Opposition, Politicisation and Simplification
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Opposition, Politicisation and Simplification: Social and Psychological Mechanisms of Elite-Led Mobilisation by Marie-Eve Desrosiers A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Marie-Eve Desrosiers (2008) Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l’édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-57863-6 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-57863-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L’auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l’Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. 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Opposition, Politicisation and Simplification: Social and Psychological Mechanisms of Elite-Led Mobilisation Marie-Eve Desrosiers Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2008 ABSTRACT Drawing on insights from social psychological literature on identity formation, and on social movement and contentious politics literature, this research focuses on elite strategies to gain from or survive a crisis. The research specifically looks at strategies to foster popular support and mobilisation. It explores the use of divisive and ethno-centric discourses and policies aimed at mobilising supporters in times of instability or crisis. More specifically, it studies why some elite mobilising appeals have traction. To do so, the research examines social and psychological mechanisms behind group solidarity. A heightened sense of group solidarity is what leads individuals to think in terms of the group, a necessary step for mobilisation. From there, they can be made to feel appeals for collective action are warranted. Three mechanisms in particular are discussed: opposition, politicisation and simplification. Opposing entails enhancing feelings of attachment by creating a sense of antagonistic relations with another group. Politicising consists in ascribing to group identities a political nature, more conducive to contentious relations. The final strategy is simplification. It ii amounts to simplifying interpretations of the situation and environment so as to make them more readily internalisable. This framework is applied to contemporary Rwanda and to the lead-up to the wars in Yugoslavia. In the Rwandese case, cultural and historical references were repeatedly used by ruling regimes to foster a Hutu uprising against the Tutsi population. This tactic eventually played a fundamental role in triggering the 1994 genocide. In the former Yugoslavia, Croatian and Serbian elites antagonised group relations by agitating nationalist rhetoric. Though this was a strategy to stay in power or gain support, it also led to the break-up of Yugoslavia and to wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. iii To C., M. and E., may you find peace despite your haunting memories. iv There is no monopoly of common sense. —Sting, Russians A nation is a group of persons united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours. —Karl Deutsch, Nationalism and its Alternatives It is not what is, but what people believe is that has behavioral consequences. —Walker Connor, “A Nation is a Nation, is a State, is an Ethnic Group is a …” Quand vint finalement la paix, elle avait l’odeur de celle qui s’abat sur les prisons et les cimetières, linceul de silence et de honte qui pourrit l’âme et ne s’en va jamais. Aucune main n’était innocente, aucun regard n’était pur. Nous tous sans exception, qui avons assisté à cela, nous en garderons le secret jusqu’à la mort. —Carlos Ruis Zafón, L’ombre du vent v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Several family members, friends and colleagues have been instrumental in the writing of this dissertation. While they are too many to name, my warmest thanks go to them. Special thanks are due to Thomas Homer-Dixon, my supervisor, to Robert Matthews and Paul Kingston, members of my committee, and to David Welch, for their support and patience, and for all I have learnt from them. I also wish to thank the Department of Political Science, the Faculty of Graduate Studies and the Munk Centre for financial support. This research could not have been possible without funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and from the Department of National Defence’s Security and Defence Forum. Additional thanks are due to Stéphane Roussel and Alex Macleod at the Université du Québec à Montréal, who ‘housed’ me for four years. Their encouragements and faith in me were invaluable. François Audet from CARE Canada, the staff of CARE Rwanda, and numerous others deserve my thanks for making my fieldwork possible, but also making it an extraordinarily enriching experience. My gratitude goes to a number of colleagues who read and commented on parts of this dissertation, in particular Cédric Jourde at the University of Ottawa. Finally, I wish to thank my parents, Louise and Berthold, my brother and sister-in-law, Christian and June, my family and friends for the understanding and support they showed me throughout the endeavour, in good, inspired times and bad, neurotic ones. Most importantly, I wish to thank Philippe for the grounding, encouragement and love he provided, but especially for his patience. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this work are my own. Any errors found herein are mine alone. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................................................................... vi MAP OF RWANDA...................................................................................................................................x MAP OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA ................................................................................................. xi ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................................. xii GLOSSARY........................................................................................................................................... xiv PREFACE ............................................................................................................................................ xvii INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................................1 Leaders and Followers: Social Dynamics....................................................................................... 3 Collective Backgrounds and Identity: Psychological Dynamics...................................................... 4 When elites mould collective identity .............................................................................................. 8 Outline of Chapters......................................................................................................................... 9 CHAPTER 1: SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM AND IDENTITY: A PREMISE TO THE ARGUMENT ......12 Social Constructivism in International Relations........................................................................... 14 Social Constructivist Insights for the Study of Identity.................................................................. 17 CHAPTER 2: CROWD PSYCHOLOGY: PRECURSOR TO MODERN STUDIES ON COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR ..........................................................................................................................................26 Scipio Sighele and the Suggestibility of Crowds .......................................................................... 28 Gustave Le Bon and the Mental Unity of Crowds......................................................................... 30 Gabriel Tarde and Imitation .......................................................................................................... 35 CHAPTER 3: SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERATURE ON IDENTITY FORMATION AND GROUP DYNAMICS