Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, São Paulo, 18: 133-153, 2008.

‘Prestation Economy’: a model for Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age burial deposition in Central-Western Europe*

Adriene Baron Tacla **

TACLA, A.B. ‘Prestation Economy’: a model for Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age burial deposition in Central-Western Europe. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, São Paulo, 18: 133-153, 2008.

Resumo: Desde os anos de 1970, enterramentos ricos como aqueles de Vix e Hochdorf têm sido analisados como ícones de um fenômeno pan-regional – a emergência de Estados tradicionais, a qual é largamente sustentada pelo impacto de sua interação com as sociedades mediterrâneas. Contudo, nas últimas duas décadas, tem havido uma crítica significativa a um tal modelo interpretativo. No seio desse debate, o presente artigo afirma que o registro arqueológico fornece evidência de que depósitos rituais (também e juntamente com outras formas de dom e contra-dom) constituíam parte significativa do que podemos chamar “economia de prestações”. A fim de tal demonstrar, este artigo analisa os enterramentos e respectivos depósitos funerários das regiões de quatro “centros principescos” (Fürstensitze) – a saber: Bourges, Châtillon-sur-Glâne, Mont Lassois e Hohenasperg.

Palavras-chave: Idade do Ferro Européia – Ritualização – Economia Política – Enterramentos – Depósitos funerários.

Introduction political economy and ritual. Taking for granted an established opposition of ‘sacred’ and he dynamics of prestige and power have ‘profane’ spheres, and generally based on T been central for the understanding of functionalist or structuralist approaches of West Hallstatt societies. Most approaches, ‘ritual’, a number of works on those prehistoric centring on mechanisms and structures of power societies convey the image of the world and life in chiefdoms, have excluded the linkage between divided in clear established categories, with

(*) This paper is based on the results of my doctoral research ‘Sacred Sites and Power in West Conference - Ritual Dynamics and the Science of Ritual, Hallstatt Chiefdoms’, which was developed at the 2008, in Heidelberg. University of Oxford under the supervision of (**) Postdoctoral researcher of the Laboratory of Studies Professor Emeritus Barry Cunliffe and funded by on the Ancient City (labeca), Museum of Archaeology CNPq (a Brazilian federal foundation for the and Ethnology (MAE) of the Universidade de São Paulo development of science and technology). Earlier (USP) and member of the Centre of Interdisciplinary versions of this paper were presented at the IARSS Studies of Antiquity (CEIA) of the Universidade Federal 2005 in Edinburgh and at the International Fluminense (UFF). [email protected]

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‘ritual’ remaining distant from everyday life. traditions. Thus, burial deposits are carefully However, the archaeological evidence hints at a structured by the living, whose choices and attitudes rather distinct context, where ritual is part of articulate elements of social structure, gender and daily life, becoming distinct through means of political relations, as well as views of the Otherworld performance and through experience; this and of death, innovations and tradition (cf. Barrett linkage has started to be explored in a number of 1990; Fleming 1973; Parker Pearson 1999; Pearson works on the archaeology both of Northwestern 1998). In this sense, funerary display not only Europe and the Mediterranean (e.g. Bradley reveals hegemonic views, but it also shows individual 2003, 2005; Brück 2004; Fontijn 2002; Giles choices. 2007; Hill 1995; Hingley 1997; Nijboer 2001 Generally, one can define the Central- amongst others). Western European burial assemblages as: a) Late Therefore, my aims here are threefold: first, Bronze Age: construction of large burial mounds regarding the internal dynamics of West Hallstatt (tumuli) with a predominance of cremation rites; societies, to question the interpretation of a b) Early Iron Age (the so-called Hallstatt period): ‘prestige goods economy’. Secondly, to propose tumuli continued to be built (in some cases they the model of what I call a ‘prestation economy’ were even reused), though cremation gave place and show how this can be perceived in the burial to inhumation as the preferred burial rite; c) record. Third, and finally, to point out how the Late Iron Age (so-called La Tène period): there is deposits of prestations in burials suggest a distinction the creation of large cemeteries of flat graves with between private and public ceremonies. the reappearance of cremation burials. Such is I must, however, underline that my goal here the oversimplified outline, for the broad picture is not so much to retrace the life of those objects of burial practice in protohistoric Central- as to consider their action in their final deposit, i.e. Western Europe is much more complex. to understand their significance and employment at Regional analyses1 have nonetheless been the moment of their withdrawal from circulation showing that cremation and inhumation rites in society. The present study takes into consideration coexisted throughout protohistory. Moreover, the assemblages of burials from Late Bronze Age cremations proved to be rather heterogeneous. to the beginning of Late Iron Age (ca. 1200-400 They could be performed directly on the ground BC) from the regions of four emblematic cases of or on a funerary pyre that could either be built the ‘princely phenomenon’, namely: Bourges in the vicinity of the burial place, at the gravesite (Centre, France), Mont Lassois (Burgundy, France), or even at distant places. Cremation burials Châtillon-sur-Glâne (canton de Fribourg, presented: a) separation of corpse remains – Switzerland), and Hohenasperg (Baden- bones from ashes and/or corpse remains from Württemberg, Germany) (Fig. 1). the rests of funerary platform; b) form of deposition: in a heap, in a metal urn or in a pottery urn; c) type of grave: flat or tumulus. Protohistoric burial practice Such differences denote not solely difference in ritual practice, but also distinct attitudes towards Burials are important markers in social life, for the deceased, which are particularly emphasized they punctuate the collective and personal memory, in the burial of remains in graves or funerary and establish the link between the present and past monuments, creating an intentional and evident generations. Several authors perceive death and marker in the collective and familial memory. burials to be the moment of transition and transformation, and of re-establishment of the social order, with the separation of the deceased from the world of the living and their passing to the (1) For some recent analyses of burial typologies and assemblages see Baray (2000, 2003); Burmeister world of the dead. This transition is ordered by (2000); Evans (2001); Hochuli et al. (1998); Kurz stipulated rules, and sumptuary and political (1997); Müller et al. (1999); Pare (1992) and Olivier regulations, in addition to individual family (1995, 2000a-b).

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Such variety in ritual performance and final ritual times and performances. Bartel (1982: 54) deposition also occurs in inhumations, which proposed a general model for the sequence of appear in single, double or multiple burials in one funerary behaviour and Olivier (1999) suggested grave that could be a central or secondary grave a sequence of time and performance for the placed under a same mound. The preparation of burial of the Hochdorf chief. The construction the dead, the feast, corpse disposal, deposition of of mounds punctuated different stages of the offerings, and the like, were not rigidly standardized performance. The preparation of the burial site and conformed to both regional patterns and to occurred in parallel with the preparation of the individual choices. Then, although dorsal decubitus body and the organization of the ceremony, with extended legs and arms along aside the body is which engaged mourners, friends/allies, builders the most frequent position in single burials, there and other members of the community. are also occurrences of bodies placed crouched, or Within this scenario, the period referred to in lateral or abdominal decubitus. as of the West Hallstatt societies is broadly The typology of burial mounds also varied characterized by inhumation burials placed considerably. Mounds were surrounded by ditches, under large tumuli, which could contain one or circles of stones or wooden posts, with or without more graves. The interpretation of such burials stone-cairns, and filled-up with earth or with both has privileged the discourse of emergence, stones and earth. Likewise other monuments, burial domination, and legitimation of powerful elites. mounds demanded the mobilization of a large In this perspective, the opulence of certain graves amount of labour and the organization of work (the so-called Fürstengräber) placed under through various stages – the excavation of the pit, conspicuous monuments (in contrast to graves building the grave chamber, deposition of the body more simply furnished and placed in inconspicuous and grave-goods, the excavation of the ditch, monuments) primarily represents a statement of building the mound, and the placement of stones, power, domination and dependency among the the stakes or stelae. Thus, it is generally assumed hierarchies of chiefs and elite members. The that the larger the investment of energy, the higher present discussion focuses exactly on such issue, was the social rank (cf. Tainter 1978: 125-28) and but, before turning to the mater of prestige and the clearer the evidence of chiefdom organization grave-goods deposition, it is necessary to understand (Earle 1987: 290). the distinction of certain dead personae and the The construction of mounds encompassed a construction of memory and ancestry. chain of actions that had a significant role in the funerary ritual. Thus ‘conspicuous’ and ‘inconspicuous monuments’2 implied different Between dead and ancestors

In not belonging to the material world, the dead are seen either as potentially harmful or helpful to (2) Peters (2000), when analysing the Bronze Age the living (cf. Parker Pearson 1993: 203). A number round barrows in the Stonehenge environs, proposes of works on West Hallstatt societies have considered the categorization of mounds as ‘conspicuous’ and the fear and reverence evoked by the power of the ‘inconspicuous’ due to their dimensions and contents. Conspicuous mounds have ‘impressive features’ dead. This power is usually interpreted as two sorts (above 20 m diameter) and contained a large amount of dead: ‘dangerous spirits’ and the ‘memorable of deposits, including imported goods, whereas dead’. According to Pauli (1975: 171), the former inconspicuous mounds are more ordinary and rather are identified in burials with amulets, which could unnoticeable in size. Such terminology is here used in relation to the size (mounds’ diameter for the height represent unmarried women and/or childless could not always be assessed, especially due to erosion women. Prisoners or criminals that were victims of and agricultural destruction). One could also consider ritual death could equally be seen as ‘dangerous the use of such terminology in relation to large grave- spirits’ and, therefore, they were placed apart from goods deposits. However, it is not possible to affirm for all cases the coincidence of rich grave-good the other deceased people. On the other end of the deposits and mounds of large dimensions. spectrum, the heroes and ancestors represented the

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‘memorable dead’ and were, consequently, well as in private spheres and histories. A closer placed in funerary monuments, often with a rich link with some ‘selected’ dead is to be observed in assemblage of funerary deposits. In order to keep the placement of burials inside the settlements, in the balance and distinction between the ‘world cemeteries and monuments, as well as in their of the living’ and the ‘world of dead’, it is worship in sanctuaries. This does not necessarily assumed to be of prime importance to establish mean that the ancestors provided an explanation physical boundaries by means of ditches, stone for every social phenomenon, but rather that cairns, and/or post-row circles (cf. Arnold 2002: they had a role of significance in the construction 130-131). These would then guarantee that of communal history, as well as in the definition those worlds would meet only through ritual of lines of inheritance. The creation of permanent performance in sacred places; thus shielding the burial places was not only related to ‘… the living against the ‘dangerous dead’ placed in pollution brought into the community by cemeteries, and enabling powerful ancestors to deceased (…), [but also to] the cultural centrality be invoked for protection as well as to legitimate of the physical remains of the dead’ (Chapman the status of their descendants. However, would 1994: 47). For kinship was crucial to legitimise that be so? social order, the right to property, and the Although contact with the dead was facilitated possession of land. It lay between the definition in sacred places, their world was not so distant of boundaries, the marking out of territories from that of the living. The category usually and, in a wider sense, the determination of the referred to as ‘special deposits’3 shows that the known-world and the position of a group within it. hypothesis of a ‘protective intention’ of the In fact, ancestry was crucial for the deposit of amulets in burials, as well as of the use legitimisation of rank and leadership. All the of stones and ditches in the construction of more, as I argue herein, the Hallstatt societies burial mounds, is ungrounded. The dead, and in were based on a prestation economy, in which particular the ancestors, were present in everyday the possession of inalienable heirlooms and the life. Nonetheless, an emphasis on the role of offering of prestations enabled the creation and ancestors in prehistoric Europe has been maintenance of relationships, and defined both challenged as a transposition of modern concerns personal and family prestige and identity. Their to the prehistoric societies (cf. Whitley 2002). In memory was not only marked by monuments on reply to such a challenge, I sustain that not only the landscape, but also by the deposition of does the archaeological record of prehistoric artefacts that signalled relationships. Hence, it is Europe evince distinct forms and attitudes in the analysis of both the employment of regarding the social memory, but it also shows material culture and monuments in the production the ancestors as being of paramount significance of social memories that one can devise the to the understanding of these societies. overlapping of political dynamics in communal life. Remembrance and oblivion were present in Connerton (1989) remarked that ritualised everyday life, embedded in communal space as performance is at the heart of the process of remembrance, for ritual practice shapes and establishes both the personal and collective (3) The term ‘special deposits’ is employed, in the memories.4 The collective experience of ritual British archaeology, to identify deposits of human performance implies continuity through repetition remains (isolated bones and partial or complete skeletons) found in storage or ‘domestic’ pits, or even in structures that resemble these. The most famous examples were found in Danebury (England), but they (4) Connerton points out that there are three types of equally occur in other Iron Age settlements in memory: personal (recollection of individuals’ lives), England, in Germany (at the Lower Rhine and Northern cognitive (acquired knowledge, memorised data), and Württemberg), in France (at Cher, Champagne, Marne, habit (the memory of practices, of performances). The Île-de-France and Dordogne), and in Switzerland. For latter is the sort of memory that shapes social life, for more details on ‘special deposits’ see Cunliffe (1992) it encompasses practical knowledge of cultural, social and Hill (1995). and religious rules.

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of past performances and events that install a societies, where personhood was defined by hegemonic memory in communal life. Collective interpersonal relationships as much as by commemoration ceremonies are, therefore, personal associations to places. instrumental in establishing a common view of the past and a sense of belonging. Yet, we should notice that it is not intention, meaning or The ‘prestige goods’ approach messages that is retained in the memory, but the ritual performance itself. In other words, it is the Since the 1970’s, scholarly research on West practice that inscribes memories (cf. Connerton Hallstatt societies has remained deeply concerned 1989: 73). with macro-scale phenomena, in particular with the In this sense, the distinction between burials definition of Fürstensitze and the consolidation of a and memorials suggests that the ritualised ‘prestige goods economy’. Such a model, proposed performance of funerals and the construction of on the seminal paper of Frankenstein and monuments involves two types of memory: a Rowlands (1978),6 established that a system of short-term memory linked to the commemoration domination and hierarchy (paramount chiefs, of personhood, and a long-term memory related vassal chiefs, sub-chiefs and village chiefs) was to the celebration of ancestry and heritage.5 The based on the monopoly of the control of the short-term memory is clearly evinced in burials production by skilled craftsmen and of access to that denote more intimate ceremonies. In goods imported from the Mediterranean. The contrast, long-term memory operates in large restricted access to rare goods legitimised their communal burial ceremonies, as well as in reused social rank, investing them with special status and monuments. prestige, which allowed the elites to control their Both intimate and communal ceremonies subordinates, who became dependant for the play a significant role in the socio-political supply of imported goods to legitimate their own dynamics. However, the latter are extraordinary power and position at a local level (see Fig. 2 statements for their contemporaries and below). Thus, in return for such goods, minor descendants alike, since they actually become chiefs gave agricultural surpluses and their loyalty physical and mnemonic milestones of events and to upper rank chiefs, who had the capacity to personalities, metaphors of power and prestige, support a network of allies. Moreover, Frankenstein and constituents of individual and collective and Rowlands claimed that such controlled identities. Such identities are produced in access to prestige goods enabled higher chieftains numerous contexts of social life and reified in to enlarge their personal network by marriage ritualised performance. Thus, burials were not a alliances (exchanging prestige goods for women), direct expression of the personal identities and which reinforced their pre-eminence in society. the status of the deceased, but rather an arena Whereas, on one side, Frankenstein and where several levels of relationships (kin, friendship, Rowlands’ model has been largely accepted by political alliance, as well as bonds to places) were scholars like Wells (1980, 1984, 1985) and Biel articulated in the construction of personal and (1985) amongst others, on the other, a number of communal identities. ‘Identity is not something works have contested the basis and principles of such that people have, an unchanging set of qualities; a model. Champion (1982, 1985, 1994) criticized rather it is an ongoing act of production – an their presumption of redistributive centres, whereas inherently fluid set of properties under continual Gosden (1985) argued against the existence of such a construction and revision’ (Brück 2004: 311). It stable system of alliance in European Iron Age is important to notice that these were relational societies. Bintliff (1984), on the other hand, argued

(5) Woodward (2000) has discussed the existence of (6) This argument was equally presented in Frankenstein’s these two types of memories in the construction of the PhD thesis submitted in 1977, which was published in British barrows. Spanish in 1997.

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Fig. 2. Structure of the model proposed by Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978.

that Frankenstein and Rowlands overestimated the Eggert (1991), thought not directly discussing significance of burials as signs of rank, overlooking Frankenstein and Rowlands’ model, underlines the probable continuity from LBA chiefdoms and, the problematic nature of the concept of furthermore, overemphasizing the significance of ‘prestige goods’, for its usually deployed as a Mediterranean imports. For, in fact, the influx of synonym for imported goods. Taking the imports is too localized and restricted to be able to discussion further, authors like Witt (1996) support that sort of system.7 aimed at emphasising agency and resistance in contacts with the Mediterranean signalling at internal developments, which Dietler (1990, 1994, 1995, 1999) interprets according to the (7) The sixty-seven fragments of imported ware found habitus of the elites in the strategies of domination in Heuneburg constitute a total of thirteen Attic vessels and four non-Attic, whereas in Châtillon-sur-Glâne and legitimation of their power. there were sixty-one fragments (mostly attic) and in However, it will be noticed that besides this Mont Lassois the three hundred sherds represent circa overvaluation of the Mediterranean influence, twenty-five vases (Champion 1994; Shefton 2000). It is one of the key problems in Frankenstein and certain that these cannot be taken as absolute numbers, for, in most cases, the area excavated is rather small Rowlands’ model is that it relies on the assumption and for Mont Lassois it is unknown (Joffroy did not of a political economy based on concepts of debt specify the size of the area he dug). In this case, as and dependency. ‘Debt’ is the key principle of Brun (1997: 326) has mentioned, the figures would traditional views on gift-giving. It acts as a assume the following proportion: in Châtillon-sur- Glâne 1/7m² of Attic pottery and 1/6m² of amphorae, mechanism to regulate relationships in a gift whereas in Heuneburg it is 1/37.5m² and 1/25m² economy, which is moved by mutual obligations respectively. Nonetheless, it is relevant to say that such – to give and receive presents (cf. Gosden 1989). imports lasted solely for a restricted period. Additionally, This actually binds people in a web of debts that recent works on Greek colonisation (Arafat and Morgan 1994, Tsetskhladze 1998) have refuted the relevance of can never be completely paid off as every gift trade of grain, slaves and wine in the contacts between offered establishes a new debt. In this case, Greek colonies and barbarian polities. reciprocity would maintain social cohesion and

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the stability of the system. Nevertheless, it implies certain domain of life, but permeates the social notions of modern western economics, which texture and life in society as a whole, ordering the assumes the existence of a moral constraint to world through the creation of general regulate relations as a substitute for market rules, dispositions, and founding discreet identities in juridical law or institutionalised political hierarchy society. (cf. Rowlands 1994: 2; Weiner 1994: 393-394). As shown in this diagram (Fig. 4), ritualisation Furthermore, this sort of perspective oversimplifies and prestation are the two vertices of what I gift-giving practice, overlooking the matter of call a ‘prestation economy’. In this diagram, we ownership (the social life of the object itself) and can see that ritualisation creates socio-political its linkage to the production of social distinction distinction, so that it defines social distance, – aspects that are at the core of the political power relations, and forms of authority. On economy in those societies. the other hand, ritualisation does not operate as a means of control or coercion, nor does it assume the predominance of a group or A ‘prestation economy’: defining principles ideology. Instead, it ‘is a strategic arena for the embodiment of power relations’ (Bell 1992: 170) As an alternative to the ‘prestige goods that engenders power relationships, and economy’, I propose a model based on the notions constitutes ways of negotiation and competition, of ‘ritualisation’ and ‘prestation’. Prestation is a term consent and resistance. Even though ritualisation that can be used to qualify all sorts of things that can configure a means of legitimation of are given – such as gifts, offerings, tributes and debt power and of the status quo, it is neither a payment (King 2004: 217).8 Firstly, one could ask mechanism to disguise power strategies, nor an why do I keep using the concept of ‘prestation’, instrument to express or symbolize them (Bell even though I say that there is no notion of debt or 1992: 195). This ability of producing hierarchy, reciprocity implied in such relationships? The of creating distance amongst people places answer to that question actually lies at the heart of ritualisation in the heart of social dynamics, ‘ritualisation’, for many rites and ceremonies, which can be archaeologically perceived in especially those evinced in the archaeological settlements, funerary monuments, hoards and record, require the offering of a gift. sanctuaries; the observations here presented The analyses of ritual done by Bell (1992) as focus mainly on burial practice in comparison well as by Humphrey and Laidlaw (1994) have to votive deposits. clearly shown that ritual is practice, in Bourdieus’ As previously mentioned, the assumptions of sense (1977, 1990). Thus, ‘ritualisation’ is a way debt and redistribution made in the model of of acting, a form of performance that implies not ‘prestige goods economy’ produce the conception solely fixed habits, mimetic behaviour and of societies tightly controlled by powerful established routines, but also involves rationality, chieftains through both kinship alliances improvisation and innovation (Bell 1992; (exchange of women) and unbalanced reciprocity. Humphrey and Laidlaw 1994) (see Fig. 3 below); These were used as a means to create inequality so the same rite can be performed in different and dependency, which were therefore sustained ways. In fact, ritualisation is a situational (bound by the need for acquiring ‘prestige goods’ in to a context) and strategic practice (Bell 1992: 7- order to supply networks of subordinate chiefs. 8), a process that confers distinction to selected Such presumptions actually rely on the moments, places and relationships in a given time inference of grave-good deposits as denoting a and society. Therefore, it is not restricted to a display of wealth and hierarchy. This pursues the logic that rich burials represented the deceased’s and/or his/her lineage wealth and belongings, whereas more simple burials (8) Here, I am focusing on two types of prestations: gifts and offerings. Thus, these terms will be used as corresponded to persons of lower social rank equivalent to ‘prestation’ along this work. who did not receive such imported items. This

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Fig. 3. Diagram of the dynamics of ritualisation. Shaded areas highlight the parts that can be observed in the archaeological record and based the present analysis.

has actually led to a unilateral perception of Lassois and Hohenasperg do not evince a chain burial practice, detaching it from the broader of dependency, but rather patterns of concentration context of depositional practice. It is certain coinciding with the act of giving gifts and that resistance, either open or surreptitious, is offerings. hardly evinced in the archaeological material. Such phenomenon corresponds to what Nevertheless, the analysis of burials in the Weiner (1992, 1994) defined as the paradox of regions of Bourges, Châtillon-sur-Glâne, Mont ‘keeping-while-giving’, i.e. the capability of certain

Fig. 4. Diagram of a prestation economy.

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individuals to keep inalienable possessions people, since the possession, as well as the (objects of high symbolic density)9 against their borrowing of inalienable items, represents an social demand (and possibility of imminent loss), acquisition of prestige. This is apposite to all giving instead alienable possessions (objects of those who make use of inalienable objects, for lower symbolic density).10 This means that such items comprise the character and distinction inalienable possessions are rarely put in circulation, of its owner (Weiner 1992: 102-104). Thus, if being given solely in special circumstances prestige is transferable not solely through generations (particularly for the establishment of alliances, in or inside the same kin group, the offering of case of war, of community distress or for the inalienable items in the funeral performance occasion of death of ‘political dignitaries’). acquires a different perspective. In fact, they Consequently, the prestations deposited in become central instruments in the community’s burials were of inalienable character, for their political economy. possession underpins the distinction of the owner/receiver, ‘transforming difference into rank’ (Weiner 1992: 18). It is almost certain that Prestations to the dead there were different kinds of inalienable possessions. At a first look, one can distinguish the items Most of the works discussing Late Bronze according to provenience and typology (i.e. Age and Early Iron Age burials in Central and local/imported items, keimelia/utilitarian items,11 Western Europe focus on their interpretation as decorated/non-decorated objects, and so forth). symbols of status, markers of social hierarchy However, prestations are not simply valued for and expressions of the emergent power of their richness, but notable for their history and chieftains. As previously pointed out, while trajectory too. funerals and the creation of monuments are Even though, the history of ownership of significant instruments in the politics of such such objects (probably the most important societies, the quantity and the character of grave- factor to define inalienable prestations) cannot goods are not simply a sign of rank, of professional be archaeologically traced, it is important to keep specialization or of wealth. As Pearson (1998: in mind that prestations were given to overcome 40) emphasises, possessions are also inherited, the distance between people, enabling relationships. kept or given away. Thus, when considering their Prestations created hierarchical distance amongst deposition in burials, one has to take into account the observance of pre-set rules of funerary rites, the audience and the performance of the rites, since all contribute to the understanding of (9) Symbolic density constitutes the symbolic value mortuary practice and the social usage that attributed to an object in society (Weiner 1994: 34). An inalienable possession has its own social trajectory, charged the ceremonies. being unique in its value and in the relationships it In this sense, the selection of the objects was represents. established by those individuals involved in the (10) It is important to note that there was no equivalence ritual performance, particularly the closer between such prestations, since gifts of lower symbolic density are not correspondent to high-density items relatives, members of the kin group and, sometimes, (Cf. Weiner 1994: 394). allies and friends. These selected objects had a (11) According to Scheid-Tissinier (1994: 41-49), the specific role and were representatives of personal term keimelia refers to prestige gifts, items of high bonds as well as of a former life. As we shall see value, in many cases (in the Homeric poems) defined as the treasures of the palaces, which included objects later, not all grave-goods consisted of prestations. made out of precious metals (such as vases, weapons Furthermore, some objects, as well as their or jewellery). Hence, Fischer’s (1973) belief that the disposition within the grave, could be related to imported metal vessels found in West Hallstatt aesthetic and decorative purposes, as in the case societies were keimelia – i.e. diplomatic gifts of remarkable character. Kromer (1982), on the other of textiles and flowers. These are linked to the hand, believed that the Hallstatt chiefs received such ritual performance (cf. Pearson 1998). Although gifts on the occasion of visits to Massalia. it can be said that the complete sequence of

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funeral practice (and in particular prayers, 4) objects tailor-made for the funeral, which processions, wailing and the mourning of the despite being rare denote significant distinctions deceased) is not directly manifested in the in ritual performance. material evidence, the archaeological record In the regions under discussion, Late Bronze offers us the opportunity to explore several Age and Hallstatt burials show clear evidence of aspects of such ritual practices – their dynamics prestations represented by multiple deposits of and their connotations. ‘utilitarian items’ such as toilette items (like Having said this, I shall then turn my combs), tools and weapons (similar to those attention to the matter of identifying the found in Late Bronze Age hoards and isolated presence of prestations in the archaeological finds), as well as status symbols (like torcs12). In record. I have argued elsewhere (Tacla 2008) addition, prestations related to banqueting sit in that the material culture shows a clear selection a significant position in funerary ritual, with the of materials and artefacts both in burials and in deposition of multiple items such as bowls, cups, depositions in natural places. The analysis of the drinking-horns, and plates, as well as the offering of latter shows the offering of prestations in rituals a wide range of vessels composing full banqueting performed at watery locations (mainly rivers, sets. These could consist of coarse and fine local confluences, and springs) and at dry locations at pottery ware (as noticed particularly in the promontories and plains (both near or inside unburnt inclusions in cremations), fine imported settlements). Such finds highlight: 1) the existence pottery, and metal vessels of local or foreign of both prestige and ‘ordinary’ items; 2) the manufacture. predominance of ‘apparently’ ordinary items; 3) With regard to the cremation burials, few the preponderance of the value of metal objects; contained objects (usually ornaments) that were 4) the emphasis on feast items, as well as on cremated with the deceased, and are therefore weapons and sacrifice tools; 5) the use of objects interpreted as personal belongings. On the that define personal and collective identities. contrary, the majority of such burials uncovered On the other hand, the evidence of prestations various sorts of offerings – food offerings (rather in burials is rather more complex, for not all rare), weapons, tools, and a range of pottery artefacts deposited in mortuary context consist of vessels that support the interpretation of prestations and some most probably represented prestations. prestations received in other contexts (during the In addition, the analysis of the deposits deceased’s life) and were deposited together with indicates two sorts of special treatment of his possessions and other funerary prestations. prestations: wrapping and breaking. A priori Thus, how can one distinguish amongst these suggesting antithetical actions – on one side the categories? careful wrapping protecting of particular objects A priori, the position of artefacts in the and on the other the ritual destruction of other burial can be interpreted as a sign of such items – both measures constitute special (and distinctions, so that objects placed on or next to significant) handling of objects in ritual performance. the deceased’s body are interpreted as his/her Breakage of objects in burials is a frequent own belongings, whilst gifts could be seen at the practice in these regions (as it is throughout edges of the grave (cf. Evans 2001; King 2004; central-western Europe) during Bronze and Iron Olivier 1999). However, this organisation of ages. Occurring both in so-called ‘rich’ and objects is not the sole discrimination criterion. ‘poor’ graves, the ritual destruction of funerary King (2004), when analysing Anglo-Saxon prestations applies both to status signs like mortuary data, proposes six indicators of funerary prestations, two of which are applicable to the present cases: 1) duplication of artefacts, and 2) unburnt inclusions in cremations. To (12) As Castro (1998) argues, torcs were sacred objects that, like other jewels and adornments, were used as these, I propose to add: 3) objects that had symbol of the status of an individual and, therefore, special treatment (e.g. breaking or wrapping) and were also employed in exchanges.

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swords, daggers, and metal vessels, as well as to to ritual and to some extent to what could please utilitarian items like pins, axes, spears, knives, and the gods in order to gain their favour and razors. protection. On the other hand, the wrapping of objects In the four regions studied herein, it becomes in textile or leather is rarer, being restricted to clear that the more prominent prestations were ‘richer’ burials from Hallstatt and La Tène composed of metal artefacts16 which we know, by periods. In these regions, such practice is identified and large, from classical sources to be highly in a variety of objects: wagons,13 metal vessels,14 appreciated by barbarian peoples (cf. Lezzi- swords, razors, knives, bracelets, and fishhooks.15 Hafter 1997: 365; Tacla 2001: 66; Tsetskhladze Finally, tailor-made objects were rarely 1998: 60). Therefore, the typology of prestations offered as funerary prestations, the only exceptions shows a hierarchy of prestations that, nevertheless, being seen in the case of Hochdorf central grave, fitted into the same categories of expected gifts, where a gold cup and gold ornaments were made all corresponding either to ornaments, weapons, exclusively for the burial. This is probably not tools or items of banqueting service. due to effective costs, but to the socio-political Those deposits ought to be considered in the weight given to the life of objects, in particular to context of the complete process of ritualised their history of ownership, which constituted a practice, i.e. the rules of selection, pattern of significant aspect of the value attributed to the deposition, ritual experience, type of ritual, objects themselves. Moreover, the confection of audience and further implications and usages. items tailor-made for funerals would imply an This showed that the presence of prestations in expenditure of time that is usually not available between the death and the burial ceremony. Although each category of prestation is used (16) In fact, the power, special properties and symbolic according to the specificity of the context (ritual meaning of metals (in particular of ironworking) for and relationships included) and the distinction European Iron Age populations has been discussed in of the persons involved in the exchange, all sorts a number of works. Budd and Taylor (1995) called our attention to the link between magic and metallurgy in of prestation are normalised by stipulated prehistoric Eurasia, suggesting that in European principles of selection. Such rules structured not prehistory there was an association between the role of only the offering of prestations amongst people, shamans and smiths. Along the same lines, Hingley but also the prestations given to the gods, the (1997) observed the peculiar condition of iron smelting and smithing process in Wessex hillforts. dead and the ancestors. All such prestations were Thus, drawing from ethnographical research on valued by their social prestige, by their reference African ironworking, Hingley suggested that European prehistoric ironworking was associated to the idea of regeneration and to agricultural production, stressing ‘the magical and impressive nature of the acts of iron (13) Banck-Burgess (1999: 26-28) points out that the working…’ (Hingley 1997: 15). Other scholars further wrapping of a wagon (or wagon parts) occurs in developed these observations. Creighton (2000), for Burgundy (five cases), Baden-Württemberg (six cases) instance, applied the shamanic interpretation to coin and Belgium (one case). production, whereas Aldhouse-Green (2002) argued in (14) Joffroy (1979: 75) mentions that there were favor of an ‘alchemy of ironworking’, i.e. the magical vestiges of textiles over the crater and the silver bowl character of smithing whose mystique derives from the from Vix T.1 (the latter probably wrapped). However, mastering of fire, for it is considered as a craft that a good part of the remaining textiles might have been involves a special ritual and requires magical properties eliminated during the restoration of the metal objects; (Aldhouse-Green 2002: 16). Bradley (2005: 150-164) so, at the present moment, vestiges of textiles are only claims that metalworking was not considered a daily found in sections of the wagon wheels (cf. Rolley activity, and therefore shows how its practice involved 2003: 287). special significance and ritualised performance. Giles (15) The same can be seen in other regions, for (2007), on the other hand, sets the discussion further example, at Apremont/La Motte G.1, which contained by establishing the interrelationship between political several iron items (as well as the wagon) wrapped in authority and metal objects, highlighting the metaphors textile. The occurrence of both treatments is known of power and transformation (e.g. procreation, elsewhere, for example in Gündlingen/Zwölferbruck, regeneration, life and death) embedded in metal where there was a broken sword-tip wrapped in cloth. production, use and deposition.

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burials denotes a more elaborated ritual looking for. This becomes more evident in the performance, which marks distinct types of example of Grafenbühl’s central grave which, funerals, so that burials without an accumulation looted 10-20 years after the burial (Zürn 1969), of prestations were more likely to be private, had all the metal vessels removed, as indicated by rather than public, ceremonies.17 Nonetheless, the two bronze tripod feet, which had broken one should keep in mind that those who attended off, left behind in the tomb.21 the funerals knew what was absent in the Thus it would appear that the sort of item deposits, i.e. which items (inalienable or not) that they were after conforms to what Fischer’s were kept by the members of kin. keimelia – for they were imported metal objects This is particularly noticeable in the occurrence that stood out for their wealth, like the Vix of looted burials. Some of them were completely crater, the cauldron from Hochdorf, tripods robbed, but in several a few objects were left in and vessels from Grafenbühl, La Garenne and situ. These usually included pottery,18 ornaments Römerhügel. In fact, the examples of burial and, as Pauli (1975) points out, apotropaic robbery allude to a form of resistance to the objects (e.g. amber beads, amulets/pendants, obligation of giving prestations and of keeping objects with amber and coral inlay, rattle certain items out of the exchange, representing, plates),19 which hints at a preference for certain therefore, a means by which to recover or objects in the robbery of burials. For instance, acquire inalienable objects, reinserting them in Zürn (1975: 102) attributes the strange position the community’s political dynamics. Undoubtedly, of the skeleton in Gschnait T.1 to a probable one cannot trace back punishments or sanctions robbery of a torc. Moreover, in the cases of for such practices. However, their reduced Saint-Colombe-sur-Seine T.3 and Carrières à occurrence shows that it was not well received by Bachons G.1, which were robbed shortly after the community and penalty measures might have the burial and only one side of the burial was existed (as Strabo (4.1.13) mentions for later disturbed with the rest remaining intact,20 it is periods).22 clear that the robbers knew what they were

Final remarks

(17) The lavishly furnished, ostentatious burials did In this paper, I have concentrated on the not necessarily represent the richness of the deceased, as ‘the absence of objects may reflect the nature of the burial assemblages of four micro-regions only. funeral, not the poverty of the deceased’ (Pearson However, the ideas and conclusions have shown 1998: 32). This, as Pearson emphasizes, shows a to be of a wider scope, which can be verified in distinction between ‘public’ and ‘private’ ceremonies, other cases and cultural regions, for they actually i.e. celebrations with diverse degrees of intimacy and communal involvement that underscore more the correspond to protohistoric Pan-European relationships than the status of the deceased and of the trends. It is also of remarkable importance to living themselves. highlight the significance of grave-robbing for (18) For the case of Bois de Murat, the period of the our understanding of protohistoric political robbery is not known, but nineteen Etruscan bronze plates, an iron rod and a bronze leg were left in the economy, particularly in the perspective of a chamber. ‘prestation economy’. (19) These are usually classified either as personal Most cases in the four study-regions belongings (for personal charms and protection) or as proved to be private ceremonies. Intimate means of protection for the living against the threat of dangerous dead (cf. Pauli 1975). (20) In Joffroy’s (1966-1987) opinion, probably due to the absence of any valuable metal goods, the robbers had stopped, not disturbing the entire burial. (21) Similar is the case of Hohmichele G.I, which was However, in my view, this is not the case, for the robbed a few years after the burial. violation of just one side of the grave and the objects (22) In fact, for later periods, as Strabo (4.1.13) left behind suggest, instead, knowledge of the burial, mentions, there were sanctions against robbery of offerings its contents and their precise location. in sanctuaries and the same probably applied to burials.

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ceremonies appear in burials with a small At the same time that it commemorates the selection of grave-goods, for the absence of deceased’s personhood, the shared experience large offerings suggests the attendance by a of public funerary performances establishes a small group, most likely the closer relatives of common and hegemonic memory that founds the deceased. In this sort of ceremony, the ancestry and creates a collective identity. commemoration of personhood is evinced Consequently, prestige is a significant variant in not in the status symbols, but in personal the production of such memory and identity, items, as well as in the presence and ritual for it founds and regulates social distance. engagement of the intimate relations of the deceased. These ceremonies mainly culminated in the construction of ordinary, inconspicuous Acknowledgments monuments. Alternatively, communal funerary ceremonies evince large ritualised performances, I would like to thank the colleagues that which did not only engage close personal, but contributed to the discussion of earlier versions also extended relations of the deceased. In of this work both at the IARSS 2005 and the such rituals, there was a clear need to define International Conference - Ritual Dynamics and the the personhood of the deceased, likewise of Science of Ritual, 2008. I am grateful to Professors those in the audience. This was done by Chris Gosden and Richard Bradley for their means of reification of relationships through observations and thoughtful advice. Last, but the offering of prestations, deposit of symbols not least, my special thanks to Sir Barry Cunliffe, of status (demarcation of status), deposit of who supported this research with interest and personal items, and the construction of scholarly advice. Any responsibility for remaining conspicuous monuments. faults are my own.

TACLA, A.B. ‘Prestation Economy’: a model for Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age burial deposition in Central-Western Europe. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, São Paulo, 18: 133-153, 2008.

Abstract: Since the 1970’s, rich burials like those of Vix and Hochdorf have been analysed as the icons of a pan-regional phenomenon – the emergence of traditional states, which is largely underpinned by the impact of their interaction with Mediterranean societies. However, during the last two decades, there has been significant criticism of such an interpretative model. In the core of such a debate, this paper argues that the archaeological record provides evidence that ritual deposits (likewise and alongside other forms of gift-giving) constituted a significant part of what I name as ‘prestation economy’. In order to demonstrate that, this paper analyses the burials and their grave-goods from the regions of four Fürstensitze, namely: Bourges, Châtillon-sur-Glâne, Mont Lassois, and Hohenasperg.

Keywords: Gift-giving – European Iron Age – Ritualisation – Political Economy – Burials – Grave-goods.

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