Gender in Turkish Society and its Effects on Individuals

By Ceylan Engin B.A in May 2011, University of Alabama at Birmingham

A Thesis submitted to

The faculty of Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

January 31, 2014

Thesis directed by Ronald Weitzer Professor of Sociology

Dedication

Annem icin. Her zaman kalbimdesin.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank a few individuals who have greatly contributed to the process of finishing my thesis. Without all their valuable contributions, my thesis would not have been complete.

Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor, Ronald

Weitzer, for his endless assistance, advice, and patience throughout this project. He has not just been resourceful but also inspiring and motivational.

I would like to thank Professor Michelle Kelso and Professor Cynthia Deitch for their insightful comments and suggestions.

I would like to thank Gabrielle Le Roux and Sevval Kilic for initiating the project

“Proudly Trans in .” Without their project, my study would not have been possible.

I would like to thank both Professor Binnaz Toprak and Professor Nuri Zafer

Yenal for agreeing to meet with me and providing me valuable sources.

I would like to thank Professor Ivy Ken and Steven Tuch for their support and encouragement during my graduate studies.

I would also like to thank my colleagues, Claire, Priya, Allison, and Kenneth for their company and support that made difficult tasks easier during our academic journey together.

My sincere gratitude goes to my dear friends Erin, Stephanie, Rachel, Beril, and

Zeynep for their moral support.

My gratitude also goes to Joel, who spent many hours discussing and proof- reading my thesis.

Lastly, I would like to thank my parents for their boundless encouragement. I am humbled by all the love and support you have given me.

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Abstract

Gender Discrimination in Turkish Society and its Effects on Transgender Individuals

The influence of traditional Islamic values on Turkish policy making has resulted in further marginalization, stigmatization, and socially disparate outcomes for those who do not fit the dominant hetero-normative gender norms and sexual identities. A macro level analysis of the silenced politics of queer identity in Turkey will be discussed by analyzing the debates of four members of parliament representing their parties’ in the

Turkish government. In addition, it includes a discussion of a bill proposed in February

2013 by the political party CHP which promoted the improvement of LGBT rights in

Turkey but which failed to pass in parliament. This study will then introduce a micro- level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty transgender individuals. The experiences of transgender individuals in Turkey will be examined by drawing from current Turkish and global literature on transgender identity and Turkish news media reports on sex workers. In addition, the results of this study illustrate the importance of immediate policy changes that need to be made to the Turkish Constitution in order to safeguard the rights of transgender individuals in Turkey.

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Table of Contents

Dedication...... ii

Acknowledgments...... iii

Abstract of Thesis ……………………………………………...... iv

Table of Contents...... v

List of Tables...... vi

Introduction ……………………………………………...... 1

Literature Review...... 2

Methodology...... 16

Findings.……………………………………………...... 18

Conclusion...... 34

References...... 39

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List of Tables

Table 1: GNAT Deputy Distribution by Gender…..…………………………………...... 19

Table 2: Self Described ………..……………………………………….26

Table 3: Demographics of Interviewees…………………………………………………27

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Introduction Although the Turkish Republic was founded as a secular state, traditional Islamic values remain omnipresent in most government institutions. The influence of these values on Turkish policy making has resulted in further marginalization, stigmatization, and socially disadvantageous outcomes for those who do not fit the dominant hetero- normative gender norms and sexual identities. This study first introduces a macro level analysis of the politics of queer identity in Turkey by analyzing the debates of four deputies in the Turkish Parliament, each representing their parties’ disparate viewpoints.

It then reviews a 2013 bill that promoted the improvement of , gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in Turkey. The experiences of trans- are examined by drawing from current Turkish and global literature on transgender identity and Turkish news media reports on sex workers. In addition, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty transgender individuals in Turkey is examined. The findings of this micro-level analysis elucidate the continuous discrimination, inequality and violence that these individuals experience, while the macro analysis portrays the state’s discriminatory policies toward LGBT individuals and sex workers in Turkish society.

Both macro-level and micro-level discrimination influence one another, creating perpetual gender inequality in Turkish society, which consequently leads to detrimental consequences for LGBT individuals. This study asks two research questions. First, what is the Turkish government’s outlook for the LGBT community? And secondly, what kind of problems and challenges do transgender individuals experience in Turkey? This study documents sexual minorities’ experiences of discrimination, abuse, and violence as a

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result of living in a staunchly hetero-normative culture. The results of this study illustrate the importance of policy changes that need to be adopted by the Turkish Constitution in order to reduce discrimination and safeguard the equal protection of LGBT individuals in general and transgender sex workers in particular.

Literature Review

Turkey has long been considered to have strategic geographic importance because its landmass serves as a bridge between and . It is often viewed as an example of a modern Muslim state, with a secular, functioning democracy, in stark contrast to other Middle Eastern governments, run by dictatorships and religious fundamentalism (Davutoglu 2007, Kirisci 2011). Turkish culture is greatly influenced by

European values as a result of its geographical position; however, traditional Islamic values also remain deeply ingrained in most of the country’s social institutions (Saktanber

2002). In order to understand how gender inequality, and its hetero-normative value system, persists in Turkish society, the political, economic and social changes that Turkey underwent will be briefly described here, from the country’s formation of a secular democracy under the military leader Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1923 through the present.

The cultural and political climate of Turkish society was strongly influenced by the Kemalist movement that idealized modernization, secularization, and democracy, largely shaping what it meant to have a Turkish identity in the 20th century (Pope et al.

1997). During the 1920s and 1930s, Turkey experienced dramatic cultural, political, and economic transitions which resulted in the implementation of a wide range of social and political reforms. These policies aimed to weaken the power of religious institutions, promote modernization, and spread a common sense of Turkish national identity (Pope et

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al. 1997, Shissler 2007). Ataturk’s political reforms began with the abolition of the

Caliphate (unified federal Islamic jurisdiction ruled by the elected head of the state, or caliph) and adoption of the secular European model.

One of Ataturk’s priorities for the newly founded government’s national security was maintaining the indivisibility of the nation and dampening the politics of separatism.

Accordingly, ethnicity and nationality were to be viewed as one and the same in order to create a more unified and homogenous culture. Social norms, combined with state regulated policies, reinforced strategies of assimilation. While in theory, Kemalism promoted the unification of all individuals, in reality the cultural oppression of ethnic

(Kurdish, Armenian, and Greek) communities led to a separation of ethnic Turks and minority groups.

While Ataturk’s radical reforms proved to have damaging effects on minority groups, they did serve to marginally improve the position of women. Between 1930 and

1934, the parliament implemented policies that created unprecedented civil rights for women, including the right to vote and the right to be elected to public office. This took place at a time when women in most Western countries could not vote. Under the Civil

Code of 1926, polygyny was banned, and women were given equal access to divorce and matters related to inheritance and property management. Women’s entry into the public sphere was also facilitated by expanding educational opportunities and promoting their participation in the work force (Pope et al. 1997, Shissler 2007). Despite the laws and regulations implemented by the founding fathers of the Turkish Republic to improve the rights and position of women in society, gender inequality continues to be a major problem.

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In the last decade, Prime Minister Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party

(AKP) has been recognized for his innovative economic policies, which have transformed

Turkey into a modern society that embraces neoliberal economic policies and moderate

Muslim values (Hansen 2013). However, while the economic outlook of the state has been on the rise, the status of women has lagged behind in almost every measure. The

World Bank’s (2012) Gender Equality Report reveals that significant gender inequality persists in the fields of education, employment, and politics in Turkey. According to the

Global Gender Gap Report (2013), Turkey is ranked 109 out of 134 countries in education. Illiteracy and lack of educational opportunities are major disadvantages for women in Turkish society (UNICEF 2003, Bianet 2010). Gender differences in education are greater in rural parts of Turkey than urban areas. Some 30.8 percent of women living in rural areas cannot read or write compared to 16.6 percent of women who live in urban areas. On the other hand, only 3.9 percent of men in urban areas are illiterate compared to 9 percent of rural men (Unicef 2003).

The Global Gender Gap Report (2013) also states that Turkey faces a large gender gap in economic opportunity. Although the Turkish economy has tripled over the last decade, women’s participation in the workforce remains at about 24 percent, the lowest rate for any OECD country (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development

2013). The number of young women who neither attend school nor participate in the workforce is rising in Turkey. A recent study finds that family and household chores dominate the life of average Turkish women (World Bank 2012). Although women are considered equal to men under Turkish law, culturally, women’s equality is not fully embraced by Turkish society as a whole. Turkey’s International Strategic Research

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Center also found that 42 percent of Turkish women experience domestic violence in their lifetimes (Hansen 2013). Cases of violence against women, honor killings, and forced marriages, especially in low income areas of Turkey, have also been reported by non-governmental organizations (World Bank 2012).

Traditional gender norms continue to reinforce the ideals of hetero-normativity in

Turkish society. Turkish culture and traditional family structures continue to promote the primary role of women as wives and mothers. A married woman is still culturally expected to receive her husband’s approval to work outside the home, while men continue to be defined as head of household. Furthermore, women’s sexuality remains oppressed, and sex outside of marriage is forbidden. The politics of sexuality in Turkey reflect the socially accepted boundaries of gender identity and role, defining where these discussions and activities occur and under what circumstances they are tolerated.

Regulation of the private lives of women is a clear objective of Prime Minister

Erdogan. In 2010, Erdogan publicly stated that he does not believe in the equality of men and women. In 2011, the name of the Women’s Ministry was changed to the Ministry of

Family and Social Policies. In 2012, Erdogan’s party drafted a law that would ban abortion. Although this law was later repealed because of the efforts of women rights activists, Erdogan’s attitude toward gender has not changed. In August, he claimed that it was his natural right as prime minister to advise women to have at least three children.

He stated, “I am calling on those sisters who are devoted to our cause. Come, please donate to this nation at least three children” (Hansen 2013 para 4).

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Many social institutions in Turkey espouse the values of the traditional family and support a conservative education system. They even associate virginity with the honor of the institution. It was reported in the news media that young school girls were pressured to take virginity tests, either by their family or school officials (Milliyet 2011). The same social institutions also persecute those who have an unconventional gender identity and violence and discrimination against LGBT individuals is a major problem. Religious influence, combined with traditional norms, limit an understanding of sexuality and gender. The government claims to be democratic in nature; however, traditional values remain influential in most of the country’s social institutions. This, in turn, creates socially disadvantageous outcomes for sexual minorities.

Gender inequality also exists in the military. The Turkish mandates every man over the age of eighteen who is not in school to enlist in the military. While the state requires men to serve in the military, it rejects women as unqualified for service. This exemplifies the traditional gender binaries that remain codified by official policy. The military also disapproves of homosexuals. Men who wish to avoid military service have to prove their homosexual identity. To prove , a man must show pictures of himself participating in gay sex (Tarhan 2005, Azizlerli 2012). These individuals are then given a “curuk raporu”; a certificate that labels biological men as “rotten.”

Serving in the military is considered as a way for men to prove their masculinity.

Those who obtain the curuk raporu are not considered “real men.” These men experience work discrimination as a result of their officially codified gender status. Often, the only opportunity available for someone with a curuk raporu is outside the legal, or traditional, employer, and many find themselves in the sex industry (Azizlerli 2012, Cengiz 2013).

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This gender binary of the military fails to address the needs of those who do not fit the majority’s socially accepted gender identities and norms. Individuals who fall outside these categories of socially accepted norms of gender and sexuality are marginalized, often subjected to emotional and physical violence. Gender inequality in the military is a persistent problem in and of itself, but it also has broader social repercussions due to the large role military service plays in defining masculinity in Turkish society (KaosGL

2013).

Sex Work in Turkey: Indoor vs. Street Prostitution:

According to Foucault, “sex is repressed, and it is condemned to prohibition, non- existence, and silence” in the dominant culture (Foucault 1976). He illustrates that the beginning of 17th century was still an era in which people discussed sexuality transparently in public spaces. However, sexuality was soon confined and certain norms were enforced to keep sexuality in private by the conjugal family. The brothel and mental hospital became places where deviant acts are tolerated. Discourse about sexuality in

Turkey has been repressed as Foucault describes in his “repressive hypothesis,” resulting in an increasing sexual confinement. Sexual behavior outside the conjugal family is labeled as abnormal or deviant, while sexual discourse is nonexistent.

Until the late 19th century, it was illegal for Muslim women to participate in prostitution, and only non-Muslim minorities were formally allowed to work in the profession. Nevertheless, illegal prostitution was present in some Muslim areas of

Istanbul, including Aksaray, Kadikoy, and Uskudar, during that time period (Sevengil

1927). Rasim (2005) claims that after World War I, prostitution became more commonplace and open in . During this time, syphilis and other STDs became a

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major problem, and led to the establishment of the first state-regulated brothels (Temel

2002).

Turkey is one of the few democratic and predominantly Muslim countries to allow state-regulated brothels, along with Kazakhstan and Bangladesh (US Department of State 2008). Turkey has around 3,000 licensed sex workers operating within its borders, all of whom work in 56 state-run brothels also known as “genelevs” (CETAD

2007). A genelev is an indoor prostitution area where only registered unmarried women over the age of eighteen are allowed to work. Once women are registered as sex workers, they are not allowed to seek employment outside of the sex industry without first notifying the police. The government requires registered sex workers to undergo regular health examinations. This state regulated system recognizes this work as a legitimate form of employment and provides the workers with state pensions for health care and social security (Zengin 2011).

Despite the existence of legal brothels, most sex workers in Turkey operate outside the genelev system, and number around 100,000 (CETAD 2007). These individuals work in private escort agencies and illegal brothels, as street-walkers, and as individuals who sell sexual services from their homes. Sex workers who operate outside the legal brothel sector are subject to criminal charges.

A growing body of research recognizes the varied ways in which sex work is arranged, regulated, and experienced by workers, clients, and other third party members across time, space, and sector (Weitzer 2012). Despite this broadening outlook, the literature on sex work lacks sufficient data on the ways in which the commercial sex trade functions in Turkey. Turkish scholars who have attempted to collect research on the

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culture of prostitution often express their frustration with the silence surrounding sexual discourse and the difficulty of speaking to research participants. For instance, in her book, Iktidarin Mahremiyeti: Istanbul’s Prostitutes, Sex Work, and Violence, Zengin

(2011) discusses how challenging it was to reach women who engaged in prostitution in

Istanbul, a difficulty which resulted in her only securing five interviewees (two former brothel workers and three street workers).

Zengin (2011) focuses on the relationship between the state and sex workers, arguing that legal prostitution in Turkey is related to the control of sex workers’ bodies.

Drawing from her interviews, she argues that state policies to regulate prostitution exert tremendous control over women’s bodies, influencing the experiences and working conditions of sex workers by way of the legalized brothel system. Both empowering and oppressive conditions can be present in sex work, but these situations fluctuate and differ with selected types of prostitution and control mechanisms that are put in place to regulate the sex industry. Weitzer (2012) describes this phenomenon as the

“polymorphous paradigm.” One-dimensional and monolithic paradigms, such as the oppression or empowerment paradigms, lack the complexity to fully explain the intricacies of how the sex industry functions in Turkey. Weitzer (2012:18) states that

“victimization, exploitation, agency, job satisfaction, self-esteem, and other dimensions should be treated as variables (not constants) that differ between types of sex work, geographical locations, and other structural conditions.”

The ways in which indoor and street prostitution differ have been examined by other researchers in the developed world. Much research suggests that indoor prostitution has potential advantages over street prostitution (Church et al. 2001, Lowman

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et al. 1995, Plumridge et al. 2001, Weitzer 2012). Previously collected research on how victimization rates differ among indoor and street prostitutes shows that street workers are more likely to experience being robbed, assaulted, and raped compared to indoor sex workers. Porter el al. (2010) illustrate that street prostitution differs from indoor prostitution to various degrees, depending on race, drug use, and location within the

United States. The researchers conclude in their study that one third of those who participate in street prostitution also tend to use drugs. Most of these street workers were drug users before they started working in the sex industry. In addition, street workers tend to stay in the industry in order to support their drug habits, and participate in survival sex such as sex in exchange for drugs, food, or other means. Since they use drugs and engage in sexual activities in precarious environments more often than indoor sex workers, they are more prone to suffer from sexually transmitted diseases (STDs).

Exploitation by third party managers can be present in both indoor and street prostitution; however, those who work in indoor environments are less likely to have experienced exploitation by their clients (Porter et al. 2010).

Even though these researchers focus on Western systems of indoor and street prostitution, the characteristics of street prostitution in the developed world can be applied to the characteristics of street prostitution in Turkey. Legal brothels in Turkey provide a safer and superior work environment than street prostitution. Similar to sex- workers in the developed world, street workers in Turkey tend to conduct their sexual services in more dangerous and precarious environments than indoor workers. Although the genelev system has advantages over street prostitution, legalized prostitution directly disadvantages transgender sex workers, especially those who consider themselves to be

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women but cannot be registered as sex workers. Accordingly, most transgender sex workers (who are not transsexuals) are discriminated against due to their gender identity and are unable to benefit from government assistance. Transgender sex workers are left with few avenues other than to participate in illegal sex work outside the genelev system in order to simultaneously earn enough money to support themselves and express their gender identity.

The Politics of Prostitution in Turkey:

Over the last decade, Turkey has experienced a resurgence of traditionalism in regard to sexual mores, creating a moral conflict between progressive feminists and religious conservatives on issues related to sex work. Since the election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), there has been a shift in the attitude of policymakers and government officials on the regulation of prostitution and brothels. As a result, state control over prostitution has become much stricter. One reason for the many unregistered sex-workers in Turkey is that the government stopped issuing new permits to sex-workers and brothel owners in 2001, rendering most of the sex industry illegal and dangerously unregulated (Yildiz 2012). The police routinely raid on brothels in an attempt to eliminate prostitution. Recently, numerous closures of legal brothels in the red light districts of

Turkey have occurred without legal justification. When the mayor of was elected in 1994, he stated: “I will cancel their licenses and take the genelevler out of the city”

(Sassman 2012). By 2008, the mayor had managed to close down half of the city’s brothels, forcing 330 women onto the streets.

Giraffe Lane is one of the oldest legal red light districts in Istanbul, established nearly a century ago. It serves over 5,000 men a day (Gusten 2013). In January 2013,

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sex workers gathered in front of Giraffe Lane in Beyoglu in order to protest the ongoing police raids. Women sex workers protested the closure of four legal brothels over a three- month period, complaining that the police were trying to push them out of Giraffe Lane.

One woman said, “For the past year, the authorities have been closing down these establishments arbitrarily and in violation of existing rules and regulations” (Gusten

2013). Other women held signs that said “Leave the Brothels Alone” and “Hands Off My

Daily Bread.” The closure of legal brothels has negative consequences. By eliminating safe spaces for these women, without providing any long-term solutions to help them obtain other forms of employment, the government further stigmatizes and marginalizes sex workers.

The LGBT Community and Trans-Women Sex Workers:

Violence against LGBT individuals in Turkey is an institutionalized problem that deserves attention. The experiences of these individuals portray the inequalities they face as a result of living in a hetero-normative culture that marginalizes and discriminates against them.

The alienation these individuals experience from their families and communities begins at an early age, and often continues into an adult life where there are no other viable economic opportunities available besides sex work. The Human Resource Development

Foundation (IKGV) (2011) reported that in 2011 there were approximately 4,000 transgender sex workers working in Istanbul, constituting 15 percent of the total number of sex workers. The intersection of race, gender, religion, and class plays a role in the experiences of transgender sex workers in Turkey. These demographics shape one another and produce mechanisms of compound social inequality. One result is that transgender individuals are often subject to extreme forms of physical, sexual, and verbal

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violence. Because of their gender identity, they are often subjected to physical violence as well as discrimination from the police and other members of Turkish society (Bianet 2011 and 2012).

The stigma, discrimination, and violence experienced by transgender individuals are of course not unique to Turkey. A lack of tolerance regarding their gender expression leads many transgender women to suffer from a lack of employment opportunities, and consequently many live below the poverty line (Sausa et al. 2007, Kulick 1998). This lack of employment opportunity, combined with a lack of family support, often leads transgender women to participate in sex work for their economic survival. This is not to argue that the lack of economic opportunity is the sole reason in which individuals choose to participate in the sex industry. Recent studies on the sex industry argue that individuals can feel a sense of empowerment and a greater level of self-esteem while participating in various types of sex work. (Kulick 1998; Abbott 2010, Hausbeck 2010).

For instance, most transvestites that Kulick (1998) interviewed agreed that receiving compliments and being validated by men is satiating for them. Some also stated that prostitution provides them with a higher level of personal self-worth, self-confidence, and self-esteem (Kulick 1998).

Racial differences can also play a prominent role in transgender women’s experiences (Sausa et al. 2007, Kulick 1998). Transgender women of color often experience multiple forms of discrimination as a result of their race, class, and gender identity. For instance, Sausa, et al. (2007) examined 48 transgender women of color in

San Francisco working in the sex trade, and reported on their motivations for participating in sex work and explored the associated risks. The authors used an

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intersectional framework, and argue that transgender women of color have unique experiences and needs due to their race, ethnicity, and transgender status.

Studies and reports conducted by LGBT and organizations in

Turkey (KaosGL 2007, Lambda 2010, and CETAD 2007) and researchers in other countries (Grant et. al 2011, Kulick 1998) document that transgender sex workers are subject to harassment, verbal attacks, arbitrary arrests, and physical violence. In addition, they are discriminated against in employment, education, housing, and healthcare.

Transgender Europe’s Trans Murder Monitoring Project (2013) reports a worldwide total of 1,123 trans-individuals were murdered in 57 countries between January 2008 and

December 2012. These homicides were recorded by trans-organizations and activists.

Most instances of trans-gender homicide take place in Central and South America. In

Turkey there have been 30 reported transgender murders since 2008, more than any other

European country (TGEU 2013).

Although Turkey prides itself for being a secular democracy, with equal rights for women, when it comes to transgender women, the state lacks neglects protection of these individuals’ rights. The general lack of tolerance toward LGBT individuals in Turkish society manifests itself in the form of hate crimes and discrimination. Research collected by Lambda (2012), an LGBT activist organization in Turkey, surveyed 116 transgender women through a snowball sampling. The study finds 67.2 percent of the respondents identified their occupation as sex workers; however, when they were asked if they ever participated in sex work, 82.8 percent (96 individuals) answered ‘yes’. These findings also show that 90.5 percent of the respondents were subjected to physical violence, while

92.2 percent had experienced verbal and sexual assault by police officials. In addition,

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79.3 percent of transgender women reported experiencing physical violence, and 89.7 percent reported experiencing verbal and sexual assault from people they do not know

( LGBT Dayanisma Dernegi 2012).

In a society where masculinity is the dominant gender, trans-men can find an increase in their status and privilege after their transition from female to male. On the other hand, trans-women lose power and status after their transition from male to female, and consequently become subject to more unequal treatment and discrimination than trans-men (Schilt 2010). A world map established by Transgender Europe (TGEU)

(2013) demonstrates that Turkey has the sixth highest transgender murder rates in the world. Between 2008 and 2012, 30 transgender individuals were brutally murdered in

Turkey. These individuals were all male-to-female (MTF) transgender women. The murders ranged from multiple stabbings and shootings to death by castration and decapitation (TGEU 2013). Moreover, the Turkish legal system “under-punishes” those who commit hate crimes against transgender individuals, often imposing only small fines or minor jail time (Bianet 2011, 2012).

While transgender individuals in Turkey experience extreme forms of physical, verbal, and sexual violence at the hands of those who hold traditional Islamic values, there is also a segment of Turkish society that challenges traditional hetero-normativity.

The unequal treatment of transgender individuals in Turkish society has led to the formation of a grassroots movement among the Turkish transgender community. The organization Pembe Hayat (Pink Life: LGBT Support Association) was established in

Ankara in 2006 as the first organization to support transgender individuals’ rights in

Turkey. In addition to providing emotional and social support to the trans-community,

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Pembe Hayat also combats hate crimes, discrimination, and violence through projects aimed at improving sex workers’ lives. Kadin Kapisi (Woman’s Door) is another organization that was established in order to improve the rights of sex workers.

These community organizations aid women by providing health and sex education. Listag is a voluntary support group established by families of LGBT individuals in Istanbul in 2008. They promote greater tolerance and acceptance of

LGBTs. In 2013, filmmaker and academic Can Candan made a documentary, “Benim

Cocugum” (My Child) – a film that details the lives of LGBT parents and aims to change

Turkish understanding and attitudes about gender.

Methodology

This study first introduces a macro level analysis of the debates of four members of the Turkish parliament on a 2013 bill on LGBT rights, and the results of the proposed bill. The members are: Binnaz Toprak (CHP Deputy), Aykan Erdemir (CHP Deputy),

Ertugrul Kurkcu (BDP Deputy), and Turkan Dagoglu (AKP Deputy). This debate took place on May 29, 2013 in the Grand National Assembly (GNAT). English translations of some of the debates and articles were available through LGBTI News Turkey. When translations were not available, I (as a native Turkish speaker) translated selected parts from Turkish to English. In addition, I had a one-hour informal discussion with CHP

Deputy Toprak in September 2013 regarding her bill on LGBT rights.

In addition to an analysis of this parliamentary debate, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with 20 transgender individuals is examined. Seventeen of these interviews were compiled by Gabrielle Le Roux (2012) as a Social Justice and

Art project with the support of and the Consulate General of the

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Netherlands. Le Roux is a portrait artist and human rights activist who utilizes her artistic gift for projects aimed at combating race, class, and gender discrimination. Le

Roux’s project was made possible by activist Sevval Kilic’s connections within the

LGBT community in Turkey. Seventeen transgender individuals agreed to participate in the study, viewing the project as a form of social activism and an opportunity to make their voices heard.

The interviews exist in both in written and video-recorded format. The written transcripts contain more in-depth data than the video recorded version of the interviews.

Video-clips were edited and included a shorter version of respondents’ answers. Each video clip ranges from 3 to 45 minutes, totaling to 4 hours, 27 minutes, 51 seconds.

These interviews were uploaded to YouTube on March 9, 2012. Although video-clips do not include the complete version of the interviews, they capture respondents’ emotional reactions in recounting life experiences. All the interviews were collected in the respondents’ native language. Only the video clips include English subtitles. As a native

Turkish speaker, I made small changes to the available translations if I felt a certain part of what a respondent said had been omitted.

Each question asked captures a different aspect of the respondents’ testimonies.

The participants of the study provide information about age, gender identity, and occupation, as well as more open-ended accounts of individuals’ experiences with hate crimes, the influence of religion on their lives, opportunities in employment, their dreams and aspirations, and what societal conditions they would like to see changed.

Additional set of interviews with three Turkish transgender women is accessed through a website called “Violence Stories from Turkey.” This website was created by the

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efforts of the Society for Intercultural Research and Friendship (SIRF), a nongovernmental organization. This site allows victims of violence to submit their stories via email or phone. These individuals are then reached by SIRF to discuss their experiences of violence, abuse, and discrimination. Three trans-women choose to reveal their identities in order to protest the continuing discrimination against trans-individual and to capture the difficulties of having a trans-gender identity in Turkish culture. These interviews are also reported in Turkish; translations were made by the author.

The interview data thus consist of a total of 20 testimonials from two separate data sets, data used for a content analysis in this thesis. The thesis draws connections between these micro level data (individual experiences) and macro level, parliamentary debates regarding public policy toward the population of which transgender sex workers are part. The parliamentary debates focus on the larger issue of discrimination against and rights for LGBT individuals in Turkey, whereas the interviews encompass issues facing both the general transgender population as well as more specific issues regarding the sub- population of transgender sex workers.

Findings

Analysis of Attitudes and Policies of Political Parties toward LGBT Individuals:

The tenets and beliefs of political parties in the GNAT are strongly correlated with laws and regulations established by the Turkish Constitution. There are a total of 548 seats in the GNAT. Elected political parties include 1) Justice and Development Party

(AKP), 326 members, 2) Republican People’s Party (CHP), 135 members 3) Milliyetci

Haraket Partisi (MHP), Nationalist Movement Party, 52 members, and Peace and

Democracy Party, (BDP), 20 members. There are also 10 independent members who do

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not belong to a political party. The distribution of female members among political

parties is shown in Table 1 (14.42 percent, totaling 79 individuals).

Table 1: GNAT Deputy Distribution by Gender

Female Members Male Members Party Name Number Percentage Number Percentage AKP 46 14.11 280 85.89 CHP 19 14.18 115 85.82 MHP 3 5.77 49 94.23 BDP 8 30.77 18 69.23 Independent Deputies 3 33.33 7 66.67 Total 79 14.42 469 85.58

Source: GNAT 2013

On February 12, 2013, Binnaz Toprak with the support of 57 deputies of CHP

requested a Parliamentary inquiry in order to determine the problems of Lesbian, Gay,

Bisexual, and Trans individuals in accordance with Article 98, and standing rules 104 and

105. The proposed bill aims to investigate the causes of these problems in terms of

political, economic, social, and psychological aspects so as to prevent discrimination and

violence against LGBT individuals. Their motion includes a brief description of types of

violence, discriminatory practices, and stigmatization experienced by LGBT individuals.

CHP’s bill criticized the Turkish Constitution’s Law of Equality, arguing that the

law does not meet the standards of and clauses

prohibiting discrimination against LGBT individuals. Article 10 of the Constitution

proclaims: “Everyone is equal before the law without regard to language, race, ethnicity,

sex, political opinion, philosophical belief, religion and sect, or any such grounds”

(GNAT 2013). Supporters of the proposed bill argue that Article 10 and Article 70 of the

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Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, and Article 5 of the Labor Law should be expanded to cover sexual minorities in order to reduce gender discrimination. Legal guarantees on behalf of and gender identity must be provided for

LGBT individuals (Toprak 2013).

When I asked Binnaz Toprak how the other political parties responded to her bill, she stated that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement

Party (MHP) offered no support for her proposed bill. In fact, she said they were strongly against it. On the other hand, the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) showed support in regard to freedom of gender equality, especially because they strongly support ethnic and racial equality in the Constitution. I asked why she believes AKP and MHP do not support this specific bill, and she explained that conservative religious beliefs play a fundamental role in the decision-making of the leaders of these political parties. When I asked Toprak, how much support she had from her own political party for the proposed legislation, she said that she was only able to get 58 out of 135 delegates signatures. This illustrates a lack of support for improvement of LGBT rights even among party members within CHP. Toprak also mentioned that most members of the Turkish parliament, including those from CHP, do not feel comfortable talking publicly about LGBT rights.

Toprak described the kind of efforts she has made in order to increase the support for this legislation by saying:

We wanted to show a documentary to the current parliament members called “Benim Cocugum, or My Child.” This documentary was made possible by families of trans-individuals in Turkey, explaining the difficulties their children face in Turkish society. Our goal was to change other parliament members' conservative views on individuals who have a different gender expression, and enable them to empathize with the problems these individuals continuously face.

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However, the documentary was found not appropriate to be shown in the Turkish Senate. When we finally arranged the premier of the documentary at another venue, only one parliament member from the opposition AKP party attended, and I think she didn’t know what the movie was about.

Only six members of the senate attended the documentary screening; five of them were representatives of CHP and only one representative from AKP. Toprak has made personal efforts to improve the rights of those who have a different gender expression.

She participated in the LGBT Pride Walk in June 2013. She has also been in dialog with many LGBT rights organizations, such as Listag, Kaos GL, Lambda, and Mor Cati.

Consequently, she has had a chance to listen to the experiences of LGBT individuals and the difficulties parents of LGBT individuals go through in Turkish society. In the past, there has not been a similar effort to legislate protection of civil rights of LGBT individuals. Toprak is a pioneer in the Turkish parliament who recognizes the importance of freedom of gender expression. For her efforts, Toprak received the Outspoken Award from the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (KaosGl 2013).

Toprak shared some of the experiences of LGBT individuals with members of the

Turkish parliament on May 29, 2013. She began her speech on that day by calling party members to empathize with LGBT individuals:

What I am going to talk about here today is a subject that many of you do not want to hear, understand, talk about, or even accept that it exists. I am going to talk about LGBT individuals. When I say LGBT individuals, I mean , gays, bisexuals, and transsexuals. Now, what I ask from you today while you are listening to me is to close your eyes for a moment and empathize with these individuals. Think about if you were an LGBT individual, or if you were a mother, a father, a relative, or a close friend of an LGBT individual. Please imagine how your lives would be like hell, too, if you were subject to the same social oppression, marginalization, and violence that these individuals experience.

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Although the GNAT is supposed to be secular institution, Toprak invoked from her Islamic faith in her presentation. Trying to convince conservative members of parliament, she reminded them of the peaceful teachings of Islam. One in particular, that

Islam does not promote discrimination against any individual, and that every creature of

God should be treated with mercy and equality.

Aykan Erdemir, deputy from the city and also a member of the CHP, was among the parliament members who attended the premier of “Benim Cocugum”, and spoke in favor of the bill. Erdemir quoted an LGBT mother in his speech:

‘They could not find a place for my child in this huge world.’ Distinguished members of the parliament, these are the words of the mother of one of our citizens who was murdered in September of 2010 because of their sexual orientation. Today we are talking about opening a tiny space in this huge world to fit these parents’ children. Is there a tiny space for the ones who have been murdered by 12 stab wounds, 40 stab wounds, or for the ones whose bodies have been inflicted with wounds that will not heal, whose wounded hearts will not heal?

He then discussed the progress of LGBT rights in Turkey by saying:

Three years ago, Aliye Kavaf (State Minister of Family and Social Policies) said, ‘I believe homosexuality is a biological abnormality, a sickness that needs to be fixed.’ Three years later, Fatma Sahin (current State Minister of Family and Social Policies) said, ‘We adopted the principle of being against any type of discrimination.’ The world is changing. Taboos are breaking. A better, freer, and more equal world is possible. Unfortunately, Turkey is not moving forward at the same speed as the Western systems in regards to freedom of gender expression. Our slow progress has been criticized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the U.S., Amnesty International, and by the European Parliament. They argue that the Turkish government is not fighting effectively against discrimination and violence targeted at LGBT individuals. As the CHP, we wish that in Turkey we would not move with anger and hate. As we have also stated in our election report, we demand the creation of a legal arrangement for the fight against discrimination and hate crimes as soon as possible. We want and hope that one day, within the

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huge agenda of the assembly, a tiny space and time will be created for action against hate crimes.

Before Erdemir could finish his speech, a deputy from the opposition party AKP,

Ibrahim Korkmaz, interrupted Erdemir three times by shouting, “What you are talking about is immoral.” Korkmaz left the assembly room without hearing the rest of Erdemir’s speech. This created a tension, and members were warned to act civilly by the chief of governors. After Erdemir finished his speech, Ertugrul Kurkcu spoke on behalf of the political party BDP (Kurdish political party). He expressed his supportive views of

Toprak’s bill by stating that, “There is a group of people who are pushed to the margins of society because of public bias, traditional behaviors, legends, and negative myths.

Special precautions need to be taken in order to make them equal with the rest of society.

This is why this inquiry is necessary.” In addition, he argued that the state cannot protect people’s rights if it neglects or denies the rights of certain groups. He supported his point of view by arguing:

When we said, we are Kurds in Sisli and gays in Taksim during Gay Pride Week, media outlets criticized us by saying, ‘They are homos, too.’ In truth, it would not matter even if I were; however, the issue here is to ask for protection of the rights of homosexuals even if one does not consider himself as one. The day we protect the rights of those who are not like us, then we are going to see a real change in this country. When Turks protect the rights of Kurds, heterosexuals protect the rights of homosexuals, men protect the rights of women, the elderly protect the rights of the young, and the rich stand side by side with the poor, only after that will Turkey truly be an exceptional country. Otherwise, things will stay the same. You will continue to stone homosexuals, and in places where you cannot stone them, you will insult them and leave the assembly room.

After Kurkcu’s speech, Turkan Dagoglu, a physician of the AKP party, spoke against Toprak’s motion on LGBT equality. She began her speech questioning what it means to have an LGBT identity by asking whether it is a biological deficiency, a

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sociological appearance, or a psychological problem. Toprak said it was none of them, and that she presented this bill to address the needs of this population. Dagoglu continued her speech, arguing that LGBT identity is an abnormal behavior, proven by research. She stated:

Research on this topic has been done previously by both the U.S. in 1972, and by the European Psychological Association in 1992. They found that what we consider an LGBT status is not a normal behavior. Affiliates of the AKP, regularly express valuing humans simply because they are humans, treating everyone equal under the law, loving every creature because of the Creator. Social measures that are taken are not for a specific sexual orientation; it is for the benefit of all humanity. Nonetheless, these attributes cannot be used as an open door to live styles that our society disapproves of, or as an encouragement that triggers the degeneration of the population. This cannot be used as a criterion for democracy.

Turkan Dagoglu presented her party’s political opinion on LGBT identity using research and paradigms that were from 20 to 40 years ago. The psychological community has progressed beyond these outdated notions of sexuality. It has affirmed that sexual orientations, including homosexuality and , are no longer considered a disease or disorder. The American Psychological Association considers homosexuality a healthy orientation.

Dagoglu states that her party does not ignore transgender murders, and claims that they have a zero tolerance policy against homicides regardless of one’s gender identity.

However, her claims conflicts with real-life situations. LGBT rights groups have presented evidence that contradicts this claim. Between 2008 and 2013, 34 transgender individuals were murdered in Turkey (TGEU 2013). In addition, Dagoglu stated that

“women marrying women, or men marrying men is not a right. On the contrary, it converts accepted sexual understandings to the path toward the degeneration of society.”

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She also argued against the claims that Turkey should adopt the Western view by reminding lawmakers of the protests in France against legalizing gay marriage. (French historian Dominique Venner, known for his right-wing nationalism, committed suicide in

May 2013 in Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris as a form of protest against the legalization of gay marriage.) Dagoglu suggests that, similar to Turkey, other democratic countries and their populations are not ready for such changes in their laws and regulations.

After the parliamentary debate concluded and the four members had presented their views, the chief governor (or moderator) put Toprak’s bill up to a vote. Her motion was signed by 59 members. This may be regarded as a kind of “success” insofar as the bill was discussed and signed by some members. But, despite this accomplishment in parliament, the Turkish government continues to deny civil rights to LGBT individuals, and homosexuality continues to be considered abnormal in the eyes of the government and most politicians. The state justifies its discriminatory actions by supporting their arguments with outdated “scientific” evidence on sexuality, or religious arguments that label homosexuality immoral. Consequently, the state fails to address the needs of this particular population. Only a minority of Turkish society is opposed to conservative religious views because they are seen as interfering with democracy. It is important to note that Turkey is at least beginning to have these conversations publicly. Regardless of the outcome, the fact that debates in regard to LGBT rights took place in the parliament can be considered a small indicator of progress. Since the debate was covered by major newspapers such as Hurriyet (2013), Radikal (2013), and Bianet (2013), it potentially had a positive impact on the perception of LGBT individuals among some members of

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society. These parliamentary debates may have chipped away at the hetero-normative

Islamic values that remain present in Turkey’s social institutions.

Experiences Trans-gender Individuals in Turkey:

The next part of this study discusses the findings of my analysis of experiences of

20 transgender individuals. Among the 20 respondents, seven identified themselves as transsexuals, nine as trans-woman, two as trans-men, and two as simply just “trans”

(Table 2).

Table 2: Self Described Gender Identity

Respondents Trans-woman 9 Transsexual woman 7 Trans-man 2 Trans 2 N(Total no of respondents ) 20

For the purposes of this study, the word transgender is used interchangeably with the words transsexual, trans-woman, trans-man, and transvestite. Nine individuals identified themselves as transsexual women. (It is not clear whether some had gone through sexual reassignment surgeries; some were taking hormone therapy; or whether they were only cross-dress. Although every trans-person’s story is unique, various themes stand out when comparing the experiences of transgender individuals in Turkey. Physical violence, discrimination, emotional and verbal abuse, both from the authorities and from ordinary people, are the common experiences of transgender individuals in Turkey because of either their gender identity or sex worker status, or both.

When individuals were asked about their gender identity, some did not wish to stereotype themselves. Here is a sample of responses: Buse said, “I am who I am. I am

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labeled as trans, so I’m just carrying the label.” Destina said, “I am a heterosexual transsexual in full acceptance of the world.” And Belgin said, “I’m a transsexual woman.

I’m a woman. I’m a woman in my mind and soul.” The interviewees’ ages ranged from

24 to 57. However, three of the women specifically did not want provide their ages.

Selay noted, “I don’t want to tell my age. I’m exactly as old as I look and not so old as you see.” Three of the trans-women also identified their Kurdish background. The respondents’ occupations consisted mostly of activists, sex workers, or a combination of both (Table 3).

Table 3: Demographics of Interviewees

Names Gender Identity Age Race Occupation Aras Trans-man 28 Turkish Activist

Belgin Transsexual 57 Turkish Sex Worker/Activist woman Buse Trans-woman Did not want to Turkish Sex Worker/ Activist answer Demet Transsexual 50 Turkish Ex-Sex worker/ woman Activist Deniz Trans-woman 28 Turkish Student/Activist

Destina Transsexual Did not want to Turkish Sex Worker/ Activist woman answer Esmeray Transsexual 38 Kurdish Sex Worker/ Actor/ woman Activist Eylul Trans-woman 25 Turkish Sex Worker/Activist

Gani Trans-woman 40 Turkish Sex Worker, Activist

Ilksen Trans 26 Turkish Musician/Activist

Inan Female to Male 24 Turkish Activist Transsexual Ruzgar Trans 24 Turkish Activist

Selay Transsexual Did not want to Turkish/ Sex Worker/Activist answer Kurdish Sema Trans-woman 24 Turkish Student/Activist

Sinem Transsexual 39 Turkish/ Sex Worker/ Activist Kurdish Su Trans-woman 26 Turkish Sex Worker/Activist

Sevval Kilic Trans-woman 50 Turkish Activist

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Demet Trans-woman Unknown Turkish Activist

Oyku Trans-sexual 41 Turkish Ex-sex worker/ Activist Gorkem Trans-woman Unknown Turkish Sex Worker

Family conflict tends to be a common problem in transgender individuals’ lives.

Coming out to their families is a very stressful process for transgender individuals.

Beginning in early childhood, transgender individuals quickly learn that violation of established gender norms often results in rejection, stigmatization, verbal and physical assault by their primary relations (Gagne and Tewksbury 1998). Since traditional norms of gender binaries are a prominent part of Turkish culture, a trans-individual’s biological family can turn violent once they reveal their nonconforming gender identity. Sinem’s eyes got watery when she talked about the brutal tragedy she experienced when she first opened up to her family:

After I told my parents about my gender identity, the family assembled together and agreed upon my death. I was imprisoned with a 12-meter iron chain for three days. I was also terribly beaten. On the third day, my older brother unchained me and threw me out at the railroad yard. He told me I had a better chance of survival there.

Another woman, Su, who currently works as a sex worker and an activist told a similar story:

After I came out to my parents, my brother threatened to kill me. He cut my hair and I was chained to a radiator for eight months. The chain was only long enough to reach the toilet. I lived like that, without any human interaction. It was a very traumatic experience for me.

It is not uncommon for trans-individuals to experience violence and isolation from family members. Most of the respondents explained that they feel closer to the

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trans-community than to their biological parents. For instance Sinem claimed, “What life taught me is that a trans-woman’s only real friend is another trans-woman. Trans-women supported me in my most difficult times. They are the reasons why I am still alive.”

On the other hand, not every transgender individual experiences violence in their family homes. Some parents are prone to empathize with their children in addition to providing emotional, financial, and legal support. Families that are supportive of their children’s transition period have positive effects on their children’s development, and can alleviate some of the pressures of living in a hetero-normative culture. For instance,

Pinar, a mother of a trans-woman asserts that:

The thing we most want for our children is for them to be able to act with more freedom in this country we live in. We are fighting for our kids legal rights because all of our kids are victimized. We have children that are afraid to go outside because they are threatened with every step they take. We do not want our children to go through this.

However, most transgender individuals in this study do not have regular contact with, nor receive support from their primary families. The isolation, discrimination, and violence transgender individuals experience combined with lack of family support continues in their adult life that often consists of participating in sex work. Similar to findings of Sausa et al. (2006), the majority of the individuals in this study also justify their participation in prostitution as a means for financial support in the context of the systematic and institutionalized mechanisms of oppression that limit their employment opportunities. The Turkish government further inflicts employment discrimination on transgender individuals by not formulating policies that support the freedom of gender identity and expression. These inequalities block transsexual individuals’ paths to economic opportunity and social mobility. Destina notes that:

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All trans tell similar stories. I experienced a lot of work discrimination. I was fired from multiple jobs specifically because of my gender identity. I had no other choice but to participate in sex work. The good part is that I have united my body and soul. The bad part is I’m forced to do sex work. And that’s horrible. Being a woman and having to be a sex worker tears me apart inside.

Su also agrees with Destina by saying, “I engage in sex work because of survival needs. It’s not something I would like to be doing.”

Demet, a former sex worker and currently a human rights activist, argued that trans-individuals have very limited working opportunities. Her only alternative 30 years ago was to work as a sex worker, and this still continues to be the case for most trans- woman in Turkey.

Sinem, a former teacher currently working as a sex worker, also mentioned the fact that she was discriminated against at her workplace as a result of her transgender identity. Accordingly, she was left with no choice but to turn sex work. She says:

Even though I have experienced many types of discrimination as a result of my gender identity, I graduated from university and became a teacher. While I was in my fourth year of teaching in Mus (a rural city in Turkey), the Ministry of Education began to investigate me. My teaching location was changed multiple times. I loved my job, but because of the endless pressures I experienced, I resigned from my job. I knew my only other alternative would to be participating in sex work.

These findings also correlate with previously collected research on transgender sex workers individuals. Research, both in Turkey, (KaosGL 2007; Lambda (2012); Cinar

2011), and in other countries (Kulick 1998, Shissler (2007), Grant, et al. 2010; Melendez and Pinto 2007; Sausa et al. 2007) demonstrate that transgender sex workers labor in dangerous environments and regularly experience harassment, verbal and emotional abuse, violence, and arbitrary arrests, in addition to frequent discrimination in employment, housing, education, and health care.

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Some Turkish transgender sex workers have a more positive and professional outlook of their work regardless of the social pressures they experience. These results are consistent with Kulick’s (1998) findings on transvestites who participate in prostitution in

Brazil. Regardless of the dangers of the work environments, transvestites do not perceive being a sex-worker a demeaning occupation. Some of them stressed that they like the fact that they can be their own boss. They also believe that sex work provides an opportunity to earn a higher income than other types of employment available to them. Trans-woman

Eylul argued that:

I’ve been working in a variety of jobs since I was 14, including fast food chains, restaurants, hotels, etc. I remember a time when I worked for 20 hours and got paid 20 liras (about 13 dollars). But I’ve been a sex worker for the last two years and I’m making good money. I like this job since I earn what I deserve.

Selay, a transsexual sex worker living in Istanbul said:

I’m a sex worker. This is what I’ve done for the past 15 years and that’s why I’m good at it. I respect others in this industry. Some are forced to do it. They cry and take drugs to tolerate it, but I’m proud of what I do and I can shout it out. So I want to keep doing my job, but I want protection and a safety net because ultimately I am providing a service.

Whether these women consider their job oppressive or empowering, safety is a major concern for all. Many stated the fact that they live with a constant fear of death.

Some of the individual comments capture this sense of anxiety. For instance, Destina states that “Whether or not I work on the street, a violent act towards a friend affects me too. I know if it’s happening to one person today, it might happen to me tomorrow.”

Selay also states, “I feel afraid to go out because anything can happen at any time. We are abused all the time.” And Sinem states, “Hate crimes control my life. I’ve been working

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as a sex worker for 13 years, and each night before I go out, I take a last look at my house. Each night, without exception, I feel like I won’t be back. I have seen many of my flat mates and best friends be put in the ground. I buried them myself.”

And some women cry out about the fact that these crimes often go under- punished. Esmeray, a former sex worker and a current sex activist, stated that:

The murderer can easily get off by saying ‘I visited this person thinking that it was a she, but it turned out to be a he, and I killed him.’ And the judge takes that into account and lessens the punishment. There are so many cases of this. But nowadays most cases go unsolved without even being investigated.

Agreeing with Esmeray, Buse also protested this phenomenon by saying:

We live in a country where people murder trans-individuals and justify it by saying ‘I killed her because she was transgender.’

Inan, one of the trans-men, expresses these feelings in regard to hate crimes:

As long as it’s not obvious that I’m a trans, and that I refuse to identify my gender, I am safe within the masculine society. But at the moment that I come out or my gender identity is revealed, I become subject to violence.

Transgender individuals also report experiencing police abuse as a result of their gender identity and sex worker status. The introduction of Misdemeanor Law No. 5326, in 2005, along with a bonus system introduced by Istanbul Chief of Police Huseyin

Capkin, lead to the further marginalization of transgender sex workers. The bonus system assigns points to police officers for the number of arrests and fines they issue to law-breakers (International Gay & Lesbian Human Rights Commission 2009). Since street prostitution is illegal in Turkey, transgender sex workers are frequently arrested by the police under the broad sweep of this law. Trans-women report receiving fines

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(ranging from 50-140 Liras), detention, extortion, and brutality from the police (IGLHRC

2009).

A current sex worker and activist, Sinem, protests against the government’s criminalization policies, and argues that criminalization through fines and arrests only leads to more economic and social deprivation of transgender women. Esmeray also emphasized that government pressure and police authority made her life very difficult.

She stated, “In my work life, I think the worst is the police. I hate them. They press so much and paralyze my life.”

When individuals were asked what repressive things they would like to see changed, they provided some intriguing answers. The conventional family, religion, and heteronormativity were among the common themes. Aras said, “We are haunted by the institution of the family. It’s like an evil curse, a great burden that can’t easily be gotten rid of.”

Inan said, “I find masculinity to be the most repressive. Patriarchal politics impose male pressure to be more masculine.” Deniz and Belgin portrayed similar views to Inan, and found the heterosexual and male dominated lifestyle to be the most repressive aspect of Turkish society. In addition, Sevval Kilic added, “I find religion to be the most repressive. After that the government, and then the traditional family structure. These institutions constantly tell you what is right and what is wrong.”

At the micro level, the findings of this study portray commonalities in experiences of transgender individuals in Turkey. Lack of family support, combined with the culture of hetero-normativity in Turkish society, create negative outcomes for transgender individuals. Experiencing violence and discrimination as a result of their gender identity,

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trans-women often struggle because of a lack of employment opportunities and therefore choose to participate in prostitution. The lack of tolerance for their gender identity can result in violence, from verbal attack to brutal homicides. At the macro-level, the discrimination and violence they experience at an individual level continues at the institutional level. Lack of safety is a predominant concern for transgender individuals.

The Turkish government’s criminalization policies toward prostitution, combined with a lack of civil rights, perpetuate the economic deprivation, social marginalization, and violence against transgender individuals.

Conclusion

In most societies, a person’s gender is defined primarily by physical attributes.

While men and women actively “do gender” by adopting feminine or masculine identities, others interpret, decode, and categorize their identities based on gendered cues

(West and Zimmerman 1987). Many Western industrial and post-industrial societies function with the presumption that individuals’ sex at birth will correlate with socially assigned gender roles for women and men (Gagne and Tewkbury 1996). While each individual internalizes their gender, social institutions demand conformity to these traditional gender norms. Individuals who cross these gender boundaries are ostracized, marginalized, or labelled mentally ill. Although homosexuality is not banned by law in

Turkey, it is predominantly viewed as immoral and unnatural behavior. Such views are based on traditional values and religious dogmas rather than scientific evidence.

The findings of this study are consistent with previous research on the experiences of sexual minorities. Gender discrimination is a major problem that LGBT individuals experience throughout the world, both at the individual and institutional level. Individuals

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lose their legitimacy and credibility as social actors once they reveal their deviant gender identities, and as a result, their civil and legal rights are typically compromised. At the same time, LGBT rights in Western societies have been progressing more effectively since the 1970s, while public attitudes and government policies in Turkey are not making such rapid strides toward tolerance. Acceptance of homosexuality is higher in Western countries (e.g., 49 percent United States, 65 percent in Italy, and 86 percent in Sweden) while only 14 percent in Turkey believe that society should accept homosexuality. The acceptance rates are even lower (1 to 10 percent) for other Muslim countries (Pew

Research 2007)

The experiences of transgender individuals highlighted in this study demonstrate the need for the Turkish government to adopt progressive policies that are more tolerant and liberal toward individuals who do not fit into traditional gender norms. LGBT individuals are protected under European Union (EU) treaties and law. Ten out of sixteen countries in Europe in addition to eighteen American states have legalized same-sex marriage. These states have been adopted measures to secure the rights of LGBT individuals both in civil and political spheres. While LGBT rights are progressing in the

Western countries, recent parliamentary debates on LGBT rights in Turkey portray a government that is failing to secure the civil and political rights of LGBT individuals.

Article 10 of the Constitution does not prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender expression. The adoption of equality laws to prevent discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender expression can play a major role in reducing gender inequalities in economic, political, and social spheres.

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Transgender individuals also experience discrimination in health services, and often do not have the economic means to afford medical care. Turkey lacks the medical facilities and physicians specializing in the needs of transgender individuals. As a result, those who do not fit the gender norms also lack information about the potential risks and benefits associated with gender reassignment surgeries, hormone therapies, and other treatment. Transgender individuals often report experiencing gender bias from health providers (doctors, nurses, and paramedics) refuse to treat them, make fun of them, or pay little attention to their immediate needs. Health professionals that can effectively address the needs of sexual minorities without gender bias is crucial for securing the mental and physical well-being of LGBT individuals.

Revisions of the laws and regulations of the genelev system in Turkey, to include all sexual orientation and gender identities, would improve the working conditions of transgender individuals. Legalized indoor prostitution, regardless of sexual orientation and gender identity, can alleviate some of the problems that transgender women experience with the criminal justice system. Genelevler provide a safer working environment for women than street prostitution. The criminalization policies of the government are not an effective way of curbing prostitution; rather, it further marginalizes transgender sex workers and forces them to operate in more dangerous environments. Implementing programs that provide legal and social support is a fundamental requirement for improving the working and living conditions of transgender sex workers in the long term.

Turkey currently has the 15th largest economy in the world, and the 6th largest in

Europe. In 2009, it had a 9.8 percent growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), one of

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the world’s largest economic growths that year (World Bank 2013). While Turkey holds a strong economic position among Western countries, the situation of women and minority groups lags behind international standards. Persistent gender inequality and discrimination against minorities have been previously criticized by the EU and various human rights organizations. Although Turkey has strategic importance for the world’s economy, Western governments remain skeptical about approving Turkey’s entry to the

European Union partly because of the country’s political and social instability. By ignoring the violence and brutal murders committed against transgender women, the

Turkish government is facilitating crimes against humanity. The numerous instances of hate crimes against transgender women show the failure of the Turkish justice system. By prohibiting discrimination on the basis of gender identity and expression, the government might improve its global reputation by establishing equality before the law.

Reforms in the legal system do not happen in a vacuum. Tolerance needs to come from the culture itself to affect these changes. Since social institutions play a fundamental role in children’s development, growing up in a staunchly hetero-normative culture results in detrimental effects for those do not fit traditional gender binaries.

Normalization of non-heterosexual gender identities through education can increase the public acceptance toward different gender identities and reduce the negative effects on

LGBT individuals. The adoption of more liberalized belief systems would also positively influence the position of women and minority groups. Despite the influences of engrained tradition and dogma, there are a growing number of individuals in Turkey who challenge the norms of conservatism and the traditional family structure. The policy implications

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of this thesis reinforce calls for freedom of gender equality and gender expression in

Turkey.

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