of Moammar Gaddafi. In the circumstances, the UN Security Council resolutions that followed Gaddafi‘s actions, resolutions 1970 and 1973, and then resolution 2009 which recognized the National Transitional Council after the fall of Gaddafi, were appropriate responses to the crisis. There was explicit reference to a responsibility to protect civilians and civilian areas. The International Criminal Court was referenced (in resolutions 1970, 1973 and 2009). There was demand for a ceasefire, to diplomatic channels being opened, to dialogue towards political reform (resolution1973), and to an arms embargo and freezing of assets. In resolution 1973 “all necessary measures” were authorized, as was a no-fly zone to protect Libyan civilians, including those in Benghazi. However, there were many rough edges and a fair amount of (intended?) ambiguity. These topics are important to explore so that we are clear about where mandates were followed, or violated. Our goal is to strengthen the R2P doctrine so that it becomes a reliable new normative framework for future international diplomacy and protection of civilians. The experience of application in Libya will impact future efforts by the United Nations to invoke R2P. -
Situation of Human Rights in Libya, and the Effectiveness of Technical Assistance and Capacity-Building Measures Received by the Government of Libya
United Nations A/HRC/43/75 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 January 2020 Original: English Human Rights Council Forty-third session 24 February–20 March 2020 Agenda items 2 and 10 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Technical assistance and capacity-building Situation of human rights in Libya, and the effectiveness of technical assistance and capacity-building measures received by the Government of Libya Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Summary In the present report, submitted to the Human Rights Council pursuant to Council resolution 40/27, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights describes the situation of human rights in Libya from January to December 2019, and provides an overview of the work and technical assistance conducted by the Human Rights, Transitional Justice and Rule of Law Service of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR). The High Commissioner highlights key human rights issues relating to the protection of civilians in armed conflict, in particular its impact on women and children; the situation of migrants and refugees; the rights to freedom of opinion and expression; the administration of justice; and the support provided to victims of human rights violations. The High Commissioner also describes capacity-building activities conducted by UNSMIL and the implementation of the human rights due diligence policy on United Nations support to non-United Nations security forces. The High Commissioner concludes the report with recommendations for the Government of National Accord in Libya, all parties to the conflict and the international community. -
The Political Economy of Arab Presidents for Life ÀÀÀ and After
Middle East Development Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2013) 1350001 (13 pages) °c Economic Research Forum DOI: 10.1142/S1793812013500016 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ARAB PRESIDENTS ¤ FOR LIFE | AND AFTER ROGER OWEN Center for Middle Eastern Studies Harvard University Cambridge, MA [email protected] Received 23 August 2012 Accepted 23 January 2013 Published 14 March 2013 The system of personalized Arab presidential power based on a strong security state had its origins in the assertion of national sovereignty in the dangerous post-independence world of the 1950s and 1960s. and then becoming more monarchical in character over time, including the attempt to perpetuate itself by passing power on to the ruler’s son. Key to this development was the appearance around each ruler of a small group of crony-capitalists who used their privileged access to secure state monopolies which they then schemed to protect after the ruler’s death. Both developments, that of family dictatorships, as well as their associated corruption and cronyism, can then be used to account in large measure with the uprisings associated with the Arab `Spring'. Keywords: Personalized power; authoritarianism; crony capitalism; coup-proof; kleptocracy; succession; Arab middle class; Arab Spring. by WSPC on 03/19/13. For personal use only. 1. Introduction Middle East. Dev. J. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com The overthrow of a series of long-term dictatorships was clearly the major aim of the revolutionaries of the so-called `Arab Spring'. And remarkably successful they were. In a relatively short period of time, three republican presidents for life (Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, and Muammar Qadda¯) have been deposed, two others (Bashar Hafez al-Assad and Ali Abdullah Saleh) have been forced into the ¯ght of their lives to defend themselves, and two others again (Abdelaziz Boute°ika and Omar al-Bashir) much weakened, although by a variety of forces not all directly connected with an active youth rebellion. -
Press Clippings
SPECIAL COURT FOR SIERRA LEONE OUTREACH AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE See additional photos from the Prosecutor’s Outreach to Yiffin, Alikalia and Kurubola in Koinadugu District in today’s ‘Special Court Supplement’. PRESS CLIPPINGS Enclosed are clippings of local and international press on the Special Court and related issues obtained by the Outreach and Public Affairs Office as at: Friday, 4 November 2011 Press clips are produced Monday through Friday. Any omission, comment or suggestion, please contact Martin Royston-Wright Ext 7217 2 Local News RCS Dismisses Sierra Leonean Prisoners’ Claims / Exclusive Page 3 International News Taylor’s Trial Not Tie to Election / The New Dawn Page 4 RCS Dismisses Sierra Leonean Prisoners' Claims / The New Times Page 5 Libya: Nato to be investigated by ICC for war crimes / The Telegraph Pages 6-7 ICC looks into possible Nato crimes in Libya / Radio Netherlands Pages 8-9 Special Court Supplement The Prosecutor’s Outreach to Koinadugu District, in Pictures Pages 10-12 3 Exclusive Friday, 4 November 2011 4 The New Dawn (Liberia) Friday, 4 November 2011 Taylor’s Trial Not Tie to Election The UN backed Special Court for Sierra Leone says the delay in the trial of ex-President Charles Taylor is not tied to politics here, while clarifying that the late Judge Cassese was not a judge of the special court. Reacting to an article in this paper “Tragedy Hits the Special Court”, the Court’s Communication Chief, Peter Andersen in an email said “We were surprised at your article referenced above; since the press release was very clear that Judge Cassese was not a judge at the Special Court” “Also, if you have "unconfirmed reports" that the judges are taking the Liberian elections into consideration, and then I can only say that it is "unconfirmed speculation" by people not close to the court. -
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
Democracy Promotion and Turkey Bilal Ciplak [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-26-2014 Democracy Promotion and Turkey Bilal Ciplak [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14071105 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Ciplak, Bilal, "Democracy Promotion and Turkey" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1439. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1439 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida DEMOCRACY PROMOTION AND TURKEY A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Bilal Ciplak 2014 To: Interim Dean Michael R. Heithaus College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Bilal Ciplak, and entitled Democracy Promotion and Turkey, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Benjamin Smith _______________________________________ Markus Thiel _______________________________________ Ronald Cox _______________________________________ Mohiaddin Mesbahi, Major Professor Date of Defense: June 26, 2014 The dissertation of Bilal Ciplak is approved. _______________________________________ Interim Dean Michael R. Heithaus College of Arts and Sciences ______________________________________ Dean Lakshmi N. Reddi University Graduate School Florida International University, 2014 ii © Copyright 2014 by Bilal Ciplak All rights reserved. iii DEDICATIONS I dedicate this dissertation to my wife, Zehra, and to my daughter, Sara, who was born on June 14, 2014. -
Youth Activism in Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan As Case Studies
Structure of Mobilization and Democratization: Youth Activism in Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan as Case Studies by Mohammad Yaghi A Thesis presented to The University of Guelph In partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Guelph, Ontario, Canada © Mohammad Yaghi, April, 2015 ABSTRACT STRUCTURE OF MOBILIZATION AND DEMOCRATIZATION: YOUTH ACTIVISM IN TUNISIA, EGYPT, AND JORDAN AS CASE STUDIES Mohammad Yaghi Advisors: Professor Janine A. Clark University of Guelph, 2015 Professor Jordi Diez Professor Francesco Cavatorta This dissertation argues for a correlation between the dynamics of the protests at their climax and the processes of democratization in case these protests succeed. Using youth activism in Tunisia and Egypt where the protests succeeded, and in Jordan where they failed as a contrasting case study, this research shows that youth activism leads to democratization if three conditions are met at the protests’ apex: domination of autonomous youth movements, an inclusive master frame (MF), and a decentralized leadership. In doing so, the research provides an atypical narrative about the role of activists during the protests in Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan. The primary sources that informed this research are not only based on the activists themselves, but also on the analysis of the protests videos, slogans, and documents of the youth movements. Furthermore, the research contributes to the literature on social movements in four domains. First, it reveals that the state’s use of repression and the way it uses it is a necessary condition, but is insufficient to turn a reform protest cycle into a revolution; the other necessary condition is that an autonomous opposition also must be dominant when the state uses repression. -
Speak Softly and Carry a Sealed Warrant: Building the International Criminal Court’S Legitimacy in the Wake of Sudan
APPEAL VOLUME 18 n 163 ARTICLE SPEAK SOFTLY AND CARRY A SEALED WARRANT: BUILDING THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT’S LEGITIMACY IN THE WAKE OF SUDAN Kai Sheffield* CITED: (2013) 18 Appeal 163-175 INTRODUCTION The Rome Statute, the constitutive treaty of the International Criminal Court (ICC), sets out the goals by which the Court’s legitimacy can be measured: punishment of perpetrators, deterrence of future crimes, and positive effects on the peace, security, and well-being of the world.1 Upholding and enhancing the legitimacy of the ICC is the duty of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court,2 and Luis Moreno Ocampo, Prosecutor until June 2012, made it his project to make the ICC a “reality” which political actors “cannot ignore.”3 During his time in office, Moreno Ocampo handed over a steady stream of accused war criminals and genocidaires from states party to the Rome Statute (State Parties) to the judges in The Hague.4 However, he was much less successful in bringing defendants from non-State Parties before the Court. Under the Rome Statute, the ICC possesses a limited power of universal jurisdiction, whereby it may prosecute individuals from non-State Parties through referrals from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).5 This power, however, is not well- * Kai Sheffield completed his J.D. at the University of Toronto Faculty of Law in the spring of 2012 and is currently an associate at Sullivan & Cromwell LLP in New York City. He completed his undergraduate degree in International Relations at the University of British Columbia. Kai wrote a shorter version of this paper as a third-year law student for Professor Michael Ignatieff’s Human Rights and International Politics class and is very grateful to Professor Ignatieff for his guidance and encouragement. -
Arab Spring Incidents in the End of the “Green Era” in Libya: Questions on the Right to Intervene and the Duty to Interfere
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.2, n.3, Jan-Jun 2013 | p.145-165 ARAB SPRING INCIDENTS IN THE END OF THE “GREEN ERA” IN LIBYA: QUESTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE AND THE DUTY TO INTERFERE Gladys Lechini de Álvarez1, Noemí S. Rabbia2 The Arab Spring has quietly started in the end of 2010 with the wave of protests against the Tunisian regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, in power for more than two decades. Nonetheless, it caused a domino effect that fully impacted the oldest autocracies in Northern Africa and the Middle East. In this context, the Tunis’ case has been constituted in the beginning of a long series of successes that reshaped the Arab and Maghrebi regional political scene with similar results, considering the specifics of each scenario. It is interesting to highlight that Tunis paradoxically had been sustained many times by the same Western countries that defended the end of the Libyan autocracy. In reference to this particular case, Muammar Gaddafi has died in obscure circumstances during the seizure of his hometown, Sirte, in October 20th, 2011. The elucidation of this fact has been diluted with the euphoria and increasing successes, and Western employees like the Vice-President of the United States of America, Joseph Biden, have limited themselves to affirm that 1 Gladys Lechini is Profesor of International Relations at Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina; researcher at CONICET; and director of the South-South Cooperation and Relations Program (PRECSUR). E-mail: [email protected]. -
Date with History As UN Acts Over Libya by Harvey Morris , 27 February 2011
Date with history as UN acts over Libya By Harvey Morris , 27 February 2011 Muammer Gaddafi, at his only appearance before the UN, ripped pages out of its founding Charter and branded its Security Council the Terror Council. Less than 18 months on, that same council has now acted with unprecedented speed and unanimity to try and hasten his downfall. There was a forgivable atmosphere of self-congratulation among diplomats of the 15 council members on Saturday night after a grinding day of bargaining that led to the adoption of sanctions against the rapidly shrinking Libyan regime. The question, as always: will they work? The intention, summed up by Susan Rice, US envoy to the UN, was “stopping the violence against innocent civilians”. But are an asset freeze, a travel ban, an arms embargo – even the threat of future prosecution for war crimes – enough to deter a regime fighting for its survival? Diplomats acknowledge that the measures might not divert Colonel Gaddafi from his murderous intention to crush the Libyan uprising. However, they could persuade his cohorts of military and security henchman that there is still time to bail out before the inevitable end. Why fight on in a lost cause, only to end up penniless in an international court, facing life imprisonment for war crimes? For the first time, the Security Council unanimously referred a case of state violence to the International Criminal Court. That alone was a big victory for the resolution’s British and French drafters and could set an important longer-term precedent. The UK and France are the only permanent members of the council even to have ratified the Rome Treaty that established the court.