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Neonaticide: a Comprehensive Review of Investigative and Pathologic Aspects of 55 Cases

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Neonaticide: a Comprehensive Review of Investigative and Pathologic Aspects of 55 Cases J Fam Viol (2011) 26:263–276 DOI 10.1007/s10896-011-9362-8 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Neonaticide: A Comprehensive Review of Investigative and Pathologic Aspects of 55 Cases Joy Lynn Shelton & Tracey Corey & William H. Donaldson & Emily Hemberger Dennison Published online: 13 March 2011 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC (outside the USA) 2011 Abstract Analysis of neonaticide cases from a law enforce- Keywords Neonaticide . Infanticide . Filicide . Child ment perspective is virtually non-existent in the research homicide literature. Nonetheless, law enforcement and prosecutors face 1 unique challenges when investigating and prosecuting neo- Neonaticide has occurred in every country and by every naticide; and a specialized, informed approach is necessary. culture. Historically, the killing of newborns was most often By highlighting the crime scene characteristics and autopsy the result of illegitimacy, gender selection, economic findings of 55 neonaticide victims, the authors hope to assist hardship, or physical deformity (Resnick 1969). Yet, even ’ the law enforcement and legal communities in their neo- with modern civilization s contributions and social accep- naticide investigations. Specifically, this article clarifies how tance of contraception, illegitimacy, and single-mothers, neonaticide occurs by chronologically examining the preg- this complex and poorly understood crime continues to nancy, the birth and death of the infant, the subsequent crime occur (Overpeck et al. 1998). Past research has reflected scene (or scenes) and the pathological findings. The article that neonaticide offenders are typically women who are also highlights the potential challenges that may arise during young and unmarried (Resnick 1970). However, more investigation and prosecution of these cases in addition to recent literature reveals that neonaticide offenders are of providing the forensic community with recommended inves- every race, age, educational level, marital and socio- tigative techniques. economic status (Oberman 1996; Riley 2005). Women in their thirties and forties also commit neonaticide as well as women who are married (Beyer et al. 2008). It appears Preliminary results presented orally on March 24, 2010, by CA Joy Lynn E. Shelton at the 26th Annual National Symposium on Child women from a variety of ages and life circumstances are Abuse, Huntsville, Alabama. capable of committing neonaticide in response to a J. L. Shelton (*) : W. H. Donaldson conflicted pregnancy (Riley 2005). Federal Bureau of Investigation, National Center for the Analysis Women who kill their newborns are something of a of Violent Crime, Behavioral Analysis Unit—III Crimes Against mystery to present-day culture even with the advances in Children; FBI Academy, the medical, psychological, and behavioral fields. In Quantico, VA 22135, USA e-mail: [email protected] response to what many find inexplicable, society tends to think of mothers who kill their newborns as irrational and W. H. Donaldson e-mail: [email protected] pathological, labels that encompass a variety of explan- ations including mental illness, menstruation, poor social- T. Corey ization, domestic pressures, or a broken home (Coughlin Kentucky Medical Examiners Office, 1994; Wilczynski 1991). In reality, neonaticide offenders Louisville, KY, USA are rarely psychotic, but often are perceived as less culpable E. H. Dennison Department of Anatomic and Clinical Pathology, University of Louisville, 1 Neonaticide is commonly defined as the killing of a newborn within Louisville, KY 40202, USA 24 h of birth most commonly by the biological mother (Resnick e-mail: [email protected] 1970). 264 J Fam Viol (2011) 26:263–276 by the criminal justice system (Alder and Baker 1997; difficult to attribute to any one person. Pathological Craig 2004; Dobson and Sale 2000; Resnick 1970; Shelton examinations of a newborn may result in non-specific et al. 2010). Common factors mitigating culpability include pathological findings, and the incidents may be classified the emotional and physical turmoil over an unwanted and/ under different charges (Herman-Giddens et al. 2003). or illegitimate pregnancy, most often present in youthful Typically only those cases that involve medical complica- offenders (Haapasalo and Petaja 1999; Resnick 1970; tions, unsophisticated crime scenes, or obvious body Shelton et al. 2010). disposal efforts come to the attention of law enforcement Not surprisingly, then, law enforcement and the and/or medical professionals (Beyer et al. 2008). criminal justice system face unique challenges when investigating and prosecuting neonaticide cases. These types of cases can be resource-intensive, emotionally The Path to Neonaticide charged, and difficult to resolve (Beyer et al. 2008). Since investigators are often unfamiliar with this excep- A perpetrator’s pre-offense environment and stressors are tional crime, they may be perplexed when faced with often manifested at the crime scene. If the context is certain case dynamics: variation in offender character- understood, investigators and medical examiners can istics, intermittent denial of pregnancy, the physical and observe and document important, but often overlooked, emotional resiliency of the offender, and the lack of evidence. But what factors commonly precede a mother documented mental illness and criminal history (Beyer et killing her newborn? Various studies have consistently al. 2008). In summary, neonaticide investigations require a reported recurring demographic findings of neonaticide unique, informed approach. The objective of this article is offenders, to include typically young, unmarried offenders to assist the forensic, law enforcement, and legal commu- who concealed and/or denied the pregnancy and who nities in their neonaticide investigations and prosecutions. received no prenatal care (McKee 2006; Oberman 1996; By highlighting research into the crime scene character- Pitt and Bale 1995; Resnick 1969; Riley 2005; Spinelli istics and autopsy findings of 55 neonaticide victims, our 2001). The relationship with the father of the newborn has goal is threefold: to clarify how neonaticide occurs by typically ended or is dissolving, and the majority of the chronologically examining the pregnancy, the birth and women live at home with parents or other relatives at the death of the infant, and the subsequent crime scene (or time of the birth (Riley 2005). scenes) and pathological findings; to highlight the poten- Nonetheless, there have been very few studies that tial challenges that may arise during investigation/prose- systematically examine the pathway that women take to cution of these cases; and to provide the criminal justice neonaticide. However, one recent study by Riley (2005) system with recommended investigative techniques. paints a more detailed picture of the steps these women take during the homicide and the previous gestational period. By conducting interviews with nine neonaticide offenders, Prevalence Riley highlights the behavioral and psychological responses integral to the act of neonaticide: 1) fear, 2) concealment, 3) The United States has the fourth highest of rate of infant emotional isolation, 4) denial, 5) dissociation, 6) panic, and homicide relative to population size, trailing Japan, Austria, 7) homicide. and Finland, respectively (Briggs and Cutright 1994). The The pathway to neonaticide often begins with the National Center for Health Statistics Report for the year discovery of an unplanned pregnancy. In response to this 2000 reflected that homicide was the 15th leading cause of discovery, women describe a sense of disabling fear. Fear death (COD) during the first year of life in the United seems to be a pronounced factor in the motivation of States (Murphy 2000). In addition, the risk for homicide is neonaticide and is associated with the shame and guilt of greater in infancy than in any other year of childhood, having a child out of wedlock (Pitt and Bale 1995). In especially during the first 4 months of life (Overpeck et al. particular, neonaticide offenders often express concern 1998). More specifically, the first day of life reflects the regarding their parents discovering the pregnancy (Beyer greatest risk for homicide with rates at least 10 times et al. 2008;Marcikieetal.2006;Sadoff1995). As a result, greater than any other time of life (Overpeck et al. 1998). they take action to conceal their body’s physical changes Although various studies have attempted to estimate the to include wearing baggy clothing, decreasing visits with rate of occurrence of neonaticide, these are no doubt family and/or friends or hiding out in their bedrooms. underestimates (Herman-Giddens et al. 2003; Meyer et al. Their deliberate physical isolation may lead to emotional 2001). The covert nature of neonaticide makes estimations isolation where the lack of meaningful and supportive problematic for a variety of reasons. Upon delivery, the relationships prevents the offender from confiding in disposal of a newborn is relatively easy and, as a result, another. Denial of pregnancy is a woman’s recurring J Fam Viol (2011) 26:263–276 265 response during this time (Oberman 1996;Spinelli2001). When the baby is delivered (often directly into the toilet) This denial is often described as an ebb and flow of the mother typically attends to herself and does not assess awareness and compartmentalization (Oberman 1996; the condition of the baby for some time. The mother may Spinelli 2001). For example, one offender is
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