The Principle of Noninterference, Revisited

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Principle of Noninterference, Revisited The Globalization of Chinese Economic Interests and Chinese Foreign Policy: The Principle of Noninterference, Revisited. By Jorge Antonio Chávez Mazuelos Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Michael Merlingen Word count: 15,149 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Abstract The principle of noninterference is a foundational tenet of Chinese foreign policy which stems from the normative understanding of sovereignty and the narrative of victimization and foreign aggression during the century of humiliation. In times where China’s global presence was limited, the strict application of the principle was not problematic. However, China’s economic expansion has made the protection of Chinese citizens and interests beyond the country’s border a priority. I will argue that this unprecedented imperative is linked to the emergence of the norm of protection of Chinese citizens and interests. I will posit this norm has had domestic actors such as bureaucratic actors and grassroots pressures as its main drivers. The contribution this thesis intends to make to the literature is to illustrate that there is a clash between the long-held norm of sovereignty and the principle of noninterference and the norm of protection of Chinese Nationals and interests which emerged upon the globalization of Chinese economic interests. I will argue that this normative clash is problematic for the ruling Chinese Communist Party since it is inextricably connected to the imperative of government legitimacy and regime security. If the CCP derived its legitimacy from the protection of Chinese sovereignty against foreign aggression, securing its citizens and interests overseas has become a new source of legitimacy. CEU eTD Collection ii Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Michael Merlingen, my thesis supervisor, for his support and guidance during my research. The dialogues I had with him were fundamental for aligning my academic interest on Chinese foreign policy with a theoretical framework. I also would like to thank Professor Daniel Large, who helped me to identify my field of academic research and deepen my knowledge about Chinese Foreign Policy. The class seminars and consultations I had with him enabled me to approach my research with greater perspective. I would like to convey my gratitude to Robin Bellers, from the Academic Writing Center, who had the patience to read my papers throughout my academic year at CEU and who was very supportive during the process of writing my thesis. Finally, as the old chinese adage says, when you drink water, remember who built the well( 饮水 思源). Therefore I would like to my deepest gratitude to the late Mr. Antonio Fernández Arce, Peruvian journalist, China expert and dear friend, with whom I had compelling dialogues during the years I lived in Beijing. His more than 50 years of life in China and his remarkable stories further sparked my interest on China. CEU eTD Collection iii Table of contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Theoretical framework ...........................................................................................4 1.1 Constructivism ..............................................................................................................4 1.2 Academic debates on the principle of noninterference ...................................................8 1.3 Methodology ............................................................................................................... 11 Chapter 2 The emergence of the norm of sovereignty and the principle of noninterference ... 12 2.1 The transition from the Tianxia system to the Westphalian order ................................. 12 2.2 Communist Foreign Policy .......................................................................................... 16 2.3 The Reform and Opening up: Foundation of the economic miracle ............................. 19 Chapter 3 The emergence of the norm of citizen and interest protection ............................... 23 3.1 The pressures of the Party-State bureaucratic entities .................................................. 27 3.2 Popular nationalism and grassroots pressure for active involvement ............................ 30 3.3 Institutional response to the new reality ....................................................................... 35 Chapter 4 The clash of the norms in practice: A more flexible understanding of the principle of non-interference .................................................................................................................... 38 4.1 Law enforcement operation in the Golden Triangle ..................................................... 39 4.2 Non-Combatant Evacuation in Libya .......................................................................... 43 4.3 Sudan´s hostage crisis ................................................................................................. 48 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 51 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................. 54 CEU eTD Collection iv Introduction China has risen as the second world power and it is poised to become the biggest economy. However, this is not quite an exceptional change in world history, since China held that position until the early 19th century. In nearly 4 decades, China has become the world´s second economy and will likely become the world´s largest economic power in the coming years. The so called Chinese economic miracle is seen as an exceptional historical shift; however, China had held the position as the world´s largest economy until mid-19th century. Since Deng Xiaoping launched the Reform and Opening Up policy in 1978, the country has gone through a deep economic and social transformation that has had profound ramifications beyond its shores. Over the past 4 decades China’s GDP has grown 34-fold while its foreign trade volume has increased 234-fold.1. This growth has been translated into the international expansion of Chinese economic interests, through trade and investments and accompanied by the migration of Chinese nationals to the recipient countries. Therefore, the globalization of the presence of Chinese interests and citizens has created unprecedented normative challenges for Chinese foreign policy, that have been expressed in the application of the principle of noninterference, a foundational principle of Chinese foreign policy.2 The principle of non-interference arose from the normative understanding of sovereignty, which was institutionalized in the Chinese Foreign Policy discourse due to the narrative of victimization and foreign aggression during the century of humiliation. Upon the foundation of The People’s CEU eTD Collection Republic of China, the norm of sovereignty was further internalized giving way to the 1 Miaojie Yu (2018) China’s international trade development and opening up policy design over the past four decades, China Economic Journal, 11:3:301. 2 Parello-Plesner,Jonas; Duchâtel,Mathieu.(2015) China's strong arm: protecting citizens and assets abroad. Abingdon, Oxon:. P-10 1 government´s role identity as defender of national sovereignty against foreign aggression and interference. The normative prescription of this role identity was two-fold, on the one hand China prevented any breach of its territorial integrity and internal affairs and on the other hand it was expected to equally respect the sovereignty of other states. Therefore, this thesis investigates how has the Chinese government’s economic internationalization strategy has affected its role identity and its performance of sovereignty. It examines how has the clash between the norm of sovereignty and the principle of noninterference and the norm of protection of Chinese citizens and interests translated into foreign policy decisions. Furthermore, it analyzes how the internalization of the norm of protection of Chinese citizens and interests is connected to the Chinese government´s regime security and legitimacy. The contribution this thesis intends to make to the literature is to illustrate that there is a clash between the long-held norm of sovereignty and the principle of noninterference and the norm of protection of Chinese Nationals and interests which emerged upon the globalization of Chinese economic interests. I will argue that this normative clash is problematic for the ruling Chinese Communist Party since it is inextricably connected to the imperative of government legitimacy and regime security. I will posit that upholding the strict notion of the principle of noninterference and the corresponding identity of defender of national sovereignty was not problematic in a context where China’s global reach was limited. Nevertheless, in circumstances where China´s economic expansion and the increasing presence of its nationals, worldwide, have created domestic pressures which have led to the emergence of a new norm, the norm of protection of Chinese Citizens and CEU eTD Collection interests abroad.3 Hence, the norm to protect Chinese Citizens and interests has clashed with the 3 Weining Ai & Weiqing Song (2019) China
Recommended publications
  • Mekong 2030’ Anthology to Focus on Plight of Mekong River
    ‘Mekong 2030’ Anthology to Focus On Plight Of Mekong River - dia) Soul River is a cautionary tale framed as a lighthearted road (or, rath- er, river) movie. Set in 2030 in a remote northeast region of Cambodia, it urges contemporary audiences to reconsider their attitudes toward environmental degradation and the impact of climate change on the Mekong basin. Courtesy of Luang Prabang Film Festival - Filmmakers (from left) Sai Naw Kham, Kulikar Sotho and Anysay Keola. A new Luang Prabang Film Festival sioning the condition of the river — was raised. There, he intervenes in a which carves its course through China, dispute between his siblings over the Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia ethics of exploiting their elderly moth- and Vietnam — as well as the commu- er’s blood. The blood has become a nities that depend on it. valuable commodity to a Western cor- Five Southeast Asian directors will poration that has been developing a present their visions — and fears — for The river has come under increasing cure for a deadly plague outbreak. the future of the Mekong river, one of threat from pollution and from a series Asia’s most vital waterways, through of massive dams, according to the Me- - the anthology , which is kong River Commission (MRC). set to tour the world’s festival circuit next year. “We need to address these issues now to claim their lost spirits’ attachment in order to minimize further environ- to the Mekong River, while channeling “I heard about global warming and mental harm and protect remaining community resilience toward its pro- climate change and stuff like that, but wetlands and riverine habitats before tection.
    [Show full text]
  • Drug Trafficking in and out of the Golden Triangle
    Drug trafficking in and out of the Golden Triangle Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy To cite this version: Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy. Drug trafficking in and out of the Golden Triangle. An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia. The Illegal Trade in Arms, Drugs, People, Counterfeit Goods and Natural Resources in Mainland, IB Tauris, p. 1-32, 2013. hal-01050968 HAL Id: hal-01050968 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01050968 Submitted on 25 Jul 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Atlas of Trafficking in Mainland Southeast Asia Drug trafficking in and out of the Golden Triangle Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy CNRS-Prodig (Maps 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 25, 31) The Golden Triangle is the name given to the area of mainland Southeast Asia where most of the world‟s illicit opium has originated since the early 1950s and until 1990, before Afghanistan‟s opium production surpassed that of Burma. It is located in the highlands of the fan-shaped relief of the Indochinese peninsula, where the international borders of Burma, Laos, and Thailand, run. However, if opium poppy cultivation has taken place in the border region shared by the three countries ever since the mid-nineteenth century, it has largely receded in the 1990s and is now confined to the Kachin and Shan States of northern and northeastern Burma along the borders of China, Laos, and Thailand.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Hacking: Impact on Human Rights and Commercial Rule of Law
    CHINESE HACKING: IMPACT ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND COMMERCIAL RULE OF LAW HEARING BEFORE THE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION JUNE 25, 2013 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 81–855 PDF WASHINGTON : 2013 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Senate House SHERROD BROWN, Ohio, Chairman CHRIS SMITH, New Jersey, Cochairman MAX BAUCUS, Montana FRANK WOLF, Virginia CARL LEVIN, Michigan MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TIM WALZ, Minnesota MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio MICHAEL HONDA, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS SETH D. HARRIS, Department of Labor FRANCISCO J. SA´ NCHEZ, Department of Commerce NISHA DESAI BISWAL, U.S. Agency for International Development LAWRENCE T. LIU, Staff Director PAUL B. PROTIC, Deputy Staff Director (II) CO N T E N T S STATEMENTS Page Opening Statement of Hon. Sherrod Brown, a U.S. Senator from Ohio; Chair- man, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...................................... 1 Smith, Hon. Christopher H., a U.S. Representative from New Jersey; Cochair- man, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...................................... 3 Levin, Hon. Carl, a U.S. Senator from Michigan; Member, Congressional- Executive Commission on China ........................................................................ 5 Pittenger, Hon. Robert, a U.S. Representative from North Carolina; Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...............................................
    [Show full text]
  • New Foreign Policy Actors in China
    Stockholm InternatIonal Peace reSearch InStItute SIPrI Policy Paper new ForeIgn PolIcy new Foreign Policy actors in china 26 actorS In chIna September 2010 The dynamic transformation of Chinese society that has paralleled linda jakobson and dean knox changes in the international environment has had a direct impact on both the making and shaping of Chinese foreign policy. To understand the complex nature of these changes is of utmost importance to the international community in seeking China’s engagement and cooperation. Although much about China’s foreign policy decision making remains obscure, this Policy Paper make clear that it is possible to identify the interest groups vying for a voice in policy formulation and to explore their policy preferences. Uniquely informed by the authors’ access to individuals across the full range of Chinese foreign policy actors, this Policy Paper reveals a number of emergent trends, chief among them the changing face of China’s official decision-making apparatus and the direction that actors on the margins would like to see Chinese foreign policy take. linda Jakobson (Finland) is Director of the SIPRI China and Global Security Programme. She has lived and worked in China for over 15 years and is fluent in Chinese. She has written six books about China and has published extensively on China’s foreign policy, the Taiwan Strait, China’s energy security, and China’s policies on climate change and science and technology. Prior to joining SIPRI in 2009, Jakobson worked for 10 years for the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), most recently as director of its China Programme.
    [Show full text]
  • China and Conflict-Affected States
    REPORT China and conflict-affected states Between principle and pragmatism SUDAN SRI LANKA NEPAL SOUTH SUDAN Ivan Campbell, Thomas Wheeler, Larry Attree, Dell Marie Butler and Bernardo Mariani January 2012 China and conflict-affected states Between principle and pragmatism Ivan Campbell, Thomas Wheeler, Larry Attree, Dell Marie Butler and Bernardo Mariani SAFERWORLD JANUARY 2012 Authors This report was researched and written for Saferworld by Ivan Campbell, Thomas Wheeler, Larry Attree, Dell Marie Butler and Bernardo Mariani. Acknowledgements We are grateful for advice and feedback from Saferworld country teams in Sri Lanka, Nepal and South Sudan, as well as colleagues Duncan Hiscock and Johannes Olschner. For their time and comments, special thanks also go to Ian Taylor, Ochieng Adala, Chris Alden, Laura Barber, Chin-Hao Huang, Jonathan Goodhand, Nishchal Pandey, Kathelijne Schenkel, Martin Stuerzinger, Xia Liping and Xiao Yuhua. The report was copy-edited by Deepthi Wickremasinghe and designed by Jane Stevenson. Saferworld is grateful to the United Kingdom Department for International Development for providing financial support for this project. © Saferworld January 2012. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without full attribution. Saferworld welcomes and encourage the utilisation and dissemination of the material included in this publication. Contents 1. Introduction 1 Overview 1 Rationale 2 Background 3 Research focus 3 Methodology 4 2. China’s approach 7 Introduction 7 Interests and principles informing China’s engagements abroad 8 Foreign policy principles 10 Military engagement 12 Arms transfers 12 China at the international level 14 International co-operation outside the UN 17 Aid 18 Conclusions 22 Acronyms 23 3.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CASE of PEACEKEEPING MISSIONS Dr. Liu Lian School Of
    Global Journal of Politics and Law Research Vol.7, No.4, pp.13-29, May 2019 Published by European Centre for Research Training and Development UK (www.eajournals.org) CHINA’S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE UNITED NATIONS:THE CASE OF PEACEKEEPING MISSIONS Dr. Liu Lian School of Politics and International Studies, Central China Normal University 152, Luoyu Avenue, Hongshan District, Wuhan city, Hubei province P.R. China, 430079 Otenia Temitayo (PhD candidate) PhD candidate, School of Politics and International Studies, Central China Normal University 152, Luoyu Avenue, Hongshan District, Wuhan city, Hubei province P.R. China, 430079 ABSTRACT: The year 2018 marked the 40th anniversary of China's reform and opening up policies, and the 28th anniversary of China's participation to the United Nations peacekeeping operations. In the past 28 years, China has firmly supported and actively participated in United Nations peacekeeping operations, becoming the permanent member country of the United Nations Security Council, with the most significant number of peacekeepers. Beyond the active participation, Beijing has also been one of the leading advocates of peaceful ways to conduct the peacekeeping missions and the respect of national sovereignty. This paper aims to capture the contribution of China to the United Nations' peacekeeping operations, primarily its actions destined to strengthen the collective security mechanisms of the United Nations, to enhance the decision-making and operational capacity of peacekeeping operations to reinforce the basic principles and purposes of the United Nations. KEYWORDS: China; peacekeeping; United Nations; contribution INTRODUCTION The date of 29th May 2018 is the one marking the 70th anniversary of United Nations peacekeeping operations.
    [Show full text]
  • Protecting China's Overseas Interests
    SIPRI Policy Paper PROTECTING CHINA’S 41 OVERSEAS INTERESTS June 2014 The Slow Shift away from Non-interference mathieu duchâtel, oliver bräuner and zhou hang STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Jayantha Dhanapala, Acting Chairman (Sri Lanka) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger (Germany) Professor Mary Kaldor (United Kingdom) The Director DIRECTOR Ian Anthony (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden Telephone: +46 8 655 97 00 Fax: +46 8 655 97 33 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protecting China’s Overseas Interests The Slow Shift away from Non-interference SIPRI Policy Paper No. 41 MATHIEU DUCHÂTEL, OLIVER BRÄUNER AND ZHOU HANG June 2014 © SIPRI 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Printed in Sweden ISSN 1652–0432 (print) ISSN 1653–7548 (online) ISBN 978–91–85114–85–6 Contents Preface iv Acknowledgements v Summary vi Abbreviations viii 1. Introduction 1 2. Chinese debates on non-interference 5 China’s strict adherence to non-interference 5 Normative developments in the international system 8 The expansion of China’s overseas interests 13 Towards a pragmatic and flexible interpretation of non-interference 17 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Cross-Strait Relations: First the Easy, Now the Hard
    Cross-Strait Relations: First the Easy, Now the Hard Alan D. Romberg After two rounds of renewed cross-Strait dialogue in 2008, PRC President Hu Jintao took the initiative at the end of the year to put forward an ambitious agenda for advancing the relationship and consolidating it for the long run. He embedded his proposals squarely in the long-standing orthodoxy on “one China” and ultimate reunification. But in the most important aspect of the speech, he fundamentally, if largely implicitly, recognized that unification is at best a distant prospect. Consistent with his approach to date, he exhibited a willingness to be patient as long as developments were consistent with—or at least not inconsistent with—these two ideas. On a tactical level, while officials on both sides continue to speak of the need to move “step-by-step,” in fact, some people in Taiwan as well as on the Mainland have shown a desire to accelerate the pace, trying to get as much as possible done while Ma and Hu are both in power. Moreover, while agreements to date have focused on specific issues such as cross-Strait transportation and tourism, Hu’s endorsement of an umbrella economic agreement—an idea Ma had first floated in the 2007– 08 presidential campaign—has raised the issue to new prominence in the cross-Strait dialogue for 2009. It has also precipitated a sharp debate in Taiwan about the merits of such a deal. Finally, the tyranny of the calendar brought the issue of Taiwan’s participation in the annual World Health Assembly meeting front and center.
    [Show full text]
  • China Dream, Space Dream: China's Progress in Space Technologies and Implications for the United States
    China Dream, Space Dream 中国梦,航天梦China’s Progress in Space Technologies and Implications for the United States A report prepared for the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Kevin Pollpeter Eric Anderson Jordan Wilson Fan Yang Acknowledgements: The authors would like to thank Dr. Patrick Besha and Dr. Scott Pace for reviewing a previous draft of this report. They would also like to thank Lynne Bush and Bret Silvis for their master editing skills. Of course, any errors or omissions are the fault of authors. Disclaimer: This research report was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 108-7. However, it does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission or any individual Commissioner of the views or conclusions expressed in this commissioned research report. CONTENTS Acronyms ......................................................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................... iii Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1
    [Show full text]
  • China and Thailand's Security Cooperation in the 21St Century
    China and Thailand's Security Cooperation in the 21st Century And Its Effect Song Qingrun, Associate Professor & Ph.D, Unit Chief of Bay of Bengal Unit, Institute of South Asian, Southeast Asian and Oceanian Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations(CICIR) The Importance, Necessity for China-Thailand's Security Cooperation • Security and stability are the preconditions for economic development and people’s wellbeing in Asia. According to the SIPRI ’s (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) report, in 2014, the global military spending dropped by 0.4 percent in real terms since 2013,but in Asia, the military expenditure rising by 5 percent, reaching a total of $439 billion, because there are many security challenges in this region. We should avoid “security dilemma” and war. China advocates New Asian Security Concept • Xi Jinping, the President of China, pointed out that, “We believe that it is necessary to advocate common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security in Asia. We need to innovate our security concept, establish a new regional security cooperation architecture, and jointly build a road for security of Asia that is shared by and win-win to all.” China advocates common security in Asia • Common security means respecting and ensuring the security of each and every country. Asia is a region of great diversity. Countries differ in size, wealth and strength. They vary in historical and cultural traditions as well as social systems, and have different security interests and aspirations”. China advocates comprehensive security in Asia • comprehensive security means upholding security in both traditional and non-traditional fields. Asia's security challenges are extremely complicated, which include both hotspot and sensitive issues and ethnic and religious problems.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Energy and Security Relations with Russia
    SIPRI Policy Paper CHINA’S ENERGY AND 29 SECURITY RELATIONS October 2011 WITH RUSSIA Hopes, Frustrations and Uncertainties linda jakobson, paul holtom, dean knox and jingchao peng STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Göran Lennmarker, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi (Algeria) Jayantha Dhanapala (Sri Lanka) Susan Eisenhower (United States) Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger (Germany) Professor Mary Kaldor (United Kingdom) The Director DIRECTOR Dr Bates Gill (United States) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden Telephone: +46 8 655 97 00 Fax: +46 8 655 97 33 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org China’s Energy and Security Relations with Russia Hopes, Frustrations and Uncertainties SIPRI Policy Paper No. 29 LINDA JAKOBSON, PAUL HOLTOM, DEAN KNOX AND JINGCHAO PENG October 2011 © SIPRI 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. ISSN 1652–0432 (print) ISSN 1653–7548 (online) ISBN 978–91–85114–66–5 Contents Preface iv Summary vi Abbreviations viii 1. Introduction 1 2. The strategic partnership 4 Convergent interests 4 Conflicting interests 9 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Covid Diplomacy NEW VISTAS Resilient China Economic Upswing H.E
    Vol. XXXII | No.7 | July 2020 ` 50 NEWS FROM CHINA CHINA-INDIA REVIEW COVID DIPLOMACY NEW VISTAS RESILIENT CHINA ECONOMIC UPSWING H.E. SUN WEIDONG From Ambassador’s Desk China’s Ambassador to India China-India Ties: The Way Forward n any relationship, there are ups and downs. we should strengthen cooperation on curbing The recent border issue and unfortunate the epidemic and jointly overcome difficulties. Iincident between China and India should Some people have been trumpeting the so- not detract from the forward-looking vision of called “decoupling” of China-India economic the bilateral partnership charted by our two and trade relations which is erroneous thinking. leaders, President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister The business community and people of India Narendra Modi. are the beneficiaries of China-India economic As our frontline troops disengage and the and trade cooperation. Any self-protection, non- border situation de-escalate, it’s important to tariff barriers and restrictive measures against underline basic principles that should guide China are unfair to everyone concerned. In the development of China-India relations. this regard, we should focus on implementing First, China and India should be partners the high-level economic and trade dialogue rather than rivals. Since the 1990s, China and mechanism, which was agreed between the two India have reached an important consensus leaders during their second informal summit in that the two countries pose no threat to each Chennai in October last year. other. During the Wuhan Informal Summit in Fourth, China and India need to build trust 2018, President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister rather than suspicion.
    [Show full text]