Texas Legislature, Austin, Texas, April 24, 1967

Home , Ben Barnes (politician), John Connally, Preston Smith (governor)

APRIL APRIL

AUSTIN, AUSTIN,

This This

wrote wrote

REMARKS REMARKS

TEXAS TEXAS

Texas Texas Of Of

And And

stand stand

the the

this this

who who

But But

that that

made. made.

The The

warm warm

very very

0. 0.

The The

when when

States. States.

privileged privileged

that that

I I

al'ltfays al'ltfays

the the Seriously, Seriously,

privilege privilege

Service Service

before before One One up up

Germany. Germany.

ago ago one one

is is

during during

pick pick

faithfully faithfully a a

respects respects I I

capitals capitals and and

them. them.

the the the the

them them

on on

image image

service service

just just

great great

am am

course, course,

Henry Henry

always always

Luci Luci

late late

wrote wrote

you you

I I

talking. talking.

House House

was was

postwar postwar

President President of of

President President

this this

grants grants

saluting saluting

Austin Austin

is is

experience experience

happy happy

pleased pleased

personal personal

up up

this this

grateful grateful

is, is,

our our to to

here here

STATE STATE

24, 24,

faces faces

don't don't

"The "The

she she

One One

have have You You

the the

Pat Pat

TEXAS TEXAS

OF OF

a a

don't don't

American American

while while

the the

men men

of of

this this

Governor Governor to

whenever whenever

He He

and and

youth youth

month month

of of

1967 1967

very very

the the

a a

has has

in in

I I

century century

-~ -~

VICE VICE

Eyes Eyes

and and

I I

of of

Nugent Nugent

weren't weren't

his his

to to

two two

next next

duties duties

can can

study study

it it

LEGISLATURE LEGISLATURE

was was

mind mind

world world

wise wise

know know

our our

surprise surprise

surprise, surprise,

our our

are are

is is

have have

week's week's

I I

Congress Congress

today today

the the

to to

need need

your your

hold hold

0. 0.

be be

greetings greetings

and and

throughout throughout

I I

also also

in in

rare rare

look look

sometimes sometimes

had had

on on

country country

of of

-- --

: :

expect expect

a a

PRESIDENT PRESIDENT

of of

so so

nation nation once once

was was

friendly friendly

few few getting getting

come come

Henry Henry

Washington Washington

telling telling

Pres

you you

and and

privilege privilege

life life

in in

Connally. Connally.

had had

was was

you you

we'll we'll

former former of of

the the

a a the the

and and

Texas Texas

rare rare

to to

much much

fellow fellow

to to

asked asked

ready ready

. .

out out

experience experience

Texas Texas

months. months.

here. here.

sad sad

grants grants

the the

strong strong

to to

Spock. Spock.

a a

endings endings

join join

worry. worry.

considerable considerable

John John

young, young, dent dent

too. too.

First First

bring bring

and and

great great

them them

are. are.

of of

I I

Vice Vice

stories stories

man man

and and

to to

over over

is is

will will

rr rr

mission mission

from from both both

this this in in

circles circles

you: you:

home home

me me

allies. allies.

this this

Chancellor Chancellor

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HUBERT HUBERT

had had

Texans Texans

I I

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FOR FOR

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public public

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Texas, Texas,

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me me

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the the

RELEASE: RELEASE:

the the

was was

won't won't

No. No.

under under

personally personally

today today

H. H.

William William

Garner

in in

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would would

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President President

fine fine

in in

the the

APRIL APRIL

point point

to to

office office

mail mail

Believe Believe

and and more more

stop stop

in in

me me

practice practice

may may

who who

men men

began began

members members

HUMPHREY HUMPHREY

mind. mind.

feeling feeling

Texas Texas

what what

my my

0. 0.

Konrad Konrad

still still

2. 2.

serve serve

as as

grieving grieving

great great

time, time,

he he

be be

their their to to

but but

asked asked

is is

chamber. chamber.

so so

fine fine

be be

Henry Henry

As As

Austin Austin

served served

of of

there, there, speeches, speeches,

of of

in in

stop stop

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24, 24,

Speaker Speaker

has has

to to

I I

Sidney Sidney

pay pay

observed observed

much much

the the

to to

a a

I I

MONDAY MONDAY

me me

you you

in in

me; me;

our our

her her

tying tying

on on

sometime sometime

freedom. freedom.

common common

But But

am am

faithfully faithfully

wonderful wonderful

Adenauer Adenauer

moving moving

statesmen statesmen

of of

could could

1967 1967

Texas Texas

be be

looking looking

that that

I I

already already

visit visit

me me

eyes, eyes,

by by

for for

public public

this this

stories stories

the the

our our

now now

am am

Republic: Republic:

we we

so so longer longer

Secret Secret

John, John, the the

the the

realize, realize,

six six

the the

what what

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HEW HEW

to to

Here, Here,

of of

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around around

PM's PM's

whoev

doing doing

it. it.

the the

than than

are are

last last

side side

deliver deliver

faces. faces.

morning morning

Legislature Legislature

United United

years years

that that

the the

death death

staying staying

check check

and and

to to

makes makes

into into

been been

but but

of of

end end

in in

er er -

Americans. Americans.

words words

You You

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went went

who who

permit permit

In In Wilson Wilson

Veterans Veterans

tragic tragic

Attorneys Attorneys warred warred

On On

With With

It It

Speaker Speaker

Why, Why, remind remind

of of

Aprils Aprils

been been Texas Texas

But But

Here Here and and

would would

at at

House. House. years years

are are

processes processes

that that

clouds clouds the the

achieve achieve now now

Fifty Fifty influence influence came came

express express Far Far

of of

the the Certainly, Certainly,

you, you,

people, people, the the

service service

that that

Congress. Congress.

"It "It

often often

In In

in in

Congress, Congress,

season season

certain~y certain~y

came came

was, was,

recounting recounting

Texas Texas

how how

occasion, occasion,

our our

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who who

Appropriations, Appropriations,

Pacific, Pacific,

presided presided

other, other,

selfless selfless

on on

inheritors inheritors

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of of

moment moment

home home

would would

with with

held held on on

nature nature young young

to to

right right

in in

Lyndon Lyndon

hills. hills.

before, before,

been--as been--as

years years

get get

you you

nation's nation's

had had

later later

themselves themselves

events events

April, April,

difficult difficult

that that

of of

long long

against against

to to

firs~ firs~

for for

it it

to to

positions positions

who'ever who'ever

regret regret

of of

serve serve

indeed, indeed,

these these

speak speak

have have

Affairs Affairs

war war

with with

for for

not not

down. down.

General, General,

from from

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sitting sitting

only only

show show

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preside preside

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the the

now now

For For

three three

I I us us

light light

elected elected

Congressman Congressman

of of

April April

at at

record record

course course

ago, ago,

Johnson Johnson

that that

devotion devotion

World World

over over

I I

am am

than than

and and

in in

this, this,

that that

here here

good good

while while

darkened darkened

course, course,

he he

been been

1941, 1941,

before before

chambers chambers

and and

ours ours

House House

have have

of of

-- another another

two two

those those

poverty. poverty.

me me

his his

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the the

in in

the the

far, far,

affairs affairs

sympathetic. sympathetic.

they they

for for

Texans Texans

had had

Since Since

the the

to to

it it

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our our

we we

to to

young young

this this

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quietly quietly

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day day

to to

Congress, Congress,

for for

by by

were were

where where

Vice Vice

longer longer

still still

War. War.

ugliest. ugliest.

only only

poet poet

to to

like like

of of

loveliest, loveliest,

elected elected

young young

is is

I I

heard heard

proud proud

Agriculture, Agriculture,

when when

place place

Minnesota, Minnesota,

is is

I I

spoke spoke

believe. believe.

think. think.

far far

in in

Administration Administration

influence influence

nation nation

darkness darkness

the the are, are,

four four

this this followed followed

take take

was was

do do

to to

-2-

history, history,

-- am am

the the

represent represent

not not

Texas Texas

message. message.

over over for for

1930, 1930,

had had

Washington, Washington,

so so

Presidents. Presidents.

Con*ressman Con*ressman

that, that,

two two

in in

once once

not not

later later

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radiates radiates

San San

There There

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the the

desk desk

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in in

than than

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and and Congressman Congressman

legacy legacy

years years

now now

world world some some

the the

away away

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legislature. legislature.

the the

then then

Mr. Mr.

soon soon

his his

anyone anyone

President President

young young

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Texans Texans

had had

Europe Europe

Speakers Speakers

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this this

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public public

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Texans Texans

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have have

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need need

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it--the it--the

job. job.

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father father

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Rayburn. Rayburn.

other other

had had

come come

and and

holding holding

member, member,

restraint, restraint,

are are

ever ever

as as

many many

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told told

public public

good. good.

the the

and and

month month

been been

Committees Committees

repeat repeat

Day Day

· ·

homes homes

men men

Only Only

father. father.

of of

district district

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in in

was was

not not

Speaker Speaker

man man

had had

national national

of of

often often

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American American

the the

gathered gathered

worked. worked.

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Texas Texas

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string string

all all

since since

effort effort

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into into

American American

Americans Americans

his his

both both

my my

of of

the the

and and

other other

into into

cruelest cruelest

was was

Lyndon Lyndon

whose whose

here, here,

recite recite

two two

of of

only only

of of

message message

nor nor

leadership leadership

of of

Texas Texas

conduct conduct

but but

I'll I'll

now now

1941 1941

national national

state state

acquaintance acquaintance

that that

I I

chosen chosen

chairmen chairmen

Legislature: Legislature:

April April

Texas Texas

those those

the the

from from

legislative legislative

aurrency, aurrency,

then then

Woodrow Woodrow

and and

these these

Only Only

public public

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in in

need need

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as as

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of of

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tell tell

Johnson. Johnson.

the the

thinking thinking

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down down

time. time.

course-

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Texas Texas

harness harness

as as

born born

to to

month. month.

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Vietnam Vietnam

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have have

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should should

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design design

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have have

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world world

better better

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peoples peoples

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all all

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Punta Punta

and and

all all

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foundation foundation

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years. years.

has has

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enemies. enemies.

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sometimes sometimes the the

in in

Asia Asia

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But But

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kind kind

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years years

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back back

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now, now,

their their and and

President President

between between

our our

changed. changed.

precisely precisely

not not

two two

precepts precepts

doctrine doctrine

those those and and

problems problems

other other

1967 1967

the the

del del

the the

they they

of of

so-called so-called

chosen chosen

world. world.

the the

chose chose

Conference Conference

a a

of of

message message

defenders defenders

the the

of of

land land

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world world

through through

that that

pay pay

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doctrines, doctrines,

the the

spread spread

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old old

ago ago

:Este, :Este,

price price

leaders leaders

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these these

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Republics Republics

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world world

is is

choosing choosing

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should should

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confidently confidently

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prospects prospects

leaders leaders

to to

is is

struggle struggle

patterns: patterns:

not not

we we

nor nor

brought brought

that that

Johnson Johnson

that that

the the

of of

......

never never

the the

past past

nation nation

of of

should should

-3-

wage wage

national national

for for

aggression, aggression,

a a

as as

old old

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is is

world world

both both

history history

price price

could could and and

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point point

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1941. 1941.

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in in rich rich REMARKS VICE PRES I DENT HUBERT HUMPHREY TEXAS STATE LEGISLATURE v~.;.....~-----

to stand here and look out over all these fine Texas faces.

J.... Of course I have had considerable practice 1 looking into Texas faces ]-sometimes, I get the feeling that whatever

wrote "The Eyes of Texas" had me in mind!~ut what

makes this experience so rare is that, this time, I am ...... ,...... _:- doing the talking. I ~And I do;.; mind telling you: You may be in for it. ~ J....~ utp;;.ds:: 11 Aeed fe wen y. I II@ POll it lias al ~uti¥ ~e.~ne of your fellow Texans reminded me this j morning that Austin was once the home of William Sidney .;,.-- Porter who wrote the 0. Henry stories -- and he observed ~--- that 0. Henry and I had much in common: -2-

0. Henry's stories always have surprise endings and in my speeche;. the end is always a surprise too.! 1 L I am happy to be in Texas once again. As you realize, one of the duties of a Vice President is to visit the capitals of our friendly allieJL Believe me, we are very grateful in Washington to have Texas on our side --that is_, .., whenever you ;re./.J ~ Z.. I am pleased today to bring to the members of the

Legislature warm personal greetings from the Presid~n~ lua 1 of the United States.,~ is on a 1ill missio'A~~ today to pay " the last respects of our nation to one of the great states men ~ in the postwar world --a man who visited Austin six years ago this month --former Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.. of Germany-b. know you join with me in grieving the A Iii~ ~ .. ,,.,., ,- and saluting-- the -I ife of this stalwar of freedom ... -3-

rants weren t ready --

~·'is a privilege --a personally moving privilege --to come to this historic chamber I Here, when - ~t=- this century was young} there began the public service of~ of the great public men of our Republic: -4-

LOne was the wise and strong leader who served so faithfully his country and --his party as Speaker of the House in Congress and went on to serve faithfully a great Amerjk2n I ~res~ent in the office I am now privileged to hold -- J~hn [ ~ Nance Garner. : Z\ T!!e ot;er, of course, was th~mmgn American who presided over this Texas House as Speaker and went on to preside longer than any other American as Speaker of th; Hou:;, in Washington) a man whose influence for good still radiates over the conduct of our nation's affairs--

Mr. Sam Rayburn.

L You who serve here where these great men b~h se~ed -- - are inheritors of a proud legacy of public leadership and selfless devotion to the pub I ic good. ~ ?7 a~ -5- ~ ,

/ rt"' On occasion} I have heard some Texans of my acquaintan e express :egret ( quietly and with restraint, ot Cf!:;rsi}- at how difficult it is for anyone from your- state to achieve positions of influence at the nationallevel6~ertainly, I am sympathetic. l Why) ever since Woodrow Wilson had three 4 • Texans in his Cabinet, Texas has been held a o ) drmn~ince 1930, you have had only two Attorneys General, only .....two Sp!?kerj of the national Congress, only two Vice Presidents,

/ Only two men born in Texas have been elected President in

aII that time. Why, right now in Congress, Texans are only

chairmen of the Appropriations, Agriculture, Banking.and

Currency, Veterans Affairs and Administration Committees of

the House./

--r;ar ~e it from me to take away anything from Texas -

certainly not while I am in this job. But 1111 tell you, with

a record like that, I wish some of those people, whoever they ar , that are holding Texas down would~!,!- iR for Min.Desota, too. =-6-y--= LIn the long course of histor~l this ~onth of _April ~ has often been --as the poet once put it-- the cruelest ~th.,With nature at her loveliest, man has often chosen

--this season to show his ugliest.

I Fifty years ago, our nation was brought into the ~ ~~ conflict of the first World WarLThere have been other anxious Aprils for us and for the world since. But I am thinking now of April, 1941, when a young Congressman from Texas came to speak before this legislature1l ~ L Here in these chambers -- not as a member, but as a boy -- that young Congressman had -first learned the legislative p~~esse~ sitting by the desk of his fathe~L.Only ~~ years beforj he had followed his father into public service -: elected to re~esent this ~~ngressJ~e~ four years he had worke~ He had warred against povertY.( He - -__.,. - ---· had led the effort to harness the Colorado and to place the- ~s and string the wires that would light the darkness in the homes ofth;;e.Texas hills~ RPfl- -7- ~ rAA.-~

Lsut on that April day -- San Jacinto-;;; of 1941- he came home with another message.(standing h!n} as the clouds of war darkened over Europe and gathered over the

Pacific' that young Congressman told this Legislature: . "It is later than we think." ¥~ ~ ~ ~ 1/-- L It~, indeed,~r, f!!" l~r than many Americans would permit themselves to believe! I need not recite the tragic events that were so soon to come -- nor need I remind you that the young Congressman was lyndon Johnson. • J.. In recounting this, I do not come to repeat now those words Lyndon Johnson spoke then --for the message of this moment of ours is not the same as it was then for Americans.- L The world of 1967 is not the same as the world of 1941. - ~ -8-

And that is precisely the point I believe needs to be far better understood: both by our own people and by others in the world.

Twenty-six years ago ... fifty and one hundred years ago -- and back through history -- peace has always had- its enem!,i.s.~ut never has peace had its lasting protectors and defenders -- never, until now in these postwar years. 0 ~ secon::-rld War brought h~e to all mankind - if not to all their leaders --the inescapable fact that we could not again pay the price of major war.I.J!. brought home the lesson that we- could- --and must -- be always ready to pay the price for peace. -

LOn the foundation of that decision a new world has come 1 into being-- a world of new values, new relations, new aspi-- rat)!)..n-L It is a world that renders o~ete the old _ dogmas- of world dominion by the use of force. -9-

/_;.:: Vietnam no~ the struggle is essentially a struggle not between two doctrines, not between two cultures, not at 4 • all between East- and West but, rather, a struggle between these old values and new. = 8 L.. And I say that it is the new world a-making --the new world with which this nation stands --that will prevail. J

We have in our land many problems to be faced but

I have heard President Johnson say, over and over, that for all the problems that beset his officj he would rather face those which come to him than those which come to any other leader of any other government on earth.

I think sometimes this is the perspective in which we

should think of the prospects and choices facing the men who - have chosen to wage aggression in Vietnam. L In the design of their aggressio'} they have followed the tr~ditional precepts of their dosma. They have followed a

design which in the past seemed to be a formula for success. -10-

J But they should -- and must -- recognize that times have . .

•chang~. ~Their war of so-called national liberation against

South Vietnam has not spread as their dogma tells them

it should. ===z;epeoples . : _ and the leaders of Asia are- not turning toward that doctrine nor are they bowing before it.

At the Manila Conference a few months past, the

leade rs of a new Asia chose confidently and courageously to a r cast thei;lot with the free world of the future./ ------~------c f._ And at Punta del Este, just two weeks ago, there - :- was again that same kind of choosing --that same kind of

confidence -- manifested by the Republics of this hemisphere} ...... b f I believe this message should now be clear to those who would follow the old patterns: It is later than they think. / j ' , -11-

]J n barely the span of a generation) a new world has been brought to being and we ourselvesJ in Americp, need to understand this------better than we do.-· I L In this world of the 1960's, unlike the world ~) · · W :I! Aiffi£ij;i'P of humankind govern themselves for the first ti me.0 In these 1960's, unlike the world before, men and nations are meeting togethe ), pi ann i ng togethe ~ wo rking together on peaceful pursuits for the betterment of life on all this earth.

~ Never_..., before in all the years man has lived on this earth has- there been such a great commitment of resources to education, to agriculture, to the feeding of the hungry and the.. housing of the QOor, to the creation of useful employment and to the elimination of debi I itati ng disease. And we mean to do more. 1 .... - -12-

Yes, my fellow countrymen, this is a new world --

~ and it is in being in very large measure because one nation,

built by the blood of many diverse streams of ma!:J has

committed its strength to the role no nation ever before

undertook: The role of seeking peace for mankind.- ~~ ~at nation is your nation --the United States •

of America . • • ~ And you can be proud today -- prouder than ever

before --to be Americans.

Ibis is z p1i11t I nniillo ::ml& lSLM;. LThe role America is occupying in the world today is 4f'?C.C

~destined for it inevitably by the very composition of . ---- ~ur populace0r more than 100 years , there came to these

shores- men and women who were willing to sacrifice hearthsid'l

family, heritage and possessions in search of peace. ::::::::=---- e--- w~ f"-~ kA4 ~., ~- ~ ~~ -13-

Here in central Texas --as much as any place in L~ ...... America --you received those great waves of settlers from

q,e£maljl and Polan.Q. and Czechoslovakia and Sweden --from

Lebanon and Greece and Italy...,. --from all the lands of the Old World.{. Whatever their origins_,I they shared in common , , a hatred of war and___ a____ love of peace. , And those beliefs have

become a part of the heart of America --and of the policies

the Ameri~n ~overnment has pursued under all our leaders/ -== . j i There is no greater American commitment than the commitment to peace.

}_]he strength of America is committed firmly in Vietnam

to protect the peace and to prevent the success of aggression. J . - . ' ~ have been known, through my public life, as a liberal.

~t would be a betrayal of American liberalism~! r ica itself to betray the hopes and confidences our strength has -14-

kindled among the peoples of the poverty-stricken, emerging two-thirds of thi • The impulse that has propelled this nation tow_9rd greatness is that generousR'Qf.-responsible and

compassionate liberalism that marked the service of the

young Congressman who spoke here twenty-six years ago.

Yes, we have at home great moral responsibilities

to fight for equal opportunity for all ( as you are fighting

for · -::.equal opportunity for Negro Americans and Mexican

Americans) ... to break the shackles of poverty ... to combat

crime and stead the even scales of ·ustice. ~t what would be the morality of a nation which

devoted its riches only to itsel~ or regarded freedom in one

part of the world as less precious than in anotherT 2-.. The worl; today is ~at the same as a generation ago.

Nor is this the same America. -15-

J.... Ou~ challen!m/ as well as our opportunitie7 are of a new order of magnitude ... a new order of complexity ... above all, a new order of promise. •I

j.rhe old rhetoric, t!}e old slosans, the old vocabu~_0es of the

past do not serve us now. • ( We~ and ~e must lay aside the rhetoric of division -

..,f wo~an against manage men) of labor against capital and

capital against farmerr of haves and ~ave-nots, of ~sand

re~ns and r£gioJJs.b!J.ese divisions, kept a_.u: within our

politics, do not serve this society in which we see these

fading every day• -" di;si~s fJ't\\~}~f~~·~,w· -..~~ b.he great tradition of the public men of this great 1/J..

state --the tradition of the Garners and the Rayburns and ! - the Lyndon John sons -- is a tradition of channeling diversity

into progress. 11 The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today. Let us move forward with a strong and active faith." I Franklin D. Roosevelt -16-

~~ Tex: -- part East, part West, part No th, pa rt South, rich in the..... past and richer in the future --occupies a role unique in our nation.

LIt is your opportunity as Texans to lead, by your ' y exampl1, toward the creative and constructive relationship

with the national government that will give America the strength she shall need for the tasks ahead in the last third of this century. ,._ i Th i rty years ago, Fr~ kli n De Ia no Roo seve It, with

John Garner at his sid~ turned this nation toward a new course of hope and opportunity for all its citizens.1 " ~ We have moved forward on that course. ~nd w~ ar.~ ~ _I succeeding. - d 'lUlU~ 1 ~,:Z. 4: "]. Now, we face an even greater task. 'W::~==...... - Wherever we serve --courthouse, statehouse,~ ~ White House -- we who serve the American people know today that we do not serve this land alone. -17-

1For noj as when our Republic begaf) the ca.use of America is, as Tom Paine put it, the cause of all mankind .

..:::::z:;ere ~ce has its enemie7 we shall meet them and we shall prevail. --- - . ==-- - ( Where hope flowers among me'/ we shall shelter it and tend- it and encourage it._, so that mankind shall stand to his full height and know the dignity and the freedom intended for him by his Maker 4)

Thomas Wolfe Quote

"To every man regardless of his birth, his \ shining golden opportunity - to every man the right to live, to work, to be himself and to become whatever thing his manhood and his vision can combine to make him - This is the promise of America." L ADDRESS VICE PRESIDENT HUBERT H. HUMPHREY JOINT SESSION OF THE TEXAS LEGISLATURE AUSTIN, TEXAS APRIL 24,1967

[GAVEL] LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR PRESTON SMITH: The Senate will come to order. A quorum is present. [GAVEL] SPEAKER BEN BARNES: The House will please come to order. All members present will please register. [GAVEL] A quorum is present. To introduce our very distinguished speaker today, it is my very high honor to present to you this morning, the very distinguished Governor of our state, the Honorable John Connally. Governor Connally. GOVERNOR CONNALLY: Speaker Barnes, Lieutenant Governor Smith, Mr. Vice President, distinguished escort committee, Mrs. Humphrey, distinguished members of the Senate, the House, ladies and gentlemen. It's a great personal pleasure for me today to present to you the distinguished former mayor of the city of Minneapolis, former distinguished United States Senator, a man who is fearless in the pursuit of justice, a man who has great courage in seeking progress for the people of this nation, an eloquent spokesman in articulating the aims of America in all of the lands of the world, the distinguished Vice President of the United States. 2

VICE PRESIDENT HUMPHREY: Thank you, thank you. Thank you very much my friend, Governor Connally, and his very lovely wife, Mrs. Connally. Mr. Speaker and the distinguished Lieutenant Governor, my colleagues in the Congress of the United States, Congress- man Brooks and Congressman Eckhardt, and my colleagues in the leg islative pursuits of the House and the Senate of the great legis lative body of the State of Texas. I guess you know that despite the many times that I speak before audiences, and that is far too many for my friends and even more so for those that are not so kindly disposed, I always feel just a little sense of nervousness--of disquiet--and of excitement whenever I come before an audience of this quality and of this magnitude. First of all, let me just say how nice it is to see Pat and Luci. I bring you greetings from Dad and Mom. Pat, it won't be long before you will know what it means to be number two. It's a great experience. Members of the distinguished court of this state, and public officials, and friends, and fellow citizens, this is a rare experience for me and one that I will always cherish. It's a rare experience to stand here and look at all of these fine Texas faces. Of course, I have had some experience, as you know, of late in looking into Texas faces and sometimes I get the feeling that the person who wrote "The Eyes of Texas" was thinking about me and had me in mind all the time. But 3 what really makes this experience rather rare and unique is that, this time, I am going to do all of the talking. So you may be in for it as I have indicated that one of your fellow Texans, I think it was Congressman Brooks, reminded me that Austin was once the home of William Sidney Porter, who wrote, as all of you know, with such pride, the 0. Henry stories--and he observed that 0. Henry and the Vice President had a great deal in common. He said 0. Henry . stories always had surprise endings, and then he went on to say with that characteristic sympathy and friendship that he has for me, he said: "Mr. Vice President, your speeches too are that way--the end is always a surprise." That's what you get for being a Senator. Wel l, I am happy to be in Texas once again. I love to come here and my Muriel loves to come with me, and we have visited your state on several occasions and, as you know, we have been visiting other places too. Now one of the duties of the Vice President is to visit the capitals of friendly allies. And in this day when it is so difficult to really keep up with the change of events and just who's on your side, let me tell you that we are very grateful in Washington to have Texas on our side--that is whenever you can be and whenever you are. I'm pleased, in all seriousness, to bring to the members of this Legislature a personal message and a personal 4 greeting from the President of the United States and his very lovely lady, our First Lady. Muriel and I had Saturday even ing with them, just prior to the President's departure on a rather sad and sympathetic mission. As you know he left Sunday and he is today paying the last respects of our nation to one of the truly great statesmen in this postwar world, a man who visited this capital city of Texas, Austin, six years ago this month. The former Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Konrad Adenauer--and I know that you join with me in grieving his loss and the loss to the people of Europe, and saluting the life of this stalwart champion of freedom and democracy in the Federal Republic. And I am happy that on this day I can stand at this podium and bring you that note because I know that it expresses the sentiments of the people of this state. Now it's a very great privilege and a moving one, may I add, to come to this historic chamber, where, when this century was young, there began the public service of two of the great public men of this Republic. You've had many illustrious public men, but I refer to two today. One was the wise and the strong- leader who served so faithfully his country and his party as Speaker of the House of Representatives in Congress and then went on to serve faithfully a great American President in the office which I am now privileged to hold--and you know, of course, I refer to the former Vice President, the former great Speaker, John Nance Garner. 5 That other great Texan that I refer to was that uncommon American--and what a unique character he was and lives on--who presided over his Texas, this Texas House, as Speaker, and then he went on to preside longer than any other American in our history as Speaker of the House of Representatives in Washington, a man whose influence for good and for progress still radiates over the conduct of our nation's affairs. What a privilege it has been in my life, and I know in the lives of many Texans, to have known and then to have served with none other than Mr. Sam--Speaker Sam Rayburn. Of course, much is expected of you. You have great things to do because you who serve here where these great men both served are inheritors of a proud legacy, a legacy of public leadership, and, indeed , of selfless devotion to the public good. How good it is to have such standards. Now let me say just a word more about Texas. Every body does that comes here, and most Texans do when they leave here. And we love to have you come to visit us. On occasion, I've heard some Texans of my acquaintance express regret- quietly and with restraint, of course--at how difficult it is for anyone from your state to achieve positions of influence at the national level. Now certainly, I am sympathetic. Why, ever since Woodrow Wilson had three Texans in his cabinet, Texas has been held down. Since 1930, you've had only two Attorneys General, only two Speakers of the National Con gress, 6 only two Vice Presidents, and only two men born in Texas have been elected President in all that time--since 1930. Why, right now in Con gress, Texans are in a terribly difficult position, with little or no recognition, of course. They're only Chairmen of Appropriations, Agriculture, Banking and Currency, Veterans Affairs, and Administration Committees of the House. While not chairmen of many in the Senate, they run it from behind the scenes. I don't want to be misunderstood. Far be it from me to take anything away from Texas while I'm on this job. But I'll tell you with a record like that, I wish some of those people--whoever they are--that are holding Texas down would get it in for Minnesota. We could use a little recognition these days.

Now in all seriousness--and I come here in both seriousness and good humor, I hope--let me just speak to you about the times in which we live. In the long course of history, this month of April has been--as a poet once put it--the cruelest month. It's hard to think of April as the cruelest month. With nature at her loveliest as the spring dawns upon us, man has often chosen this season to show his ugliness--and we witnessed it in the acts of nature itself with terrible storms, with unbelievable pain to many of our people only this past few days. . .

7 Fifty years ago, our nation was brought into conflict of the First World War in the month of April. There have been other anxious Aprils for us too, ever since that time. But I'm thinking now, particularly, of April 1941--and there are men and women here that remember that day when a young Congressman from Texas came to speak right here before this Legislature. And here in these chambers--not as a member, but as a boy, like I met here as we came into the chamber--the young Congressman had first learned the legislative processes sitting by the desk of his father. Only four years before he arrived here in 1941, he had followed his father into public service--elected to represent this district in the Congress. And during those four years, he had worked--and worked hard. He had worked for a new America. He had worked as a partner of a great President. He had warred then--long before now--against poverty, against discrimination and the lack of opportunity. He had led the effort, as you recall, to harness the mighty Colorado and to place the poles and string the wires that would light the darkness in the homes of these Texas hills. And I know of no man that is more proud of rural electrification than that young Congressman who spoke here in that April of 1941. But on that April day in 1941 he came home with another message. Standing here, as the clouds of war darkened 8 over Europe and gathered over the Pacific, that young Congress man told this Legislature in prophetic words: "IT IS LATER THAN WE THINK." And he stood here and he pleaded for an America to awaken to the challenge that faced it. He pleaded for an America to stay strong and to gear itself for the storms ahead- to be prepared. It was indeed, far later, far later than many- indeed most--Americans would permit themselves to believe. I need not recite the tragic events that were soon to come--the bloodbath that was soon to engulf the world--nor need I remind you today that that young Congressman was Lyndon Johnson. In recounting this, I do not come to repeat now those words of our President--and then your Congressman--for the message of this moment is not the same as it was then for Americans.

Yes, I suppose it is later than many think. But, more importantly, this world of 1967 is not the same world as 1941. And many of you know, as Mrs. Humphrey and I traveled these past weeks in Europe, that we brought back to you the message that the Europe of 1967 is not even the Europe of 1947 or 1957 or 1960: a vastly changed Europe--revitalized, invigo rated, independent, modern--and yet a Europe that is our part ner and we its partner. And the hope of world peace depends upon that partnership. 9

And it is because this is a different world in every way that I believe that we Americans and others need to understand it all the better.

Twenty-six years ago--and back throughout all of history--peace has always had its enemies. But never has peace had its lasting protectors and defenders. Never , until now in these postwar years.

The Second World War, to which the Congressman referred, brought home to all of mankind--if not all of its leaders--the inescapable fact that we could not again pay the price of a major war. It brought home the lesson that we could and we must be always ready to pay the price for peace.

And it was this very message that the illustrious and dis tinguished Secretary of State, Dean Rusk, brought to this assembly: the building of the peace; the organizing of the peace; the costly, painful , difficult process of trying to bring a world to its senses--a painstakingly, block-by-block, year-by-year, program-by-program, decision-by-decision, orga.nizing the peace. And every effort of this beloved land since 1945--indeed since the very hour that we were catapulted into World War II--every effort has been directed toward peace .

We did not go to war just to make war. We went to war to end war. We did not come out of the sacrifice of World War II only to make more war but rather to build a world order in which war would be obsolete--in which it would be hopefully impossible. An organizing of the peace; the building of the 10

United Nations; the Greek-Turkish Aid Program; the Truman Doctrine; NATO; the Marshall Plan; our steadfast support of Berlin; our unwillingness to let Communist militancy roll over Europe; our stand in Korea that took over 50,000 dead and a 160 some thousand casualties; our facing up to Khrushchev and his missles in Cuba; and, even now, as we stand firm in Southeast Asia. All of it has had but one purpose--to organize the peace and to have protectors of the peace. And it's on that foundation of that decision that we feel that peace is the minimum requirement of civilized mankind. A new world has come into being, and it's a world of new values. It's a new world of new relationships and of new aspirations. It is a world that renders obsolete the old dogmas of world dominion by the use of force.

Force and aggression, my fellow Americans, are the agents of yesterday. They are the agents of tyranny and brute power--the formula for naked conquest--and they have no place in the affairs of nations or men in the last third of the 20th Century. And it is because of this profound belief and commitment that we take our stand. And, oh how I wish all could see that our purpose is not force, but that our purpose is to repel the use of force--to show its naked indecency and to make it clear for once and for all that political decisions can no longer be made by conquest •.• and force ... and aggression, that political decisions 11 must be made in reason • . • in negotiation . . . and in peaceful pursuit. In Viet Nam now, therefore, the struggle is essentially a struggle not just between two doctrines . . . not between two cultures indeed . . . and surely it is not a struggle between the East and the West, as some would have you believe. But rather it's a struggle between old values and new. The old values of the tyrannies--that force and conquest and aggression shall be the pattern of conduct for the achieve ment of political objectives--and the new values of self determination--the right of a people to decide their own future; the right to be left alone; and the right to live and the compelling necessity of civilized man or mankind to work out its problems in consultation, in negotiation, in under standing. · And I say that this is the new world in the making. And how I wish that some of our people could see that we are charting a whole new day. That in this nuclear era--in this time of unbelievable power at the disposal of mankind for destruction--that all of that power can be used for good. All of it can be directed for the betterment of mankind . if men would but listen • if they would but permit what we have to be put to good purpose. I want to make it clear that this nation intends to pursue this new course. And it will pursue it with the same courage that it has for every 12 bit of its conduct and its efforts through history. And I happen to believe that this new world for which this nation now stands, that's the new world that will prevail. We have in our land many problems to be faced. I would be the last to tell you that anything is easy. There are no instant solutions to any problem. Every single measure and problem before us demands the greatest of resources. In fact, it demands the pooling of public and private resources. It demands federal, state, and local governments to work together as never before. And it demands that public bodies work with private industry, with the private sector as never before. But I've heard President Johnson say many times, that for all the problems that he faces and that beset his office--and they are tremendous--he would rather face those which come to him than those which come to any other leader of any other government on the face of the earth. Oh, we are a lucky people--blessed by a great nation; a great history; but, more importantly, blessed by a great spirit ... the spirit that believes in human dignity .•• the spirit that believes in freedom with responsibility •.. and the spirit that believes that there is truly a brother hood of mankind. I think sometimes this is the perspective in which we should think of the prospects and the choices facing the men who have chosen to wage aggression in Viet Nam . They must face up to this new world. 13 In the design of their aggression, they have followed the traditional precepts of their outmoded obsolete dogma. They have followed a design which in the past seemed to be the formula for success. And how well we know that whenever people wanted to enrich themselves in days gone by, or leaders, supposed leaders, wanted to expand their power, what they would do was to indulge in force or aggression. But these men now of this time must and should recognize that times have changed. Their war of so-called national liberation against South Viet Nam, for example, has not succeeded. It has not

spread as their dogma tells them it should. It has not c~u ght on. This doctrine and dogma of force and materialism, and collectivism has no recruits--except by the sheer use of force.

It is not the wave of the future. It is the backwash of an obsolete past.

And let me tell you--as one who has visited Asia three times last year to fourteen of the free countries of that area--the peoples and the leaders of Asia are not turning towards the doctrine of Communism or collectivism or materialism, nor are they bowing down to it. In fact, if nothing else has happened--and much more has because of our presence in Viet Nam--there is a new spirit of life and liberty in Asia. As the Prime Minister of Singapore--who does not classify himself as any particular friend of the United States, surely no ally-- 14 as he said, only recently, that America's presence in Viet Nam permits free Asia to have time to build freedom. That's the kind of thinking that is going on. At the Manila Conference only a few months ago, the leaders of this new Asia--and there is a new Asia just like there is a new Europe--chose confidently and courageously to cast their lots with the free world of the future. They didn't hedge ••• they didn't back up . they were unequivocal in their support. And at Punta Del Este, only the past few days--just two weeks ago--there was again that same kind of choosing- the choice between freedom and individualism .•. or the choice between collectivism and Communism. And the men at Punta Del Este had no hesitancy in making their choice. They chose freedom ... and they chose it with the same kind of confidence as those who were at Manila. It was manifested in every document and every speech . . . in every action of this hemisphere. Now I believe this message should now be clear to those who would follow the old patterns. I think it can be said once again from this platform: It is later than they think. Not later than we think, but later than they think. In barely the span of a generation a whole new world has been brought into being, and we ourselves in America need to understand this better than we do. 15 In the world of the 1960's, unlike the world before, most of mankind now seeks to govern itself . and most of it does govern itself for the first time. In the 1960's, unlike the world before, men and nations are meeting together even as we meet now. They are planning together, and I witnessed them with my own eyes. In Saigon; in Seoul; in Tokyo; in Bangkok and Canberra; in Paris; in Swiss Geneva; in Rome, wherever I go, I see men and nations that in the years past would hardly speak to each other except in hostility, who are now partners working together on peace ful pursuits for the betterment of life on this earth. Never has there been such a surge of mankind for his own emancipa tion ... for his own betterment. As we see in this the last third of the 20th Century, never before in all of the years that man has lived on this planet has there been such a great commitment of resources to education . . . to health . . . to agriculture . . . to the feeding of the hungry . . . to the housing of the poor . . . to the creating of industry . to the creation of useful employment • . . and the elimina tion of every form of bigotry and intolerance and discrimina tion. Let me say that this is happening not only in America, but it is happening elsewhere. But here in America we mean to do even more. We'll never be content in this country until every American knows the blessings of first-class citizenship and full opportunity for every person that salutes the flag 16 of this Republic and claims to be its citizen. That's the only standard we have.

Yes, I am happy to say--and I am accused of being an optimist and I make no apologies for it--this is a new world. And it is in being in a very large measure because one nation- one nation built by the blood of many diverse streams of men- has committed its strength to the role no nation ever before undertook: the role of seeking peace .•. organizing peace for mankind. The role, if you please, not of nation-destroying, but of nation-building . . . not of domination but of coopera- tion . not of conquest, but of helpfulness. And that nation, my fellow Americans, is your nation--the United States of America. That's what we're doing. We need to understand this--with all of the trials and all of the troubles; with all of the headlines of disaster and difficulty, pain and death--let me tell you that there is good news •.. good news for hundreds of millions of people. And the good news is that this America--without our ever seeking one inch of any other land •.• without ever seeking & single area of domination or sphere of influence ..• without ever seeking even to chart out conquest, whatever its magnitude- that this one nation has devotedly, unselfishly, given of its men and its resources so that mankind could have a better life. I'm proud of it--and if it seems to be a little old-fashioned to be a proud patriot, then I stand committed and guilty of being an old-fashioned American patriot. 17 May I add--just an aside--that I do not think that one proves himself to be unusually intelligent, or even classified as an intellectual, to just find fault. Where fault is let us recognize it. But where good is, let us herald it. Let us have some sense of respecting it, and some sense of balance in our utterances, and in our statements and pronouncements of our country. The role that America is occupying in the world today is one that was destined for it inevitably by the very com position of our populace. For more than 100 years, there came to these shores men and women who were willing to sacri fice--sacrifice hearthside, family, heritage, and possessions in search of peace and freedom. Why our forefathers made that statement, which we should never forget , as they strug gled for our independence, and they went the whole way. They were totally committed--that is, the patriots were. We pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. That's what they said. But if you're a bit discouraged on occasion when you see some that are unwilling to make those pledges, even now, remember that even as we fought for our independence, that one-third of those, who inhabited what was then the colonies, left us--were Tories. And even in the midst of those that stayed, there were those of little faith. Have you forgotten those moments of anguish and heart ache of George Washington at Valley Forge? Have you forgotten 18 the instability of our own country in those early days? If you have, refresh your memories .•• because the only way that Americans can understand what others are going through now, is to know what we went through then . to know that it requires tremendous leadership and courage and dedication on the part of many and, always, on the part of a few, to accomplish anything that is great and noble. But here in Central Texas, as much as any place in this land, you received these great waves of settlers who were seeking peace and freedom--settlers from Germany and Poland, and Czechoslovakia and Sweden, just to mention a few; from Lebanon and from Greece and from Italy; from all the lands all over the Old World. And whatever their origins, they shared some things in common--a hatred of war . . . a love of peace .•. a dedication to liberty. And those beliefs have become a part of the spirit and the heart of America . . • and they have also become a part of the poli cies the American Government has pursued under all of its leaders through all of its history. A nation is not what its printed word may be. A nation is what its heart is • what its soul is . what its spirit is. And to understand America, you have to understand her music . you have to understand her people . . . you have to understand her history . . • and then you will begin to understand what we mean when we say, "America the Beautiful." Now, there is no greater American commitment than these commitments I have mentioned to peace and freedom. 19 The strength of America is committed firmly in many areas of the world today--firmly in the Atlantic Alliance . firmly in the Alliance for Progress . firmly in Southeast Asia and Viet Nam • . . to protect the peace and to prevent the success of aggression and to permit self-determination and to allow an adventure in freedom. Now I've been known all of my public life as a liberal. Let me say that it would be a gross betrayal of American liber alism--yes, of America itself--if we were to betray the hopes and the confidences that our strength has kindled among the peoples of the poverty-stricken, emerging two-thirds of this world. I would consider it a betrayal of liberalism and all that America stands for--if we did not understand that freedom needs protection wherever it may be. And that when free men reach out and ask for our help~ that as a blessed people and a blessed nation . . . a strong people and a rich nation • . . we have a moral obligation to extend a hand of fellowship • • . to extend a hand of help and assistance. The impulse that has propelled this nation toward greatness is that generous spirit of responsible and compas sionate liberalism that marked the service of that young Congressman who spoke here twenty-six years ago. Yes, we have at home a great--yes, I should say, great--moral responsibilities ..• moral responsibilities to fight for equal opportunity for all, just as you are 20 fighting for equal opportunity for Negro Americans and Mexi can Americans; to break the shackles of poverty, and not just the poverty of the purse, but the poverty of the spirit the poverty of frustration . the poverty of not being wanted, and, sometimes, not even being needed. We have a great moral responsibility to combat crime, to insure law enforcement, to engender law observance, and to steady the even scales of justice. These are the priori ties of America. Conservatives or liberals? What difference does it make? These are the priorities that all Americans must have. But what would be the morality, may I ask, of a nation which devotes its riches only to itself, or prides itself upon its strength only to use it for itself? What would be the morality of a nation which regarded freedom in one part of the world as less precious than in another? This is why I have never been able to understand how some who today claim that heritage of liberalism and liberal philos ophy can be so fully removed--if you please--and not only removed, sometimes so openly opposed, to what America seeks to do to help little people in far away places as they fight the most ancient of man's enemies, tyranny itself and dictatorship ••. and agression. I cannot understand it, and I speak out. I warn this land that any nation that indulges in its own luxury, that saves unto itself only its own riches, that 21 uses its power only for its own enhancement, that that nation will have a sad future. America has never grown weak by extending the hand of help to others. America has never lost its freedom by standing firm in the defense of freedom for others, and it's been that way in our history and it will continue to be that way in our future. The world is not the same as a generation ago, I said. Nor is this the same America. Our challenges, as well as our opportunities, are of a whole new order of magnitude, a new order of complexity. That's why it's more difficult to be in government today than ever before ... or in education ... or the professions. It's a whole new order of promise too. Everything is bigger. The possibilities for total disaster are here. The possibil ities for a whole new world are here. It just depends upon what man wills to do with that which he has. The old rhetoric, therefore, and the old slogans, the old vocabularies of the past do not serve us well now. We can and we must lay aside the oratory, the demagoguery if you please, the rhetoric of division--of workman against management, of labor against capital, of capital against farmer, of North against South, of white against black, or black against white, of haves and have-nots, the division of races and religions and regions. This one world, has no room for such divisions. And these divisions, kept alive regrettably at times within our politics, do not serve this society in which we see these divisions thankfully, gratefully fading every day. 22 You know we ask our children in school to repeat that pledge of allegiance--and I think that everyone of us that are in public office, and those of us that have private responsibilities would do well to remember it too and not leave it just to our children. It's both a prayer and a commitment. One nation--not two; under God--not under man; indivisible; united; with liberty and justice for all. To speak it is to believe it--unless you are a hypocrite. And to speak it and to believe it is the least that anyone worthy of the title of American should ever hope or could ever hope to have.

So I say the great tradition of the public men of this great state--and Texas is a great state--the traditions of the Garners and the Rayburns--oh, yes, of the Sam Houstons too, and of Lyndon Johnson--is a tradition of channeling diversity into progress. Yes, Texas--part East, part West, part North, part South; rich in the past and richer in the future--I think occupies a role unique in our nation. And how great it must be and how challenging to be a political leader in this great commonwealth, in this great state--to 'be the governor; to be the speaker; to be the presiding officer of your Senate; to be a judge; or a legislator; or whatever position it may be. What an honor • what a unique opportunity . and thank goodness you are making the most of that unique opportunity. It is your opportunity 23 as Texans to lead and to lead, not only by your great words but by your great examples towards creative and constructive relationship with the national government that will give America the strength that she will need for the tasks ahead in the last third of this century. This does not mean that we are always marching in the same step. It means that we are talking together in the same forum . working out our differences . • . recognizing that no one area of government has a monopoly on either virtue or wisdom, but seeking by consultation and by reason to work out policies and programs that are mutually beneficial. Thirty years ago Franklin Roosevelt, with John Garner at his side, turned this nation toward a new course of hope. He called it his New Deal--a new course of hope and oppor tunity for all of its citizens. That was the great breaking point of the past. And we've moved forward on that course and we are succeeding. As I traveled throughout Europe speak ing to our friends there, I said there is a new America--an America that has a new exciting adventure . an America that is dedicated to the richness of humankind with all of our troubles, with all of our dissent, with all of what seems to be at times our errors and our mistakes. We're marching ahead. Great things are happening to people here. And I can't help but recall what Franklin Roosevelt wrote in that last message which he was denied giving because death took him 24 from us. He said the only limit to our realization of

tomorrow will be our doubts of today. And then this man-

crippled, weary of war, four times President of the United

States--said, "Let us move forth; let us move forward with

a strong and an active faith." He didn't say, let us stand

still. He didn't call for timidity. He didn't say, let's

just roll with the punches. He said, "Let's move forward,

with a strong and an active faith." And wherever we serve,

therefore--courthouse, statehouse, legislature, congress ,

White House--we, who serve the American people, know today that we do not serve this land alone.

There are so many things to remind us of it. For

now, as when our Republic began, the cause of America is-

as Tom Paine put it--the cause of all mankind. Lincoln said

it was the last best hope on earth, and he said we would

either meanly lose it or nobly save it. And I think that

question is yet to be answered. So let us make sure that we nobly save it.

Where peace has its enemies, we shall meet them and we shall prevail. Where there are those that would stifle and kill this noble spirit of freedom, let the world know that America stands by the side of free men. And where hope flowers among men, we shall shelter it and tend to it and encourage it so that mankind shall stand to his full height- like a tall Texan--and know the dignity and the freedom intended for him by his Maker . 25 Thomas Wolfe told it so succinctly (I use this many times--it's like secular scripture for me--this is my political faith): "To every man, regardless of his birth, his shining golden opportunity; to every man the right to live and to work, to be himself, and to become whatever thing his manhood and vision can combine to make him--this is the promise of America.' That's what America means to me, and I have a feeling traveling over this world that this is what America means to all of God's children--an opportunity ... a better life . a happier day. Thank you very much. SPEAKER BEN BARNES: Mr. Vice President, I think it should be obvious to everyone, and I hope to you, how deeply we appreciate your presence here today and how even more importantly we appreciate those words of hope, courage, determination and vision you have just given to each of us. And I know that I can speak for everyone here and, hopefully, for every Texan when I say to you as you stand shoulder-to shoulder with President Lyndon Johnson, as you two men pro vide the leadership not only for this nation, but for the entire free world, that you have our support and our prayers and most of all our appreciation for such an outstanding job you're both doing. To even add to the honor of this occasion today we have the very lovely and gracious Mrs. Hubert Humphrey. Mrs. Humphrey, we're very honored to have you here today. I assure 26 you, Mr. Vice President and Mrs. Humphrey, that we will never forget this day. You have honored us so much by being here. Also, today we're very honored to have our first lady, the very lovely Nellie Connally. Mr. Vice President, I can assure you we are also aware of the somewhat adequate position that Texas is in in Washington, and in the National Congress, and we're particu larly proud of our Congressional delegation. We're very honored to have two members of the Congress who represent Texas with us today. Two men that both served in this chamber as members of the Texas House of Representatives--Congressman and Mrs. Jack Brooks, and Congressman Robert Eckhardt, Bob. Also a couple that we're all very proud of--that the Vice President acknowledged--Pat and Luci Nugent. Would you please stand? [GAVEL] LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR SMITH: Mr. Vice President and Mrs. Humphrey, as you depart--I know that I can do this because I'm speaking in the capacity as you do as the number two man in the state government--that all those of us asso ciated with this wonderful state government are deeply grateful for this privilege. Now as you leave, we wish you Godspeed. The purpose for which this joint session was called having been accomplished the Senate will return to its chambers. [GAVEL] 27

SPEAKER BEN BARNES: The purpose for which this joint session was called having been completed, the House will stand at ease pending the departure of the Vice President and his party.

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