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This Lady's Not for Turning: Muddle, Indecision, and Drift

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This Lady's Not for Turning: Muddle, Indecision, and Drift 8 June 1984 Marxism Today THE CONSERVATIVES enjoyed a great Could Thatcherism have run out of steam? On the contrary, it could have electoral triumph in 1983 but its aftermath acquired a new momentum. But it faces formidable obstacles. was not so sweet. A succession of misfor­ tunes and mistakes have engulfed the Government. Many incidents like the Prime Minister's eye operation or Mark Andrew Gamble Thatcher's Oman contract were trivial in themselves but the way in which they were handled helped create an atmosphere of This Lady's Not for Turning: muddle, indecision, and drift. The greatest single embarrassment the party suffered was the resignation of Cecil Par­ Thatcherism Mark III kinson from the Government in Septem­ ber. This seemed to symbolise the Govern­ changes they sought. In June 1983 they sus on race, law and order, and the family. ment's malaise. Parkinson had emerged as had secured their second term, breaking There are important tensions between one of Thatcher's key ministers and sup­ with the cycle of economic and political these two strands, but it is precisely what porters and was expected to rise high in the failure established since 1959. Their vic­ makes Thatcherism an indispensable con­ new government, perhaps even emerging tory had been aided by the fragmentation cept for analysing recent British politics as Thatcher's eventual successor. of the opposition and had occurred after that so far they have been successfully The epidemic of banana skins has re­ the British economy had suffered its reconciled through the political strategy ceived much comment. Does it mean that deepest postwar slump, and while official and practice of the present Conservative the Government is losing its sense of unemployment still stood above three mil­ leadership, and British politics is being direction and purpose, drifting into the lion. The opportunity for a determined transformed as a result. In the last four kind of inertia and immobility that pre­ government to influence the restructuring years Britain has been moving both to­ vents it responding either wisely or well to not merely of the British economy but of wards a freer, more competitive, more events? Radical Thatcherism, some have British politics and British society open economy and towards a more repres­ suggested, is now dead, killed off by the appeared greater than at any time since the sive, more authoritarian state. very size of the parliamentary majority 1940s. The politics of these two movements are which the Conservatives won in June 1983. complex, sometimes complimentary, The Government, it is argued, is gradually The two strands sometimes contradictory, but what unites becoming a more familiar kind of Con­ The New Right has not been slow to grasp them is the extent to which both depend on servative Government, content to grapple the historic opportunity with which they the success of Thatcherism in transform­ with problems of administration rather have been presented, and which they have ing what is politically possible. The con­ than seeking to change institutions, agen­ worked so hard to earn. They sense that straints which the Keynesian consensus on das, and constraints. the times have never been more favourable economic management, and the liberal It would be remarkable were such a for throwing off the chains of social demo­ consensus on race and law and order, change to have taken place since exactly cracy and constructing a new social and imposed on policy-making and debates the opposite was so widely expected, parti­ economic order in Britain. Many think about policy have been successfully cularly by the Government's most fervent that the Government's chief task should be breached at several keypoints. The toler­ supporters. Victory in June 1983 gave the to assist the consolidation of the new social ance of mass unemployment and mass Thatcherites an unusual opportunity. market consensus on how the economy poverty, the scale of the privatisation prog­ They had always proclaimed the need for should be organised, while continuing to ramme, the extension of police powers and at least two terms in office to introduce the bolster the authoritarian populist consen­ surveillance techniques, the restriction of June 1984 Marxism Today 9 civil liberties mark some of the New more surprised than they at how long of the need to strengthen state powers to Right's greatest successes. radical Thatcherism has persisted. But police the social market economy against Yet remarkable as the gains of the New some began to see signs once more after those who seek to disrupt its working. This Right have been in reconstructing the field June 1983 that Thatcherism was ageing is a major step forward for the creation of a of debate in many areas of policy, few New and becoming blunted in its purpose. Far social market consensus, but it is qualified Right adherents are blind as to how much from a large parliamentary majority ensur­ because the SDP partners in the Alliance, remains to be done. The achievements of ing radical Thatcherism a further lease of the Liberals, remain much more collectiv- Thatcherism measured by policies and by life, it was said to have hastened its collapse ist in their orientation, particularly as specific acts of legislation is much less than by encouraging more open expression of regards the size and purposes of public its rhetoric would suggest. Its real achieve­ opposition within the Conservative Party expenditure. But the greatest danger to a ments have been ideological - shifting the to specific government policies. durable social market consensus still rests focus of political debate, and making a in the Labour Party. Either the Labour chain of future institutional and legislative The broader crusade Party must be brought to accept it, or the changes possible. For these achievements Yet perhaps the terms of this debate are Labour Party must never govern again. In to be consolidated, however, the Govern­ misconceived. The Thatcher government the first case this would mean the Labour ment needs to maintain the momentum of has to be distinguished from the New Party abandoning Clause IV; accepting the change. Otherwise the initiative could be Right, and Thatcherism as an ideology priority given to the control of inflation; lost, and the forces of opposition could from Thatcherism as a set of policies and renouncing protectionism whether in the reassert themselves. decisions. It is after all inconceivable that form of tariffs, quotas or subsidies to the New Right could be completely suc­ shield any sector of the British economy Cautious and calculating cessful in all their aims. No political force from the need to be internationally com­ It is this that makes the signs of govern­ ever is. But success is not to be measured petitive; and accepting a much smaller ment malaise so worrying to its supporters. by the actual achievement of all objectives, state sector, with lower taxation, selective Walter Goldsmith became apoplectic at but rather by the extent to which a signifi­ rather than universal welfare provision, as the beginning of the year about the Prime cant proportion of both the objectives and well as the permanent weakening of trade Minister's refusal to commit herself pub­ the priorities and the means to achieve union organisation and the institutions of licly to reducing taxes. Similarly for many them advanced by a particular group be­ popular sovereignty lessening their ability hardline Conservatives, the Government's come endorsed and shared by other groups to intervene in the outcomes of free mar­ failure to give a stronger lead in the debate within the society. The progress of collec- kets. to restore hanging and the hostility of the tivist and socialist ideas in social policy and No-one really expects the Labour Party Conservative hierarchy to Harvey Proc­ to a lesser extent in economic policy in this to head down this road, which means that tor's motion on immigration at the Black­ century is a striking example of this pro­ if a social market consensus is to be pool Conference, were dismaying. cess, and the New Right constantly refer to established the Labour Party must cease to There have always been many on the it in their writings. be a serious contender for government New Right in favour of bold decisive The real question to ask about Thatch­ office. Otherwise many of the measures of action to break the hold of social democra­ erism, therefore, is how far is it creating the Thatcher government, however long it cy on the economy and of the liberal this kind of broader consensus for its lasts, could at some stage be reversed. The establishment on social policy. The policies and objectives. This is perhaps the Thatcherites are not interested in political Thatcher leadership in spite of its reputa­ hardest question of all to answer about ping-pong. They want policies and priori­ tion has always been cautious and calculat­ contemporary British politics because the ties established that are irreversible, which ing. It has never made many pledges and battle is joined at many separate points so any future government is obliged to con­ has been very careful about the battles it that there is not one but many battles in tinue and dare not reverse, even if it has chosen to fight. The 1983 election progress and assessments of the overall wished to. Council house sales are a good manifesto made few concrete proposals picture are constantly changing. Electoral example. A Labour government might and committed the Government to do little contests and trends of electoral opinion, start building council houses again, but it in particular except govern. In its first the shifting fortunes of the political parties would never seek to repossess the houses term in office there were many examples of and the political leaders are only one that have been sold.
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