Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Rogue Regime Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of by Jasper Becker Becker, Jasper 1956– Born May 19, 1956, in London, England; son of Alfred (an electronics engineer) and Ilse Becker; married Ruwani Jayewardene (a development consultant), August, 1987 (divorced, 1999); married Autoaueta Beglova, May, 1999; children: Michael, Jeremy. Education: Attended University of Munich, 1976-77; University of London, graduated (with honors), 1978. ADDRESSES: Home— London, England. Agent— Diana Finch, Ellen Levine Agency, 15 E. 26th St., Ste. 1801, New York, NY 10010-1505. E-mail— [email protected] CAREER: Freelance writer. Journalist in Brussels, Belgium, 1980-83; Associated Press, Geneva, Switzerland, journalist, 1983-85; Guardian, London, England, journalist in London and , 1985-91; British Broadcasting Corp. (BBC), London, journalist, 1992-94; , , China, Beijing bureau chief, 1995-2002. Has appeared frequently on news programs, including , , Primetime Live, and World News Tonight. Becker is quoted regularly as a news analyst for television and radio news programs all over the world. WRITINGS: The Lost Country: Mongolia Revealed, Hodder & Stoughton (London, England), 1991. Hungry Ghosts: China's Secret Famine, Free Press (New York, NY), 1996. The Chinese, Free Press (New York, NY), 2000. Rogue Regime: Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea, Oxford University Press (Oxford, England), 2005. Dragon Rising: An Inside Look at China Today, National Geographic Society (Washington, DC), 2006. Work represented in anthologies, including Reporting the News from China, Chatham House, 1992. Contributor to numerous periodicals, including Vanity Fair, National Geographic, Marie Claire, and Travel & Leisure. SIDELIGHTS: Thirty million is an incomprehensible number of human beings, but it is a conservative estimate of how many Chinese peasants died from a state- caused famine between 1958 and 1962. Jasper Becker's Hungry Ghosts: China's Secret Famine explores this underreported tragedy. China's communist leader Mao Tse-tung's "" was an attempt to push China past the Soviet Union, "pass England and catch up with America" all within fifteen years. Through this plan, China would become the leading nation in the world, and Mao would be the greatest leader in the world. Equal parts pseudoscience, sycophantic bureaucracy, and Mao's will-to-power allowed the starvation of so many to occur. The illusion of progress was sustained by false reports, cover-ups, and deceit. Famine was not new to China, but historic occurrences of it were largely due to flooding and drought, and relief was difficult due to the great distances that separated villages. The 1958 famine was not localized but affected all of rural China. Mao would not admit the truth when faced with it, and he apparently did not understand until 1961 that millions had already died. Becker collected eyewitness accounts of cannibalism, stories of people feasting on cats and dogs, mice, insects, bark, leaves, and even dirt long after the peasants' grain ran out. He further noted that the same government was still in power in the late 1990s and still reluctant to admit to all that occurred during those four years. The world outside China was blind, Becker suggested. He shows how a broad spectrum of Westerners, from economists to Maoist supporters, were misled by Chinese information that asserted there was no starvation and only bad weather was causing slight supply problems. Some Sinophiles even make Mao out as an averter of a famine rather than an instigator. Many critics found Hungry Ghosts to be powerful, if somewhat gruesome. Caroline Moorehead, writing in the New Statesman, called it "a painstakingly readable account of the famine that engulfed China." Writing for , Paul G. Pickowicz called Hungry Ghosts "an important, sometimes spellbinding, account." He did, however, disagree with some of Becker's conclusions, namely that "even now in the West the famine is still not accepted as a historical event." Another complaint was voiced by Richard Bernstein in : "Sometimes he includes information without giving the reasons he found the information credible." Nevertheless, Bernstein admitted the book was "remarkable." A New York Times Book Review article by Nicholas Eberstadt claimed that Becker "has offered both a grim tribute to the dead and a challenge to our consciences." Hungry Ghosts was officially banned by the Chinese government, but Becker's exposé of an appalling slice of modern Chinese history did not seem to hinder his journalistic career there. He has corresponded from China for London's Guardian newspaper, and for the British Broadcasting Corporation as well. After the publication of Hungry Ghosts, he became Beijing bureau chief for the South China Morning Post, an English- language newspaper based in Hong Kong. His next book, The Chinese, was published in 2000, and examines the dramatic changes that have occurred in China since the death of Mao. Becker's title encompasses 1.25 billion people, and as he notes, China is one of the world's oldest civilizations, with a state that is "probably the oldest functioning organization in the world." He begins by sketching China's history of autocratic rulers, a preference that was long entrenched before the darkest days of Mao's Communist rule. The bulk of the book discusses the sweeping economic reforms, designed to lead China into the global marketplace, launched in late 1970s by premier Deng Xiaoping. Under Deng, China sought to change course by instituting new trade policies and fostering private enterprise. Even with the 1989 crackdown on dissidents—who opposed the political corruption that the economic reforms had only exacerbated—China continued on a path to what it called a "socialist market economy." Becker focuses on the social impact that these changes wrought, and looks at various segments of Chinese society and discusses who has benefited from them, and who has suffered. The author's long experience as a working journalist in China gave him a wealth of anecdotal and insider source material to illustrate his theories. Rural peasantry and industrial workers have not found their fortunes vastly improved by the heady new economic climate of the 1990s, as he shows, but the burgeoning entrepreneur class and high-ranking Communist Party members have reaped extraordinary profits. Other segments of The Chinese discuss the particular challenges faced by intellectuals, and the endemic political corruption that still plagues the corridors of power. A Wilson Quarterly assessment from Jonathan Mirsky found fault with some of the book's assertions, but concluded that Becker's experiences as a reporter there yielded a certain insight to his account of China at a crossroads. "His anecdotes make the book particularly valuable," Mirsky noted. A Publishers Weekly reviewer also commended the work, writing: "Becker's may not be the most optimistic view of contemporary China, but it is one of the most penetrating." In 2005, Becker switched focus from China to North Korea in his book Rogue Regime: Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea. He gives readers a look inside North Korea and the mind of its ruler, Kim Jong Il. He writes about not only the possible threat the country presents to the United States, but also the threat it presents to its own people. Rogue Regime gives a "frightening and depressing account" of the past and present state of the country under Kim Jong Il, wrote Jay Freeman in a review for Booklist. Many reviewers found that the book presents a compelling portrait of a dangerous dictator, and is "of much interest to readers who wonder where the next war will be fought," observed a Kirkus Reviews contributor. Becker once told CA: "My interests are Oriental cultures, Buddhism, Chinese politics, archaeology, central Asia, and international politics. These stem from twelve years as a correspondent in Brussels, Geneva, and especially Peking." BIOGRAPHICAL AND CRITICAL SOURCES: PERIODICALS. American Spectator, September, 2005, James R. Lilley, review of Rogue Regime: Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea, p. 76. Asian Affairs, February, 1993, C.R. Bawden, review of The Lost Country: Mongolia Revealed, p. 66; October, 1996, Colina MacDougall, review of Hungry Ghosts: China's Secret Famine, p. 405. Biography, fall, 2005, Carl Senna, review of Rogue Regime, p. 714. Book World, April 5, 1998, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 12; September 10, 2000, review of The Chinese, p. 6; February 4, 2001, review of The Chinese, p. 9; June 19, 2005, Mike Mochizuki, review of Rogue Regime, p. 6. Booklist, December 15, 1996, Gilbert Taylor, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 695; November 1, 2000, Julia Glynn, review of The Chinese, p. 513; April 15, 2005, Jay Freeman, review of Rogue Regime, p. 1426. Business Week, January 15, 2001, review of The Chinese, p. 22. Campaigns & Elections, July, 2006, review of Dragon Rising: An Inside Look at China Today, p. 58. Chemical & Engineering News, February 26, 2001, Jean-Francois Tremblay, "A Look at China Today," p. 52. China Quarterly, March, 1997, Frederick C. Teiwes, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 212; September, 2002, Thomas P. Bernstein, review of The Chinese, p. 744. Christian Science Monitor, August 11, 1997, Ann Scott Tyson, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 15. Economist, October 19, 1996, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 8; June 11, 2005, review of Rogue Regime, p. 82. Far Eastern Economic Review, August 20, 1992, Alan Sanders, review of The Lost Country, p. 30; August 15, 1996, Margaret Scott, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 54; July-August, 2005, David C. Kang, review of Rogue Regime, p. 66. Foreign Affairs, September, 2001, review of The Chinese, p. 174. Geographical, October, 2005, Victoria James, review of Rogue Regime, p. 86. Geographical Journal, July, 1998, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 233. Globe & Mail, August 20, 2005, Carl Senna, review of Rogue Regime, p. 9. Guardian Weekly, July 12, 1992, review of The Lost Country, p. 28. Independent Review, winter, 2000, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 431. Journal of Asian Studies, February, 1998, Lee Feigon, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 181. Kirkus Reviews, November 15, 1996, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 1642; September 15, 2000, review of The Chinese, p. 1326; February 1, 2005, review of Rogue Regime, p. 158. Library Journal, January, 1997, Jack Shreve, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 117; November 15, 2000, Charles W. Hayford, review of The Chinese, p. 83. London Review of Books, July 18, 1996, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 3; December 15, 2005, Bruce Cummings, review of Rogue Regime, p. 11. Los Angeles Times, February 2, 1997, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 3; February 18, 2001, Jim Mann, review of The Chinese, p. 2; December 2, 2001, review of The Chinese, p. 19. Middle East, December, 1993, review of The Lost Country, p. 41. New Statesman, June 14, 1996, Caroline Moorehead, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 44. New Yorker, April 14, 1997, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 85; April 16, 2001, review of The Chinese, p. 18. New York Times, February 4, 1997, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 15; February 5, 1997, Richard Bernstein, "Horror of a Hidden Chinese Famine," p. C15. New York Times Book Review, February 16, 1997, Nicholas Eberstadt, "The Great Leap Backward," p. 6; June 1, 1997, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 39; December 7, 1997, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 70; August 9, 1998, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 28; December 6, 1998, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 97; August 7, 2005, Joshua Kurlantzick, review of Rogue Regime, p. 18. Population and Development Review, March, 1997, Alphonse L. MacDonald, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 186. Publishers Weekly, January 13, 1997, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 65; November 6, 2000, review of The Chinese, p. 78; February 21, 2005, review of Rogue Regime, p. 163. Spectator, June 29, 1996, Ian Buruma, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 33. Time International, February 21, 2005, Jasper Becker, "It's Time to Disengage with Kim Jong Il," p. 21; May 23, 2005, Austin Ramzy, review of Rogue Regime, p. 53. Times Higher Education Supplement, November 29, 1996, Carl Riskin, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 20; February 3, 2006, James Hoare, review of Rogue Regime, p. 24. Times Literary Supplement, July 10, 1992, Jeremy Swift, review of The Lost Country, p. 11; October 25, 1996, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. 3; December 22, 2000, Julia Lovell, review of The Chinese, p. 27. Tribune Books (Chicago, IL), August 25, 2002, review of The Chinese, p. 6. Wall Street Journal, February 7, 1997, Paul G. Pickowicz, review of Hungry Ghosts, p. A16. Wilson Quarterly, winter, 2001, Jonathan Mirsky, review of The Chinese, p. 139. 'Rogue Regime': A Marxist Sun King. ROGUE REGIME Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea. By Jasper Becker. Illustrated. 300 pp. Oxford University Press. $28. IS there a modern world leader as poorly understood as Kim Jong Il? Selig Harrison, a North Korea expert who has traveled to Pyongyang numerous times, regards Kim as a kind of Asian Gorbachev, a man pushing "reform by stealth." For President Bush, by contrast, the North Korean leader is a "pygmy," a mindless, brutal leader: since 2001 the White House has until recently essentially refused to engage in bilateral talks with North Korea. In "Rogue Regime: Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea," the veteran Asia correspondent Jasper Becker makes a powerful case for defining Kim once and for all -- not as an ordinary, if nuclear-tipped, dictator, but as an extraordinarily skillful tyrant presiding over the worst man-made catastrophe in modern history, worse than Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge or the Soviet Union in the 1930's. Becker cannot report from inside North Korea, and he is not a nuclear expert. Instead, relying on extensive interviews with North Korean exiles, he offers a highly readable narrative that unearths Kim's history, probes his decision-making style and details the grotesque consequences of those decisions. His book is a subtle plea to the world to expand its focus beyond the -- admittedly important -- nuclear issue to the vast humanitarian catastrophe unfolding under Kim Jong Il's gaze. Becker traces Kim's destructive behavior to the early days of the world's only Communist dynasty. The regime was founded on lies, with Kim Il Sung, the father of the present ruler, destroying all evidence of Soviet participation in his rise to power and brainwashing Koreans far more extensively than other Communist nations brainwashed their citizens. In 1963, a Soviet diplomat in the North called Kim Il Sung's rule a "political gestapo." At least Kim Il Sung enjoyed some respect within his country for his role as the founder of the North. He also faced some checks, admittedly limited, on his power: unlike Kim Jong Il, he held regular meetings of cadres. But after his father's death in 1994, Kim Jong Il transformed North Korea from an odious totalitarian regime into something actually worse, "a Marxist Sun King" state that was ready to oversee an unparalleled orgy of extravagance and absolutism. Details of that extravagance are drawn from Kim's former lackeys. "For all the immense privileges enjoyed by . . . those who ruled the Soviet Union and China, they did not aspire to a live a life completely alien to their countrymen," Becker writes. "They did not show signs of a consuming desire to emulate the tastes of a jet-set billionaire." Kim does -- and he has built a stable of 100 imported limousines, as well as an entourage of women who are trained in "pleasure groups" to service the leader sexually. Kim imports professional wrestlers from the United States, at a cost of $15 million, to entertain him. And when he decided to build a film industry, he did what Hollywood studio heads could only dream about -- kidnapped foreign directors and actors and forced them to work for him. His wine cellars contain more than 10,000 French bottles. He flies in chefs from Italy to prepare pizza. Meanwhile, his people scrounge for edible roots. Hunger had been a problem under Kim Il Sung. But under Kim Jong Il, Becker writes, it became possibly "the most devastating famine in history," with death rates approaching 15 percent of the population, surpassing "any comparable disaster in the 20th century," even China's under Mao. (One of Becker's previous books was about the famine in China in the late 1950's and early 60's.) By some estimates, over three million North Koreans have died, more victims than in Pol Pot's Cambodia, and international agencies are warning that this year may bring particularly serious hunger. To survive has required tenacity. Koreans are reported even to have murdered children and mixed their flesh with pork to eat. When I have encountered North Korean refugees in Asia, they look barely human -- stunted figures with sallow, terrified faces. Some North Koreans have tried to grow their own food, potentially a sign of independent thinking. But for years Kim had them stopped, though he has begun to open the economy slightly in the past three years. Those who protested were sent to an extensive gulag system, which may have resulted in the deaths of one million people. In this internal slave state, Becker suggests, tests of chemical weapons are carried out on prisoners, and pregnant women whose children were tainted with foreign blood have been forced to have abortions. Kim Jong Il has "resisted adopting every policy that could have brought the misery to a quick end," Becker says, making "the suffering he inflicted on an entire people an unparalleled and monstrous crime." Despite the famine, and despite some intelligence assessments that his regime was about to collapse, Kim Jong Il has survived in power for over a decade. Becker is strongest in laying blame, accusing the international community of tacitly acquiescing in Kim's charnel house. United Nations agencies that are supposed to monitor the humanitarian crisis in North Korea have averted their gaze, refusing to confront a host government. They have declined to call the North's hunger a famine, and allowed Pyongyang to control food aid, all but assuring that it would be channeled to Kim's associates. In South Korea, where much of the population does not remember the Korean War, successive governments have shamefully hindered North Korean refugees from fleeing, meanwhile funneling hundreds of millions of dollars to the North. The Clinton administration also provided assistance to Kim, while making human rights a low priority. Kim Jong Il "obtained enough foreign aid" from the United States and South Korea "to continue food and goods distribution and maintain the loyalty of core followers," Becker writes. On the other hand, by often refusing even to deal directly with the North Korea issue and simply hoping for Pyongyang's collapse, the Bush administration has failed to make any headway at all. Yet after convincingly demonstrating why North Korean human rights should be as much an issue as North Korean nukes, Becker has only limited policy suggestions to offer readers. He recognizes that removing the Dear Leader by force would be almost impossible -- his first chapter contains a detailed war game illustrating the capabilities of Kim's weaponry. But he also understands that "when the North Korean crisis is defined as being just about proliferation or restoring the economy, Kim Jong Il has already won," that any strategy for dealing with Kim Jong Il must try to improve the lives of average North Koreans. Becker does suggest pushing the United Nations to rethink how it handles states that terrorize their people. But there are other options as well. The United States could step up containment to try to ensure that North Korea can't sell its weapons to terrorists; and it could make better use of its bully pulpit, highlighting the North's concentration camps and pressing the South Koreans to open their borders more to North Korean refugees. The Bush administration's upcoming appointment of a special envoy for North Korean human rights is a good start. The United Nations could make greater efforts to gain access to Korean concentration camps, employing Korean speakers to ferret out information. At the same time American diplomats could work harder to persuade South Korea and China that a breakdown of Kim's regime would not necessarily cause chaos, indeed, might actually result in greater stability on their borders. For the present, however, Kim Jong Il will remain happily misunderstood. Joshua Kurlantzick is a special correspondent for The New Republic and a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Rogue Regime. What happens when a dictator wins absolute power and isolates a nation from the outside world? In a nightmare of political theory stretched to madness and come to life, North Korea's Kim Jong Il made himself into a living god, surrounded by lies and flattery and beyond criticism. As over two million of his subjects starved to death, Kim Jong Il roamed between palaces staffed by beautiful girls and stocked with expensive international delicacies. Outside, the steel mills shut down, the trains stopped running, the power went out, and the hospitals ran out of medicine. When the population threatened to revolt, Kim imposed a reign of terror, deceived the United Nations, and plundered the country's dwindling resources to become a nuclear power. Now this tiny bankrupt nation is using her nuclear capability to blackmail the United States. Veteran correspondent Jasper Becker takes us inside one of the most secretive countries in the world, exposing the internal chaos, blind faith, rampant corruption, and terrifying cruelty of its rulers. Becker details the vain efforts to change North Korea by actors inside and outside the country and the dangers this highly volatile country continues to pose. This unique land, ruled by one family's megalomania and paranoia, seems destined to survive and linger on, a menace to its own people and to the rest of the world. But should the nations of the world allow this regime to survive? That's the question with which this book concludes. What to Do About a Country That Has a Nuclear Threat and No Use for Rules. Rogue Regime Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea By Jasper Becker Illustrated. 300 pages. Oxford University Press. $28. "Rogue Regime" begins, appropriately enough, with a nightmare. Dozens of American stealth bombers fly over North Korea and bomb the Yongbyon nuclear reactor, the half-finished nuclear reactor at Taechong and chemical factories across the country. By striking quickly and accurately, United States commanders hope to neutralize a Korean nuclear counterattack, but if it should come, a submarine lurking offshore in the Yellow Sea will respond instantly with a barrage of nuclear-tipped missiles. The catalyst for this fictional doomsday sequence is North Korea's decision to test a nuclear weapon, an event that may take place very shortly in the real, nonfictional world. This month, satellite photographs examined by White House and Pentagon officials seemed to suggest that North Korea was preparing to stage its first nuclear test. Not long after, Mohamed El Baradei, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, said that North Korea had probably already assembled a half-dozen nuclear weapons. In other words, Jasper Becker, a veteran foreign correspondent and the author of "Hungry Ghosts: Mao's Secret Famine," has come up with a very timely book. "Rogue Regime" is not for the faint-hearted. Mr. Becker takes an unblinking look at a dark regime that has made North Korea an international pariah, has elevated its rulers to the status of gods, and through torture and indoctrination reduced its subjects to virtual slaves, three million of whom, according to some estimates, perished during famines in the late 1980's. Mr. Becker puts it harshly: "North Korea can best be compared to a large concentration camp in which the guards and their Gestapo officers are able to live as before but the inmates are slowly being worked to death." His arguments might carry more weight if "Rogue State" were not such a slapdash production. It shows every sign of having been thrown together in haste, with a rash of dropped words and verbs that do not agree with their subjects. The same facts, arguments and anecdotes make multiple appearances. But if the history feels thin, the journalism is compelling. The facts almost defy belief. Years of malnutrition have produced a stunted people. The average North Korean is nearly eight inches shorter than his South Korean counterpart and weighs half as much. Under Kim Jong Il, the son of North Korea's first Communist leader, Kim Il Sung, the country's political prisons and re-education camps have multiplied, and now they contain as many as 300,000 prisoners, some arrested for crimes as petty as singing a South Korean pop song. Mr. Becker estimates that a million or more may have died in these camps under the two Kims. In a country with a population of about 22 million, the security ministries employ 300,000 full-time officers who enforce discipline on a citizenry grouped, by loyalty, into three classes (core, wavering and hostile) and about 50 subclasses. Food rations, housing and other privileges are doled out according to class rank. What little wealth the economy produces goes straight to the leadership and the military. When famine struck in the late 1980's, ordinary North Koreans were urged to make noodles out of bark, seaweed and corncobs. Meanwhile, Kim Jong Il, "possibly the last fat man left in his country," enjoyed his 100 limousines and multiple palaces, staffed by 2,000 doctors, nurses, cooks, dancing troupes and other essential personnel. From its inception, North Korea has presented, to put it mildly, a diplomatic challenge. The Kim dynasty, whose paranoid, ultranationalist outlook is backed by an enormous military machine, has held fast to the principles that Korea must be reunited and ruled by the North, and that no foreigner will ever dictate terms. In his later chapters, Mr. Becker goes over the recent history of diplomatic initiatives, and finds a common theme. Again and again, North Korea has encouraged overtures by hostile powers, either by implying that it might behave less aggressively and liberalize its economy, or by playing the military card, as it is doing now. After securing loans, food or industrial investment, it has pocketed its gains and reneged on its agreements. Often, the North Koreans have redefined the word chutzpah, brazenly violating agreements and then demanding payment to desist. In August 1998, when American intelligence discovered that a large underground facility, capable of housing a nuclear reactor or reprocessing plant, was being built at Kumchangri, officials demanded an inspection, as called for under a 1994 agreement known as the Agreed Framework. The North Koreans agreed only after being promised 600,000 tons of food aid. Mr. Becker has nothing but contempt for the so-called Sunshine Policy pursued by Kim Dae Jung of South Korea, which urged a nonaggressive, open-handed approach to North Korea, holding out the carrot of investment that would lead to the creation of export-oriented industries, which in turn would bring about deeper social and political change. One of the more bizarre results of this policy was the auto factory built in Nampo by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church. North Korea simply took delivery of the first 7,000 cars and never paid for them. The factory closed soon after. Diplomats have scurried back and forth between constructive engagement, often indistinguishable from bribery, and punishment that would isolate the regime. As Mr. Becker points out, their task has been complicated by their inability to fathom the man they are dealing with, Kim Jong Il, who is, as described by Mr. Becker, either evil but rational, evil and irrational, or a closet reformer struggling to break loose from the control of hard- liners. Mr. Becker votes for a blend of the first two, which means that right now North Korea is, once again, bluffing, or is not, and is prepared to let fly with nuclear missiles if cornered. This is not consoling. Mr. Becker also argues for giving up on the United Nations as a means of bringing North Korea back within the international fold, and instead creating, along lines proposed by Tony Blair, "a new framework in international law" to deal with rogue states and "a method to enforce these laws through the legitimate use of military force." Rogue Regime : Kim Jong il and the Looming Threat of North Korea by Jasper Becker (2006, Trade Paperback) С самой низкой ценой, совершенно новый, неиспользованный, неоткрытый, неповрежденный товар в оригинальной упаковке (если товар поставляется в упаковке). Упаковка должна быть такой же, как упаковка этого товара в розничных магазинах, за исключением тех случаев, когда товар является изделием ручной работы или был упакован производителем в упаковку не для розничной продажи, например в коробку без маркировки или в пластиковый пакет. См. подробные сведения с дополнительным описанием товара.